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iVUstdlamouz.
Sons of the Types.
Click—click,
Go the types in the ‘ stick.” •
They glide in together with ominous sound.
As swiftly the hand that collects them goes round
And arranges them firm in the “stick.”
Click—click!
Click—click,
r See them now in the'“stick
What wondelul things they are now as they sit!
One moment ’tis satire, and then it is wit—
Unmeaning when single—combined when they hit
A terrible blow with their click—click,
in putting them up in the “stick.”
Click—click!
Click—click,
See them now in the “stick
To the thief or assassin they sorrow betide,
And the wealthy oppressor in vain tries to glide
Away from their clicking—the world cannot hide
Him away from the sound of that click—click,
In putting up types in the “stick.”
Click—click!
Click—click !
As they go in the “stick,”
See guilt, at the sound, with a visage of fright,
Recoiling from self by day or by night,
Aa it views with suspicion eacit method of flight;
But it never can flee from the click—click,
Os putting tne types in the “slick.”
Click—click !
Click—click,
Go the types in tbe stick .”
Monarchs and Kings their approaches dread;
They know that with liberty, types have been wed;
And visions they see, of their thrones hlood-red,
As they tremblingly bow at the click—click,
01 putting types up in the “stick.”
Click.—Click!
Click—click.
See them now in the “stick.”
By the midnight lamp, or the broad sun-light,
Still ever they work with power and might 1
W 1 ile their voice, lfont despots demanding their right,
Is louder, somewhat, than the click—click,
Os putting the types in the “stick.”
Click—click !
Click—click.
See them now in the “stick”—
Their loud voices echoing through the world;
At the sound, the bright banner of freedom’s unfurled:
Wherever ‘tis heard, there tyrants are hurled
From their power by the sound of that click —click,
Os putting the types in the “stick.”
Click—Click 1
Click-Click,
Go the types in the “slick.”
States, Rulers and Monarch?, l’achas and Kings,
The poet, the painter, the Minstrel that sings,
Have a most “holy horror” of these little tilings,
Os the noise, that they make, with their click—click,
When setting them into the “stick.”
Click—click!
Click—click.
Go the types in the “stick,”
To the good and the just—all the nations around—
To “the rest of man kind,” and where virtues abound,
With high throbbing hearts, there is welpome’d the sound.
And the noise that is made by the click—click.
Os putting types into the “stick.”
Click—click!
A Romantic Life.
Obituary notices have nearly monopolized
our pen of late. There are feiveras in our his
tory which have been inarkad by so many
deaths of prominent individuals, as the last
three mouths.
In our obituary columns, to-day, will be found
another addition to the list of remarkable de
ceased, in the death of Madame Zulime Gar
dette, the mother of Dr. Gardette, of this
city, and of Mrs. Myra Clark Gaines. She
died in this city, at the residence of her son,
Dr. Gardette, at the advanced age of seventy
eight years.
This lady was the heroine of that intensely
interesting romance in real life, which was
developed in the celebrated lawsuit of Mrs.
Gaines.
Her maiden name was Zulime Carriere. She
as born in the old French colony of Biloxi.
Her parents were emigrants from the land of
poetry and romance—the favorite home of the
Troubadours-Provence. The blood of the
Gipsy race, which, in the early days of Louisi
ana, settled along our sea-coast, and whose
lovely daughters were the special objects of the
admiration and love of the gallant French cav
aliers who established the first colonies, mingled
with that of the poetic Provencal. From such
a stock, it is not remarkable that Zulime Car
riere should have derived extraordinary person
al beauty. The charms of herself and her three
sisters, were universal themes of admiration in
the colony of Louisiana. The warm and geni
al climate, and luxurious atmosphere of the sea
shore, ripened these charms into full maturity at
a very early age. Zulime had hardly emerged
into her teens, before her hand was sought by
numerous suitors. The successful aspirant
gained his point, as Claude Meinotte in Bul
wer’s play did, —by’ holding an imaginary coro
net, or other insignia of nobility, before the eyes
of a beautiful, hut unsuspecting girl of thirteen.
She was caught by the glittering bait. The
Frenh nobleman soon dwindled into a confec
tioner, and, what was worse, a married man,
who had never been divorced. He was arres
ted and tried by an ecclesiastical court in this
city, for bigamy,—was convicted and sentenced
to be punished, but afterwards escaped, and was
no more heard of. Thus ended Zuiime’s rela
tion with Jerome De Grange.
Pending this proceeding,and after thediscove
ry ot De Grange’s previous marriage, there grew
up an intimacy between Zulime and Daniel
Clark, then a leading man, iu this colony, a
dashing, whole souled Irishman, reported to be
very wealthy,—of popular character and agree
able manners. Clark was just the gallant, chiv
alrous man to espouse the cause of an unpro
tected and wronged woman.
It is said—but as from this point starts the
protracted litigation which has recently enga
ged so much ot the time and attention of our
courts, we must be understood as giving the
version related by the deceased lady herself and
her friends—that Clark having met Zulime in
Philadelphia, and satisfied himself as to the ex
istence of De Grange’s bigamy, and the conse
quent nullity of his marriage with Miss Carriere,
promptly offered her his hand and heart, butsug
gested the prudence ot keeping their marriage
secret, until they could complete the proof of
De Grange’s crime. They were then married.
Os this marriage but or witness was living
when the suit was brought by Mrs. Gaines, and
that was the sister of Zulime. But there were
corroborating circumstances upon which the
proot of the reality of such a connection was
rested. After her marriage to Clark, in 180-2,
Zulime returned to New Orleans, to take further
legal proceedings to invalidate, or rather au
thenticate, the illegality ot the marriage with De
Grange. A suit was brought for this purpose
in the civil courts of the Territory, and judgment
was obtained against De Grange. In the mean
time, Clark had advanced in years and honors.
The gallant youth ot 1802, had become the am
bitious politician and millionaire. As the popu
lar man of a powerful party, he was sent a dele
gate of the Territory to Congress. Here he
soon torgot the poor Creole girl, and he began
to meditate a more brilliant marriage connec
tion. The object of this aspiration was the
lovely Miss Canton of Maryland, a grand-daugh
ter ol Charles Carroll, ol Carrollton, who after
wards become Marchioness of Wellesley. She
was a great belle, and Clark’s fine manners
and wealth, no doubt, rendered him quite a desi
rable match, for so brilliant and accomplished a
beauty. They were engaged ; but some stories
of his enemies caused a sudden termination of
their relations. On bearing of his courtship of
Miss Canton, the unfortunate Zulime again went
to Philadelphia to procure proofs of her marriage
with Clark. But alas ! Clark, it was alleged, un
der the influence of a reckless ambition, had
made way with those proofs, and poor Zulime
again found herself the victim of man’s treachery.
In a feeling ot desertion and helplessness, alone
among strangers, whose languge and habits were
foreign to her, she accepted the hand of Dr. Gar
dette, who generously and magnanimously, re
lying on her truth and sincerity, united his fate
and fortune with hers. From that period her life
flowed smoothly on in the dischargefof her du
ties as a wife aud mother.
