Newspaper Page Text
published at New \ ork, publishes a let
iWfoovi Paris, which it savs emanates from ir
ilragßUd testimony:
Khe night is som!<ro arid sad; the wind
itli violence among the tall trees of the
park iJfSt- ('load, and draws from tliern sounds
of pwni The clock of the cliateati strikes 1;
the silence is brokeu only by the barking of
some restUfedog, or the noise of some vehicle
rumbling on Sllteny to Paris.
From the ourahh’ the imperial palace has
the air of an editiucirfLi> occupants are all,
asleep; m4* interior. flptaUon and tumult
reign ? Cas-ar has not beert able to find his wife 1
The conjitgal chamber is deserted. The wait
ing woman on service, interrogated by Ilis Ma
jesty, replies with an embarrassed manner that
the Empress has just gone out, and ordered
that no one should follow her. The Emperor
is furious, his ordinary phlegm has left him.—
He utters oaths in all languages.
The persons present nre in consternation;
everybody starts r.ut in search of M’me Bona
parte.
On the opjiosite side of the chateau, on the
ground floor, liefore that magnificent park which
the old King, Louis l’billippe and his prede
cessor, the bigoted Charles X, wore so fond of,
is the apartment formerly occupied by the
Duchess of Orleans.
In the farthest part of the blue chamber, re
clining on the sofa, a woman young and beau
tiful, prays and weeps. This woman is the
Empress of France! Suddenly she trembles;
she lias heard a noise; someone knocks. It
is the Eufpeior and his followers.
“Open Madam, or I will have the door bro
ken open.” No answer.
The courtiers went to work, aided by His
Majesty. At the end of a few moments the
door gave way.
“Wait for me gentlemen,” said Louis Napo
leon to us.
What passed during the two hours which
the interview within occupied ! Heaven alone
knows! Now and then, notwithstanding, a
smothered word reached us, and we heard with
terror, “Villian I—assassin !—I love him !—to
Cayenne!”
Suddenly the noise of a body falling heavily
on the floor (the blue chamber is not carpeted)
made us tremble. Impelled half by curiosity,
half by anxiety, we entered. Napoleon was
holding by the hair, his wife, thrown on the
floor. “Coward !” she exclaimed. “Help !
help ! He would assassinate me as he did Ca
meratra! lie is drunk! Help!”
We were stupefied. We surrounded the
Prince to endeavor to disengage his victim.—
She whom he thus maltreated was a woman,
beautiful and envied ! Alas! “Gentlemen,”
said the Emperor “you can retire. If one of
you relates wlint he has seen —I need not tell
the fate reserved for him.”
The next day the Patrie contained the fol
lowing paragraph:
“llis Majesty this morning heard mass with
his accustomed piety. His Majesty appeared
to be suffering from bad health. His friends
at the chateau say that Ilis Majesty works too
much.”
As to the unhappy heroine of this mystery
she was not seen for six days. Evil tongues
say that she was shut up in a convent.
The French papers’ are famous for a species
or hoax called canards —“ducks.” This story
appears to us to be a’ “duck” of the very finest
kind ; so large, indeed, ns to exceedingly re
semble a goose. The whole affair bears on its
face the.most nonsensical and contradictory
impressions. • *
’ Later From Bogota.
A correspondent of the Panama Star writes
from Bogota, (the capital of New Granada,)
on the 17th ult., as follows:
The late extra session of Congress, which
terminated the day before yesterday, has been
very important.
The law was sanctioned by which civil and
religious matters are entirely separated ; also,
was passed by the two houses, the law regard
’ ing matrimony, which recognizes marriage as
a simple contract, and provides for divorces in
some cases, and almost at the will of the parties;
but it has not yet been officially promulgated.
The representative from your province, Justo
Arosetneua, presented to the House of Repre
sentatives the following projects for codes, viz:
civil mining; penal; supplementary laws to
the penal code; of judicial organization; of
passing judgement in criminal cases.
Those codes were received with unmistak
able signs of satisfaction by the house, and were
adopted immediately on the first debate, and in
the second were adopted to be printed for the i
coming session. Thus it is safe to say that in |
1854 New Granada will have her legislation
properly completed, which are still in force in
the Republic.
The disorders of which the capital has been
the theatre arc being calmed. The adminis
tration is now going on in a rational manner,
in which state 1* has not been for the last two
months. It has re. igued itself to the Necessity
of accepting the new Constitution, which, in re
ality it did uot like ; because it is now convinc
ed that its fall would have been inevitable if it
had manifested any opposition to it
Later from Panama.