Shortly after her marriage with Gardette,
Clark had suffered his severe rebuff from the
lovely Miss Caton. In a spirit of true penitence,
he hurried to Philadelphia, saw Zulime, and de
clared his determination to proclaim their mar
riage. But it was too late. She informed him
that she was Mrs. Gardette. Clark was deeply
distressed at this, and exhibited a sincere peni
tence. He sought to atone for his desertion of
the mother, by kindness to the daughter, who
was born in 1800, of this secret marriage. This
was Myra Clark. She was placed in charge of
an intimate friend of Clark, Colonel Davis, who
raised and educated her as his own daughter.
It was not until she had reached maturity, that
Myra discovered the secret of her history. Since
then, as Mrs. Whitney and as Mrs. Gaines, she
has prosecuted her claim to the property of
Daniel Clark, as his lawful heir, with a zeal,
earnestness and energy, which have rarely been
equaled in the annals of litigation. The diffi
culty has been to establish the marriage between
Zulime and Daniel Clark. Certainly, a mys
tery has long hung over this case, which only
the dead could rise from their graves, and satis.,
factorily determine.
The once lavelv Zulime, passing through so
many reverse! and misfortunes, returned, in her
old age, to New Orleans—her old home—and
passed a peaceful and happy life, in the family
of her son, respected and beloved for her many
virtues. She died at the age of seventy-eight,
the youngest of her family—two of her sisters
having attained their ninetieth year, a longevity
common to the old inhabitants of Louisiana,
and particularly of those horn on our sea-coast.
N. U. Delta.]
Full Confession of Bishop Bonne.
Camden, N. J. Sept 15.
The following is the statement submitted in
writing by Bishop Doane, to the Court of Bish
ops :
“The undersigned in prosecuting his plans of
Christian education in connection with St. Ma
ry’s Hall and Burlington College, found that the
expenses of the enterprise greatly exceeded his
calculations, and while assistance on which he
had confidently relied,perhaps, too sanguinel v, fell
altogether short of what he deemed his reason
able expectations. In this condition of things
being entirely left alone and without advisers,
every step which he advanced involved him more
and more deeply in pecuniary embarrassments.
He admits that lie made representations,
which at the time, he believed to be correct, but
many of which turned out to be erroneous. He
was also led by his too confident reliance on
anticipated aid to make promises which he fully
expected to perform, hut which experience has
taught him were far too strongly expressed. He
was also induced, for the sake of obtaining mon
ey to meet his necessities, to resort to methods,
by the payment of exorbitant interest, which he
did not suppose were in contravention of law,
and which common usage seemed to him to
justify.
He also in entire confidence in his ability to
replace them, made use of certain trust funds in
a way which he deeply regrets, and although
they have long since been perfectly secured, he
does not now justify. The embarrassments
here referred to were followed bv a long and
well nigh fatal sickness, withdrawing him from
business which he had carried on alone, was
nearly instrumental in the entire failure of his
pecuniary affairs.
The perplexity arising from this failure with
the protracted infirmity which followed his sick
ness, made him liable to many errors and mis
takes which might easily bear appearances of
intentional misrepresentations.
In connection with the assignment of his prop
erty, lie set his name and oath to an inventory
of his goods, and also to a list of his debts,
which he believed to he correct, an act which
he grieves to find has given rise to an impres
sion in the minds of some that he exhibited an
insensibility to the awful sanctions of the oath
ot a Christian man. But while he laments the
impression, he declares that this act was only
done under legal advice, and the firm conviction
of its correctness.
Some time after his recovery from the illness
above alluded to, but while he was still iu the
midst of perplexities, smarting under his heavy
disappointments, surrounded by imputations to
which, in some quarters, he was subjected, the !
letter of the three Bishops came to him. He
has no disposition to ascribe to them any other
than just and proper motives in thus addressing
him, but at the time when he received the com
munication he viewed it otherwise, and, under
the strong excitement of the moment, he penned
a pamphlet, part of whicli he does not now jus
tify, and expressions in which in regard to
those brethren, he deeply regrets.
In reference to his indebtedness, he now re
news the declaration of his intention, which he
has constantly made and has acted on to his ut
most ability, thus far to devote his means, ef
forts and influence in dependence on God’s
blessings to the payment of principal and inter
est of every just demand against him, an ex
expectation of which there is reasonable hope
of having fulfilled, since a Committee of the
Trustees and the Friends of Burlington Col
lege have undertaken an enterprise, which is
nearly completed, to discharge the whole of
the mortgage debt and thus secure the proper
ty at Riverside and St. Mary’s Hall, with that of
Burlington College, to the Church forever for
purposes of Christian education. This cjone,
the Trustees have further agreed to appropriate
during life, the surplus income of both institu
tions to the liquidation of his debts in carrying
on said institutions.
That in the course of all these transactions,
human infirmity may have led him into many
errors he deeply feels. He does not wish
to justify or excuse them. If scandal to the
church, and injury to the cause of Christ have
arisen from them, they are the occasion to him
of mortification and regret. For these things,
in all humility and sorrow, before God and man,
he has always felt himself liable to, and willing
to receive the friendly reproofs of his brethren
in Christ Jesus, and especially the Bishops of
the Church. [Signed] G. W. Doane,
Bishop of New Jersey.
A Reverend Seducer.
Tile trial of the Rev. Win. Waller, of the Reformed
Baptist Church, for seduction, in the Carroll Circuit
Court, Ky., resulted in his conviction, and the jury
awarded §5,000 damages. The Reverend seducer af
ter accomplishing his purpose, under a promise of mar
riage, fled to South Carolina, where he married a very
respectable lady with considerable property ; and will,
we suppose, be able to pay himself out of the difficulty.
It appears in the testimony in the case that Waller,
after promising marriage, quoted or misquoted various
texts of scriptures, to quiet the scruples of the girl, and
to lead her to the belief that the contract was as bind
ing as if lawfully married. It was not until her situa
tion threatened exposure that he fled.
Gov. Morehead appeared for the prosecution, and the
Court House was so thronged that many of til e crowd
could not even reach the outer doors of the house. —
His closing speech was powerful, and its effect upon the
Reverend sinner is said to have been overwhelming.
Vicksburg Whig , 14t/i inst.
Death of Sir Charles Napier.—The Frank
lin brings us the intelligence of the death of the
veteran Sir Charles Napier—of whose (danger
ous illness we have had previous accounts. He
was one of the most distingushed generals of
the British army, and had been an officer in dif
ferent ranks and in various parts of the world,
for sixty years.
CO- VVhy is a watch-dog larger at night
than he is in the morning ? Because he is led
out at night, and taken in, in the morning.
<Limzs anti SmtimL
COLUMBUS, GKOHUIA.
TUESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 27, 1853.
FOR GOVERNOR:
HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON,
OF BALDWIN.
FOR CONGRESS:
Ist. DISTRICT JAMES L. SEWARD.
lid. DISTRICT A. 11. COLQUITT.
Hid. DISTRICT DAVID J. BAILEY.
IVth. DISTRICT W. B. W. DENT.
Vth. DISTRICT E. W. CHASTAIN.
VHth DISTRICT ..THOS. P. SAEFOLD.
Vlllth DISTRICT J. J. JONHS.
MUSCOGEE COUNTY NOMINATIONS.
FOR SENATE,
JOSEPH STURGIS.
FOR REPRESENTATIVES,
A LEX A N DER M. DOUG A LD,
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD.
PUBLIC MEETING.
The citizens of Columbus are respectfully requested
to meet at Temperance Hall on Tuesday 27th inst.,
at 4 o’clock P. M., for the purpose of affording relief to
the poor in Mobile, who are buffering from Yellow Fe
ver. The mortality in that city is greater than it has
ever been in New Orleans in proportion to the popula
tion.
The Public Lands —Bennett’s Bill—Position of
James Johnson.
According to promise we resume the consideration of
the Congressional career of lion. James Johnson.
The public lands of the United States are an im
mense possession. They are a public mine which far ex
ceeds in richness “the wealth ofOrmus or of Ind.” The
great body of the public lands now owned by the United
States were obtained by cession from Yirgina, by pur
chase from France and by war with, and purchase from,
Mexioo. The cession by Virginia was made with di
rect reference to the payment of the debt contracted
during the Revolutionary war ; there is, however, but
a comparatively small portion of this magnificent
domain now in possession of the United Stales. The
great bulk of the public lands were obtained by pur
chase and war ; the purchase money was taken from
the public treasury ; the treasury was filled by taxes on
imports, of which the South paid much more than her
proportionate share. It would seem, therefore, that
equity and good, faith required that the proceeds of
the sales of the public lands shall he return
ed into the treasury, so that the burthens of taxation,
whicli hear so unequally upon the South, might be re
duced, and the public debt discharged, which was con
tracted in their acquisition.
The cont-titution gives no power to Congress other
than to sell or dispose of the public lands. The money,
therefore, accruing from the sale of them, is like any ;
other money in the treasury, and can only he appro
priated to the carrying out such powers as the consti
tution confers upon Congress. No man or party has
ever claimed for Congress the power to build Rail
roads, or to support schools in the States by the appro
priation of money out of the treasury ; there is no sueh
power in the constitution ; such a use of the public
money would be a gross abuse of power, so clearly un- i
constitutional, as to shock the common understanding, i
And if Congress has no power to appropriate money, then !
clearly it has no power to appropriate the public lands
for this object; as we have clearly shown that it lias |
no other power over them than to sell them.
There has been an exception made to this limitation !
in new States; but it rests upon the assumption that !
a grant of a small portion for public improvements would
increase the value and facilitate the sale of the ballance, j
and thus the public treasury, in the end, would he the j
fuller by the operation.
We are now prepared to enter into the merits of j
Bennett’s Bill. What is Bennett’s Bill? We an-;
ssver ; It was a Bill introduced into the House of Repre
sentatives on the A. i). 1851, by Mr. Bennett,
of New York, to give to Missouri, three millions of acres
of public lands, to Alabama and lowa, three hundred
thousand, to Michigan, twenty-five hundred thou- |
sand, to Wisconsin, do., to Louisiana do., to Mississippi, i
two hundred thousand, to Florida, do., to Arkansas,
three millions, to California, three millions, to Illinois,
one million of acres, in all twenty-seven million of
acres, of the public domain, and worth, at live dol
lars an acre, one hundred and thirty-five millions
of dollars, to be used in building Railroads in these ;
States; and also to give to Indiana one million of
acres, and all the public land remaining in its limits, I
and to Ohio two millions of acres, and all tho public
land remaining in its limits, and to each and every oth
er State in the Union, except Texas, one hundred and
fifty thousand acres of land for every Senator and Rep- <
resentative they had in the 32d Congress ; and one !
hundred and fifty thousand acres to every organised
Territory in the United States, and a like amount to j
the District of Columbia—an amount of money almost j
incalculable—to be appropriated to the support of schools |
in their respective limits.
There are other clauses in the Bill, but they relate i
to the manner of locating the lands, and selling the j
same <fce., and are not germain to the matter in land, j
For this Bill—this monster Bill—your Representative, j
fellow citizens, the Hon. dames Johnson, voted as you
will see be referring to vol. 24, page 1626, Congres
sional Globe 5 yes he voted to give away for Railroad
and school purposes about sixty millions of public do
main, worth, at 5 dollars an acre, the immense sum ofj
three hundred millions of dollars ; thereby increasing
the taxes to that amount in the end, and committing the
Federal Government, by indirection, to a gigantic scheme
of Internal Improvement unparalleled in magnitude in
the annals of Legislation.
If Mr. Johnson were asked if he would consent to
take three hundred millions of money out of tho Trea
sury, and give it to the States, for the purpose of buil
ding Railroads and establishing schools, he would con
sider himself insulted. lie is opposed to Internal Im
provements by the General Government! But where is
the difference between taking money out of the Treasu
ry tor this purpose and appropriating the public domain,
which, when sold, will put that much money ill the
treasury, and lessen in that proportion the burthen of j
taxation ? We have already shown that the Bill is un
constitutional. And let no man undervalue this ob
jection. Tbe constitution is the charter of our liberties,
and the bond of union. Trample it under foot, and the
last barrier which shields the South from the despotic
tyrany of a fanatical majority, at the North, will be bro
ken down, and the South be left to all the horrors of a
false philanthropy, or to the defense of their own right
arms. This is a fatal objection to the Bill and leaves !
Mr. Johnson without excuse for supporting it.
But not only is the Bill unconstitutional—it is impo
litic and ruinous to the highest and best interests of the
United States.
The distinguishing characteristic of our system of
Government is, that the States are independent and j
sovereign ; and afford convenient and organized bodies
through which resistance to Federal tyrany may be
effectually made, whenever lust of power shall betray
the Federal Government into an abuse of its authority.
This is indeed the great conservative feature ift our
Government—the feature which saves us, alike, from
the alternate oppressions of anarchy, and of des
potism, to which all other Republican Governments are
exposed. It is therefore of the last importance to pre
serve the sovereignty and independence of the States.
The perpetuity of Union, aud the happiness, and pros
perity of the people alike demand this.
Against the independence of the States this monstrous
Bill aims an effectual and deadly blow. It offers a
bribe to submission to tbe unconstitutional action of the
Federal Government. Ai it is with a man, so it is
with a State; make him a beneficiency aud you rob
him of his independence. By placing the States in
the attitude of beneficiaries to the Federal power, Ben
nett’s land bill places them in the inferior position of
dependents ; elevates the Federal Government over the
States •, and thus destroys the best safeguards to popu
lar liberties.
These are great and fundamental objections to the
Bill. But there are many others equally solid. —
Our theory of Government is that, “that is the
best Government which governs least.’’ \V r e look to
the Federal Government for protection from foreign
aggression, and from domestic violence, and to the States j
and the people for everything else. They must subdue
the primitive forest, buiid roads, erect schools and J
colleges, and all theoiher appliances of a high civilization.
In this respect we are a peculiar people. The despot
isms of the old world have much more splendid systems
than ours. Their armies, their navies, their Govern
ment schools, roads, and other public works, are much ‘
more magnificent than ours, but their misfortune is,
that all that is done, is effected by tfre Government.
Our system is different. Theirs exalts the Government,
ours exalts the people. By doing every thing, their
Governments leave ‘the people nothing to do. They
are, therefore, unenterprising, uneducated, vicious and
slaves. By doing but little our Government forces the
‘people to do every thing. They are, therefore, enter
prising, educated, and free, and under their care this
western wild has bloomed and blossomed like the
rose.
Bennett’s Bill proposes to change this system —to
take all public enterprises out of the hands of the States
and people, and give them over to the care of the
Federal power. The result of this policy is apparent —
America will be turned back from her high career, and
be made to follow in the wake of European despotism.
The excuse for all these evils is, that the public lands are
a source of corruption, and endless strifes in Congress.
They are so, simply because unfaithful men are attempt
ing to divert them from their legitimate purposes. Sell
them, and put the money in the treasury, and all these
corruptions and strifes will cease. But if the public lands
are now a source of corruption, it is confined to Con
gress. Tiie State Legislature at least are left pure.—
Butonci place in their hands the disposition of millions
of public money, as Bennett’s Bill propose to do, and
how long will it be before this Hood of corruption,
which is now confined to Congress, will innuudate the
whole land, and spread its contaminating influences to
the furthest corner of the Republic 1 The proiul State
of Georgia spurns this corrupt bribe. She is competent
to the fulfillment of her own high duties, independent of
the corrupting aid of the Federal Government. By
her own capital and energy, she has intersected her
extremest borders with a net work of Railroads, which
challenges the admiration of her confederate States.
Colleges and schools dot her surface, and she only waits
the proper moment to place the means of education at
every man’s door. She is a great, sovereign and inae
pendent State, and will acknowledge herself the men
dicant of no power on earth, by entering into the dis
graceful scramble for its offal. This greatness, this
sovereignty, this independence, the Hon. James John
son has done all iu his power to destroy, by giving his
vote for Bennett’s Land Bill* Thank God, there
were Republicans enough in Congress to defeat the
monster, and strangle it in its cradle. No doubt the
honorable gentleman will attempt to excuse himself by
pointing to the names of other men who voted with
him for the Bill. They are not candidates before us
for office. We have nothing to do with them. Let
them answer before their own constituents ; let him an
swer before his, for this outragious attempt to make the
State of Georgia subsidiary to the Federal Government
No doubt lie will insultingly ask if we are opposed to
Rail Roads and Schools? No, we are not; but we
choose to build our own Roads and establish our own
Schools, and are in favor of other States doing the
same. No doubt, lie will assert that the new States
will grab the public, domain, and thus deprive us of our
share in it. It is his business to prevent this by seeing
to if, that it is sold, and the proceeds put into the common
treasury. The theme is inexhaustible, but we have
said enough to prove that the lion. James Johnson, in
! voting for Bennett’s land Fill, has shown himself un
j worthy of a seat, on the floor of Congress, from the
: proud State of Georgia, which choses to be the equal
! and not the beneficiary of the Government of the U.
I States.
We have but room to add, that if this monstrous bill
j ever becomes a law, and sixty millions of land are forced
I upon the market, that large corporate companies and
j bloated capitalists will become the purchasers, and thus
j the public domain, instead of being a reserve, for tho
! benefit of the poor of the land, at one * dollar and a
i quarter per acre, will be converted into the means of
| building up the fortunes of rapacious speculators, who,
: having a monopoly of wild land, will fix their own price
| upon it.
Jlaj. A. 11. Colquitt in Columbus.
On Tuesday, the 20th inst., the gallant candidate of
| the Democracy in the 2d District, addressed a large
| and appreciating audience at Temperance Hall. This
! was his first appearance before a Columbus auditory,
| though his youth and early manhood were passed in
our city. His eugaging private qualities had seeurred
him a host of friends here, but very few of us had ever
’ heard him on the hustings. We, therefore, looked for
! ward to his debut with some solicitude, but without
misgivings, as favorable reports had reached us of his
j eflorts in the lower counties. Ilis appearance in the
j Hall was greeted with along and loud applause, which
! was redoubled when lie was introduced to his audience
i by the venerable President of the meeting, Dr. Hoxey,
| for long a Whig, but now the staunchest pillar of De
mocracy in Georgia.
Without preliminary flourishes, our young champion
j addressed himself directly to the subject matter in hand,
j and for an hour and a half entertained his large au
j dience with an address alike creditable to his head and
i heart. We cannot give a better idea of the effect pro
! duced by his effort, than to state the criticism of an
j old politician who was perhaps the most solicitious of all
i who heard the address, ;*s to the effect it would pro
| duce in the present state of the canvass. “How were
j you pleased with the addres?” inquired a friend, ‘‘De
lighted,’’ he replied, “his Father never made so good a
speech at his age.” This was, we believe, the general
conviction. An old gentleman, at least was so inspiied
j by his eloquence, that quite forgetting himself and the
occasion, he exclaimed in the fullness of his heart, “(Ro
ry to God,” —a sentiment by no means confined to him
self, though no other listener gave expression to it.
After reviewing the principals of Democracy, Maj.
Colquitt vindicated the Administration from the feeble
and inconsistent charges of the Conservative party very
ably and successful) - , stripped the Conservative leaders
of their flimsy professions of devotion to the South ; held
up to deserved reprobation the hypocraey of their course
in denouncing President Pierce, while they sustained
Fillmore, the Freesoiler, voted for WebsKir the Free
soiler, and found no word of blame for Corwin whose
vindictive Abolitionism shocked the sensibilities of C. M.
Clay the Abolitionist ; denounced the centralising ten
i dencies of Bennett’s land bill as anew edition of tho
; old Federal scheme of distributing the proceeds of the
; public lands among the States : exposed the aristocratic
| tendency of the candidate of the Conservative party for
j Governor as exhibited in his advocacy of the Mgerkfc*
• law, and of a property qualification for Governor, and
j concluded by a rebuke, as a severe as it was merited, of
| those men who had charged him with a desire to shrink
| from an encounter with his opponent, when they knew
j that he was detained from his appointments by the illness
of his family.
These of course are but the the heads of his address,
upon which he enlarged at length, and occasionally,
with great force and eloquence illustrated and enforced.
We presume after this effort we shall hear no more of
j Maj. Colquitt’s youth, and want of experience or capac
ity. We were ourselves pleased with his speech—indeed
he surpassed our most ardent expectations. The only
point of regret was that the audience was too large to
hear distinctly the lower tones of the speaker at all
times.
We now feel more than ever impelled to urge our
friends to come up nobly to the support of our gallant
standard bearer. lie is worthy of our support. Unblem
ished in character, sound in political principles, devoted
to his country in peace and sympaihysing with
the masses aud giving promise of high talents and a
noble career, he is eminently deserving of the suffra
ges of freemen. Wc believe he can be elected. He is
too, the candidate of the lower counties, which
have never yet had the honor of giving a Congressman
to the District. They have stood up to us in every
time of trial, and we must stand up ’to them. The no
ble county of Baker will roll up a majority of near
five hundred for her favorite citizen, which will be an
swered by one of two hundred from Dooly, and nobly
seconded by Early and Randolph. Will not Muscogee
endorse him too. His early friends and school mates
are here. They know his virtues. Let them honor
themselves and bless their country by giving to her
; councils a man without fear and without reproach.—
j We proudly challenge the closest scrutiny. Young he is,
j it is truev but free from the indiscretions of youth, inex
! perienoed,it may be, in political contests, but with natu
| ra! endowments of a high order which will place him
i in the front rank of our public men ; honest, sincere,
i brave, chivalrous, he ought to be elected, and we sin
cerely hope, and confidently believe he will be. Let
the people see to it that his name is on their tickets.
The Thousand. Dollar Proposition.
We are amazed to learn that Mr. Jenkins, in his
! speeches in Cherokee, still contends that the law pro
hibiting the freeuien of Augusta, (who were not worth
one thousand dollars ,) from voting for Aldermen, was
a good and wholesome law. We are still more .sur
prised that there are men who support him because he
was in favour of such a law, and advocate its adoption in
all our cities.
Mr. Jenkins, it is true, limits the law to the city of
Augusta, and condemns its application to the State at
large. Upon what principle he justifys its application
to Augusta, and condemns its application to the State,
we are not advised. lfpoor men are unfit to enjoy
equal rights in Augusta, they are certainly equally un
lit to exercise them in the State The principal is bad
and anti-republican. Every man has a right to vote
unless he forfeits it by crime. The poor man bears
his proportion of taxation : he bears more than his pro
portion of peril in war ; all the muskets in the Revolution
were in the hands of poor men ; they love their coun
try as much as the rich man does • indeed they are
more immediately interested in the prosperity of the
country than the rich man is ; for distress first enters
his door; a bad crop or poor prices lob him of tho
means of living, while they only deprive the rich man of
some of his luxuries. Nay, more, as a general rule,
the poor man is more honest in tho exercise of the- bal
lot than the rich man—he has no private ends to sub
serve by an election ; he votes honestly if he does some
times vote ignorantly. Let, therefore, the poor man
and the rich man stand upon the same level in the
eye of the law. We utterly reprobate and condemn
the idea that a man’s worth is to be measured by the
length of his purse. Intellect, moral worth, public
spirit and patriotism are the highest civic virtues, and
not the capacity to accumulate money, though we would
by no menus underestimate this quality. It is good in
its place ; but is no guarantee that he who possesses it is
a virtuous man or a good citizen.
We believe there is no danger of the spread of Al
gerine principles in Georgia. The freemen of this
gallant State would not tolerate two ballot boxes, the
one for the poor man and the other for the rich—such
j tyrany would be put down by the bayonet. But let
| the people beware. The price of liberty is eternal vigi-
I lence.
Div, V room and Brown.
j These three names have figured very conspicuously
;in the Conservative press in Georgia. Whenever proof
has been demanded that Fierce has appointed free
| soilers to office, the reply has always been “Dix, Vroom
| and Brown.” Dix and Brown have had a hearing in
j our columns. Brown always voted against the free
| soilers ; Dix always opposed the abolitionists, and though
lie voted for the Wilmot Proviso he also voted for
the annexation of Texas, and the consequent spread
iof slavery in the United States- We now have
;an explicit denial from a .whig paper in New York,
that Vroom is a free soiler. The New York Times
a very able and influential whig paper, gives to
Mr. Toombs a rebuke for his inconsiderate denunciation
of Dix, Yroom and the President, it says :
“ Mr. Toombs does less than justice to three very respect
able gentlemen in this paragraph.
*‘l. To Hon. .John A. Dix, who, in his letter to Dr.
Garvin, has most explicitly declared himself a foe to aboli
tionism ; a friend to the Compromise ; and upon the, whole,
a more strict constructionist than Mr. Toombs himself.
“2. To Don. Peter D. Vroom, who has in no instance,
through a consistent political life, exhibited the slightest
partiality for Garrison and his creature*. Baltimore never
contrived a platform so awkward and shapeless that Mr.
Vroom hesitated to mount it. He clave to General Cass
in 1818 ; advocated tho Compromise, both before and after
its passage ; and lent the whole force of his character and
name to repress the spirit of opposition, as manifest in the
first instance, in New Jersy as any where else. No man
less properly merits the name Mr. Toombs lends him.
“3. To the President, who is thus acquitted of appoint
ing any other abolitionists than such as may bo included
under •the i xampU-s not given and should accordingly be
discharged, c leared.”
Now, let it be distinctly understood that neither Dix,
| Vroom, or Brown art* any favorites of outs 5 we do not
I endorse them ; vve would have preferred that office had
: not been given to them ; we insist, however, that they
| are less free soilers than Webster, Fillmore, Corwin,
j Hubbard, and Meriditii : and that the Conservative
i party is guilty of tho greatest inconsistency in denoun
| cing Pierce, for giving them minor offices, when they
j voted for a worse Freesoiler for President of the United
i States.
Gov# Cobb on the Stump— lndignation of the
Conservative Press.
The Conservative press is very indignant that Jlowcll
’ Cobb h;tt taken the stump in advocacy of the claims of
H. V. Johnson. Who made Howell Cobb Governor
■of Georgia ? Unquestionably he got 18,000 Derno
-1 cratic votes, but the rest of his tremendous majority
was given him by the Whigs under the lead of the
| Conservative press, which is now crying out so lustily ,
against the creature of their own making. The Con
servative party made hyn Governor, and if he is guilty
of ungubernatorial conduct, let them take the blame
to themselves. But all this hue and cry is gammon.
Suppose Howell Cobb had taken the stump for Jenkins,
does any sane man suppose these indignant presses
would have blamed him for so doing ? Their cry of in
dignation would hate been changed to peans of praise.
There is no doubt about it. When Jimmy Jones was
Governor of Tennessee, and stumped the State making
speechesfor himself, how loud their praise of his eloqnenoe,
bow profuse their eulogy of his course and character !
Nay, Foote, the Conservative Governor of Mississippi,
is even now stumping the State and mingling freely in
a contest iu which his own claims t* the Senate are the
burthen of his eloquence, and these deceitful presses
find nothing to blame in his course. Foote is on their
side. But why has not Cobb, Governor of Georgia, as
much right to discuss Georgia politics before the people
of Georgia, as has Robert Toombs the Senator of the
U. M. from Georgia? The one is an officer of another
Government, and one which may in time be hostile to
Georgia as lu* himself labors to prove in all his add
ress- a. The other is crowing on his own dung-hill.
Isn'i iiowell Cobb a citizen of Georgia identified by birth
and interest, and by official position with Georgia, and
shall he be denied the privilege conceded to the mean
est citizen of conferring with his fellow citizens upon
matters involving his own and the dearest rights of his
State ?
The Chronicle tj* Sentinel says :
•‘Wc, as feel that the escutcheon of our noble
State has been soiled, and that we have been humbled in
the dust by a travelling politician whose lust for office is
such that he will stoop to any thing and any means
to get it.”
This is very severe language to be used against the
chief magistrate of the State, and can only be justified
by great moral delinquency on his part. What has
Governor Cobb done to merit this severe denunciation ?
It is confessed on all bands that he has made a good
Governor. Tie has managed the finances of the State
admirably ; the State road was never in better condition •
all his appointments iiave given universal satisfaction.
What has he done wrong? Made speeches for John
son 1 Terrible malfeasance in office ! Surely he will be
impeached by the next Legislature if it happens, contra
ry to all probability, to be Conservative. “Humbled
in the dust” indeed ! The paragraph we have quoted
is greater cause for humility than any thing Cobb has
done since he was Governor. .
The truth is, Cobb’s speeches hurt, and, therefore, he
is abused for making them. He is following a prece
dent set him by Whig Governors, and Whig presses
have no right to complain until they can show that they
condemned that in them which they condemn in
him ; consistency thou art indeed a jewel !
Deaths in Mobile.. —Two Methodist preachers sta
tioned in Mobile, Messrs. Hughes and Powell have both
fallen victims to tho yellow fever. Mr. Powell died on
the 4th, and Mr* Hughes on the 13th inst. They are
both represented as being devoted and faithful ministers
and as having been very assiduous in their attention up
on the sick and dying.
The Hon. Mr. Merriweather, of Kentucky, reached
his post at Santa Fe, on the Bth of August, and was
immediately installed as Governor.
All the Chances.
We understand that the Conservative party arc hav
ing tickets printed and circulated through the State
some of which are headed “Union Ticket,” others
“Conservative Ticket,” others “Republican Citizens
Ticket, ’’ and we would not be surprised if others again
were headed “Democratic Ticket.” It seems, there
fore, that though the Mongrel party in this county have
nominated a ticket to represent but one “phase” of
their party, that the wiser heads iu other parts of the
State are pandering to the tastes of several “phases”—
indeed of everyy “phase” of their piebald organization
except the “whig phase.” This unfortunate class seem
to be entirely overlooked, nay, shunned and disowned,
as well in this, as in every other part of the State.
Let Democrats beware of these tickets and vote none
but the regular Democratic, ticket, wiih Herschel V.
Johnson’s name at the mast head, and the names of our
Congressional anc county nominees.
The Candidates and the Liquor Law.
Tho Corner Stone of the 22d inst. says:
Well, the candidates in this county have all come out
openly against it, except Thornton. On Saturday last, at
Gobbler’s Ilill/'Sturgis, Wales, McDougald, and Wool
dridge, all came out openly against it. Crawford has done
the same elsewhere. When it came to Thornton’s lime
he was found missing— its the feeling there is pretty strbng
against it, we infer that he is in favor of it, and therefore
got out of the way of answering, though we understand
he gives frequent aud strong practical evidences to the
contrary. It may be that he hopes in this way to satisfy
tlie opponents of the measure, and to satisfy the advocates,
by refusing to answer.
Without endorsing what the Corner Stone says about
Mr. Thornton’s “getting out of the way” to satisfy
the Temperance men, and “treating” to gull the topers,
we quote the above as information to the public. The
question is still undecided whether Thornton is theoreti
cally a toper or a teetotaller—of course we all know he
is neither practically. We think he owes it to himself,
to take position on one side or tho other.
Girard Bail road.
We are pleased to see that the friends es this enter
prise are sparing no exertions to secure its early com
pletion, and that success attends their efforts. We
learn that Mr. Blackmon, of Chunnenuggee, attended
several Railroad meetings in Pike, at which the capital
stock was increased about £75.000, and that many of
the most influential citizens of the county, (among whom
we recollect Mr. Solomon Siler,) have consented to act
as local agents, and will probably increase the above
amount to $150,000, which will secure the extension
of the road from Union Springs to a point at, or near
the line of Montgomery county, and about 45 miles
from Greenville. We thus see that the gap of 68 miles,
to be provided for, is being rapidly filled up.
British Periodical Litrature.
The London Quarterly, the Edinburg, the North
British, aud the Westminister Reviews and Black
woods Magazine come regularly to our office. They
contain an, epitome of British thought and progress, and
are universally regarded as the standards of British
criticism. We often disapprove of much that we find
in them, but we always hail their arrival with pleasure
as they are sure to afford an intellectual feast. No man
who desires to pass for cultivated, can do without these
very superior publications.
They are republished by Leonard Scott, & Cos., 70
Fulton St. New York, at the following rates.
For any one of the four Review's, £3 00 per annum.
For any two do 5 00 “
For any three do 7 00
For all four of the Reviews, 8 00 “
For Blackwood’s Magazine, 3 00 “
For Blackw’ood and three Reviews, 900 “
Forßlaekwood aud the four Reviews, 10 00 “
Four copies do do 30 00 “ #
Blackwood is a monthly,* the others are quarterly
publications. The new volumes for the Reviews com
mence with the last issues of each, and Blackwood with
the .July number. The postage 011 Blackwood is 24
cents, and on the Reviews, about 12 cents a year each,
making on all, about 75 cents a year.
The University of Georgia .
We publish to day the reply of “Southron” to our
correspondent “11.’’ We take no part in the discus
sion between the very accomplished parties to it. We
feel the liveliest interest in the success of Franklin
College ; and if there is any deficiency in the library,
apparatus, or any of the other means and instruments
of imparting instruction, the only way to rectify it is
to point it out. Alumni frequently do their Alma
Mater serious injury by allowing a morbid reverence to
palliate or conceal her defects. There is no institution
of learning in tho South except, perhaps, the University
of Virginia, which is at all complete in the appliances of
education. Under this conviction, we last year urged
the necessityof placing Franklin College upon a Universi
ty foundation, so as to make it the resort of the Alumni
of other Colleges in the State, instead of a competitor
j with them for the education of boys in College routine.
IWe are sorry to add,that our appeal in this behalf was not
even so much as alluded to by man, woman or child
in Georgia ; still intent upon this idea, we admitted the
communication of “II” into our columns. His probe
has touched tne quick, and now that attention is awaken
ed to the subject, we hope efficient steps will be taken
to supply any deficiencies which may exist in the insti
tution. While we appreciate the feelings of a “South*
1 ron,” we warn him against the error of a devotion
which may lead him to excuse delect when he ought toald
in reform. We beg leave also to assure him that “II”
is a Hue Southron, solely intent on elevating Franklin
College, and not on injuring it. Proud of the South,
he would make her equal to her destiny.
Anew County—Misrepresentation Corrected.
We are informed that Messrs. Wales, Thornton and
Wooldridge, the candidates of the Conservative party
of Muscogee for the Legislature, are pledged to the ad
vocacy of a bill, if elected, to erect anew county out of
portions of Muscogee, Stewart aud Marion counties ;
and that an effort is being made to injure Messrs. Stur
gis, McDougald and Crawford, the nominees of the
Democracy, by representing them as the opponents of
the measure. We are happy to have it in our power
to correct this misrepresentation. Messrs. Sturgis, Mc-
Dougald and Crawford will give their cordial support
to the application of their fellow citizens for the forma
tion of anew county. We refer our readers to the fol
lowing card.
A CARD.
To correct misrepresentation the undersigned Candidates
for Senator and Representatives of Muscogee county, take
this method of saying to the voters, that in the event of our
election, we will give our cordial support to the application
to be’made at the approaching session of the Legislature
by a portion of the citizens of Muscogee, Marion and Stew
art counties lor the formation of anew county upon the
basis of the application. We have thought it necessary to
do this inasmuch as some of the friends of the opposing
candidates, Messrs. Wales, Thornton and Wooldridge,
who profess to be- friendiy and are pledged to advocate this
measure, have represented us to be otherwise.
JOSEPH STURGIS,
alex. McDougald,
Sept 19, 1853. M. J. CRAWFORD.
Savannah Kiver Valley Railroad#
At a meeting of the citizens of Augusta a resolution
was passed recommending the City Council to subscribe
two hundred thousand dollars to the Savannah River
Valley Railroad.
Accident on the Muscogee Road.
As the freight train was going down on Tuesday
20th one truck of a freight car broke down and
ran oft - the track, and three cars were “Woken to pieces.
No lives were lost, but the road was torn up for some
distance and the up train detained for several hours.
Foreign Ministers. —The Russian, Austrian and
Prussian Ministers, at Washington, have sent in a re
monstrance to the President against the Kosta affair
at Smyrna.
O’ Commodore Tatnall, whose death was erroneous
ly reported by telegraph some days since, continues to
improve in health.
Death of an JCditor. —We regret to learn, (says the
Wilkes Republican of the 22d inst.,) that h. W . JS check
died suddenly at his residence in Abbeville, S. C., on
Tuesday morning last. Col. S. was an officer in the Pal
metto Regiment during the Mexican war,and won great
distinction by his gallantry in the battles fought by Gen.
Scott, in all of which he participated, and was the first
American to plant the Stars and Stripes on the walls ot
the city of Mexico. He has, for several years past, been
Ordinary of Abbeville District, and recently editor of the
Banner, printed in the village of Abbeville. Col. S. was
a courteous and chivalrous gentleman, and possessed of
many ennobling virtues. He luid many friends who will
cherish his memory, and drop a tear over his untimely
grave.
Rebuke the Administration.
One of the candidates of the Conservative p ai - tv
this county, having urged the ©lection of Chas.,}.
kins, upou the ground that it would rebuke <7
ministration for making Freesoil appointments, w> jiu ,
Halt with the consent of the author, the follow-;.,.,
ter as a reply. It was addressed to the Mass
ing of the Democracy at Kingston ; and is a very
and interestingcommunieation. Read and digest it
voting, and then perhaps you will think Mr. ,
ought to be rebuked for his love of Freesoilers in -
Mr. Pierce.
Columbus, Sept. sth
Gentlemen: l yesterday received your circular ,
26th ult., and thank you kindly for the invitation to v “
meeting at Kingston. Allow me to be frank in t.vur 4 .
my dissent to your proposition, that the other partv ir ,. ‘
seiting their former principles and adopting our own
have neither changed their principles nor adopted . 7
such was the fact, the whig party being extinct by their /
resolve and public declaration, there could exist no 7,
sity for a new’ organization; but, notwithstanding their *
lessions, it is “ tne same old coon ” iu anew dr< - ,
the name ©{ “conservative,” that is continuing tin war 7
the true democracy of the State. The principles 0; u ‘
party are the same as ever ; how’ can it be otherwi-.
it is principally composed of the same men, who ! rv* •.
have been fighting under the broad federal banner <v. f j .
Glav, and Daniel Webster ; a party which never re-e&’j.
ed the sovereignty of the States, or the rights of the
of sufficient weight to resist a bare majority m
a party which bows to the will of a majority, as th. h ;
tical constitution ; a Southern party, which, from th. :i
of its formation in 1840, has sung poeans on ail ( , 7
to the success of Federal encroachments upon the
the South ; a party which in times of need, and in th--:
of trial, joined the North in denying to the South its <
tutional right to an equal participation in the newly
quired territories ; a party which not only submitted t, •
order of northern fanaticism to lower our standard of. q .7
ity, but with ruthless hands aided in pulling it down, ~,
nouncing us who tried to keep our gallant colors flying
traitors to our country ; a party wdnch were engaged :
multuously rolling over even the States of the South,
electioneering ball with the invidious and significant in.-cr.
tions of“. Massachusetts —ever faithful” —“South Car
na— hemp for traitors.” Thin party placed the law
Mexico, (a conquered country) above their constiiut; 1
and revelled in their low, vulgar, and disgusting adula:
ol the partizan politicians, whose genius, extraordinary
ant, and supendr information had enabled them to .
the great discovery that the law of Mexico override- 7-
American Constitution !!! No matter how great may ha-7
been the errois of the democracy, this “same old'rf
sometimes whig, and sometimes “conservative,” has
uniformly opposed to all practical vindication of the rib
and equality of the South ; they have submitted to par:.”
and unjust legislation, and actually aided their northerns;',
lies in all acts of oppression upon the South, until Iron-
Habit and association they became so submissive a t > rj.
clare that the South, (their own people) had no right toem
ter California with their slaves, and that a majority 1
gress had the constitutional power to proscribe siav--rv
ironi the territories. And it is this party, which has m X
anced the government, and reduced the South to n Ewr7.
menial, which now ask the guardianship of the rights
freemen. Shame upon Georgians, that such a party, wh -
chief strength has ever consisted in humbug and violei ,
and the impudent presumption of its leaders, should
have a foot hold in this State. Upon w hat principle ;
they oppose the democracy and the State rights party
Mainly, according to their charge,, that President Pur
has made some appointments from the ranks of free so 7
ers. If the charge w r as true to any impartial extent, you an
I might make the.objection, but how can they, or any
them, object to the appointment of a free soiler ? It woe!
be much more consistent for them to object to Jefferson Da
vis, Judge Campbell, and others of that class, than for thos
with whom they were palpably and undeniably in cl ?
cooperation. I ask, in all candor, with w-hat face can a m
w ho supported Webster object to a freesoiler, when, ifek
ted, all his appointments must have been freesoilers, it r
were true to his known principles, and repeated declan
tions. Are the faces of Filmore men made of iron
brass, who object to Pierce on account of a freesoil a;
pointment ? For one I cannot see how such men can nr:
ter the courage to make an objection so inconsistent \v;i
all their late associations.
This new conservative party proposes to be sectional,
it would maintain such a position; it would be less obje;
tionable, but is it not impossible lor it to take any othi
course than to fall in with its old allies the whigs, at th
North; it is constituted of whigs, and all their inclinatiur
and principles carry them in that direction, as straight ns th
needle points to the pole. If they had changed their prin
ciples,they would join the democracy, for, after all thepr
sessions of politicians, there is but one great point of ditfet
ence, and that is between the adherents to a written con?ti
tution, limiting the Government; and those who advocate
submission to a majority in Congress. However, gentle
men, the administration of the General Governmenthas n
connection with our State elections ; it is consolidating th
States to combine the elections, and make them win
dependant upon the action of the General Government, an>
1 protest against all such impolitic and unholy mixture:
Although president Pierce has gone much farther in sup
porting the Constitution, and defending the rights ofth
South, than any of his Georgia detractors, still w'e sliouh
attend to our own State Government, .without mixing it up
with his administration. The two candidates for Govern
are both men of intelligence and talent, their claims up,-:
public favor should be based upon their merits, and thei
views of State policy. The 0110 is objected to on aeoffii
of his democracy and his religion, while the other 1- >/>
posed from his prominent adhesion to the whig or - usew
ative party, ana for his restrictive opinions in regard It> th
elective franchise. The great number of religious **, :•
prove that the subject is difficult of comprehension, aud
therefore, the Constitntion has wisely provided that al
should he protected in the free exercise aud enjoyment 0
their opinions. The Algerian law may as a local law
which legislators scarcely ever feel authorized to notice •
oppose, be satisfactory to the people of Augusta, but th
distinction maintained, cannot be tolerated or defended un
der our republican system of government; it is not only an
te republican, but it is aristocratic in the extreme, and 1
carry the principle into practice, in State legislation, mus
soon produce Lords and Nobles.
Respectfully yours, II
To W. W. Clayton, )
Nathan Land, [Committee, &c.
Wh. T. Wofford. j
[for thf. times and sentinel.]
The University oi Georgia—Reply to 11.
Messrs. Editors: After an absence of a short tim*
from Athens, we found on our return, that the students
Franklin College were greatly enraged about a letter ove
the signature of “II.” in tho Times and Sentinel, of th<
16th ult., giving, as was alleged, a would-be critical accoun
of the recent Commencement exercises, and making inac
curate statements, relative to the present condition of Geo;
gia’s University, &e.
Before reading the communication referred to, wc wer
fearful that the “game was up,” with our beloved Aim;
Mater; and concluded that the. College, its Trustees. :
Faculty and its future prospects, were demolished, disgra
ced, and forever blasted. “He slashed the speakers ngh
and left—chawed Ward all to pieces—gave Dr. Chuk
thunder—and raked the whole establishment fore and aft
grated upon our ears from every quarter. With a beatni;
heart, trembling hand, and tear-bedimmed eye, we seize:
the paper ana began perusing the destruction-deali:.i
document! Line alter line was read, and yet we could dis
cover no ruins ; and we felt greatly relieved after fin:-r
ing the whole, to see nothing in il at all calculated to [
duce the disastrous consequences our fears had depicted
nor cpuld w r e imagine why it was so offensive to the si
dents, unless on account of some gross misstatements in r<
gard to the condition of the College. These misstatement;
or more properly speaking, perhaps, erroneous conjecture;
we propose briefly to notice and correct,and beg the use”
your columns for the purpose.
As for the classification of the Junior speakers, we hav
nothing to say. The exhibitions are all public, and ever
body has a right to criticise the performances. In thisca*
we would remark, that the “order of merit” was morel
“H’s” “private opinion publicly expressed,” and as far
we can see will neither make nor destroy the fortune of a.
speaker. Nothing else could possibly be objected to,i ;:
til we come to the notice of Wednesday’s proceeding
Like those of their Junior brethren, the efibrjs of the 8 :
iors received little praise -which indeed here grew “be? -
lully less.” However, this is nothing, and we suppose ‘
youthful A B’s will never feel any the worse lor having
“IPs” opinion) displayed no marked ability on the occ3?
of their graduation. But the portion of the commune”
lion which we desire to consider more particularly, is that
referring to the prospects of our University. Our onir ob
ject in doing so, is to correct errors into which your corres
pondent has fallen, but which, at the same time, pla -
State and her Institution in a very false position.
“H” says: “ But what is its (the college’s) present condi
tion l A tolerably efficient “Faculty” no doubt, but wha
material has this Faculty to operate with ■ The Librar
comprises only 10,000 volumes. The departments ot Chen
istry and Natural Philosophy, afford at present but lilt
advantages. The Apparatus is deplorable deficient,
answer to this, we would first remark, that it is erroneous
from beginning to end—every word of it. VV e have am.
efficient Faculty, with a President, who for conscientiou.-
ness and firmness in the discharge of duty, compreheusiv
ness and candor in teaching, and true Christian piety, is un
surpassed, if equalled, in the Union. Loved, respected a
esteemed by every member ot college, he is regarded
the light rather of a kind father, than a mere instructor an:
governor ; and his interest in the prosperity ot the lnstit--
tion, and success and happiness ot each student, amounts
almost to a passion—a part and parcel ot his very nature
in acta of benevolence, he is a true Samaritan. D:;b ■
days since, his own feeble health caused his
to enjoin him positively not to leave his room. But
same time, a student is lying very ill in the college
While his family are, for a moment, absent from his hv
side, the pale and venerable President, tottering from dis
ease and age, quietly slips out—visits the feverish ?uik-:ur
walks nearly all over town in quest of a doctor —eairuSj
the sick man in his own carnage to private lodgings—;
returns to his house exhausted, scarcely able to speak
a whisper! Nor does tins instance of disinterested n ‘ : *
ness stand alone. Such acts deserve the highest t ;
and will receive their full reward only in another worio-
So might we take up each trait of his character and
quality of his mind, and prove that Dr. Church cannot
surpassed as a presiding officer. True, the number ol l r0 ”
lessors might be increased, to the advantage both ol U”
college and themselves. Still in this respect, we eonip-o
very favorably with the mighty knowledge-dealing fc vsta -
I ishments up North. Os the 35 col leges reported as exist* -
in the “New-England and Middle States,” 22 ot them ha’
fewer instructors than Franklin ; and ot the 119 collegyt
the United States, 90 of them have fewer instructors uu-
Frnnklin ! And for superior mental endowment, long -■
untiring research, and thorough preparation in their
departments, our officers are as efficient , as those 0- p
other college in the country—and wo stand ready to 1
it. Wherein then, are they only “a tolerably ek-
Faculty ?” Ae to the material tor them to open.te “■/•
the Library comprises nearly 12,000. which by addn -
volumes belonging to the two Literary societies,
16,000. Thus is probably less than should be, but. pren
mg that Libraries are expensive things, and are 1,1 r;
account of the quality , rather than the quantity
books they contain —let us look around the countr. •
Yale Collkoe, an lastitution one handled an
yea” old. with more than 6 000 Alomo. wd eeari)
students in annual attendance, has a Library of 5 .
lumes. Hot how many Literary societies are there cun