By the arrival of the steampsbip Falcon, this
morning, from Aspinwall, we have Panama pa
pers to the 18th inst.:
The Star, of that date, reports that city and
Isthmus very healthy. The Star adds :
We do not remember ever to have experi
enced so much and intense hot weather, as has
prevailed during the whole of this month. The
seasoil has also been marked by an unusually
small quantity of rain.
The Star learns, authoritatively, that special
instructions have been sent out by the United
Slates Government, to the Commodore on the
Pacific coast, ordering a vessel of war to he im
_ mediately stationed in the harbor of Panama.
&|)t Cnrntr Stone.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA.
THURSDAY, AUGUST 11, 1853.
~ , ■■ ■ ■ ~ ‘’ ’
Tlie Corner Stone for the Cam
paign.
As there will probably be considerable ex
citement in the political campaign for the next
three months, we propose to furnish die Corner
Stone until the second week in October on die
following terms for cash in advance:
1 copy, < . . . .50 cents.
5 copies, , . . #2 00
10 “ . : . . 4 00
20 “ , . . . 7 00
60 “ . . . 15 00
100 “ ... 25 00
As we acknowledge no fealty to either of the
great parties, State or National, we shall sup
port neither of them any further than shall suit
ns for the time being. We shall express our
opinions of >i>oth freely, without reference to the
effect upon either.
There ate, however, subjects of great import
ance to the people, and which party papers
are afraid to touch, which we shall freely discuss.
Wo are opposed to the Liquor Law.
We fre in favor of abolishing the Supreme
Court J
We think the whole system of taxation is
unequal'and unfair; and ought to be radically
changed.
These are subjects of infinitely more import
ance to the people of Georgia, than the settle
ment of the question who shall be Governor or
Presi lent, and we intend to bring them fully
before our readers.
The hills of the St. Mary’s Bank, of less
than fire dollars, will be received in payment for
subscription at this office.
Debtor and Creditor.
We heard the Judge of otir Superior Court
remark from the Bench the other day that leg
islation was all in favor of the debtor class. En
tertaining a different opiuion we were taken
by surprise by the remark, and have been led
to examine some of our statutes to see if we
were in error.
We find that the creditor may, by making
oath “that his debtor resides out of the State,
or is actually removing without the limits of
of this State, or any county, or absconds or con
ceals himself, or stands in defiance of a peace
officer, so that the ordinary process of law can
not be served on him,” the creditor may have
the property of the debtor seized and held by
the Sheriff to answer the debtor.
We find that when a creditor will make oath
to the amount of the debt, and that lie lias rea
son to apprehend the loss of the same, or some
part thereof, unless garnishment do issue, ‘lie
may have every man who owes his debtor gar-
nishecd, and cause him to hold up whatever he
may .-have in his hands, until ha w litigate
his own claim. Thus the creditor may hold
up ten or a hundred times as much as he
claims. This power is often very oppressively
and ruinously used.
We find that the creditor may, by making
oath to the amount of his debt, and “that lie
has reason to apprehend the loss of the same
or some part thereof, unless the debtor be held
to bail,” he may have the debtor arrested and
cast into prison, although he knows the debtor
has not a dollar in the world.
This power is very often used with the ex
pectation that some kind hearted friend of the
debtor will go his bail, and that after the thing
is forgotten, and the debtor has gone off, the
money may be collected out of the bail.
We find that without any oath, the creditor,
after obtaining judgment, may take out a casa,
and arrest the debtor and cast him into prison,
until he can take all the proper steps to swea
out—and this, although the creditor may know
j that the debter is not worth one cent.
This power is often resorted to with the hope
that some kind-hearted friend of the debtor will
be his security for his appearance at Court, and
that from his negligence or from an indisposi
tion to swear out, his friend will have to pay
tho money—and *his is often the result.
We might point out a good many eases
which show that so far from legislation being
in favor of the debter that it is greßtly against
him, and we may perhaps take up the subject
again.
’The Right Spirit.
We conunend to tho special attention of our
readers remarks from’ the Spirit
of the Sonh.
The Southern Rights party, if such a party
there be, ought to keep itself aloof from nation
al party. It is a poor compensation for the sac
rifice of self reject and of all Southern rights
and independence, that we may be able to at
tach ourselves, as serfs and slaves, to the tail of
a national party which may, for the time being, j
happen to be in power.
What difference does it we nro j
That the result of our county ejection is con
trary to our wishes, and widely contrary to our
expectations, we do not denj® Our ticket was
barely mccessful as to the House—wo lost our
Sei.atoflP To whom or to what ceuse this re
sult is attributable we care not to enquire. 11’
those who contributed to it, arc satisfied, so are
we; the consciousness rests with us, however,
and with every candid mind, that in point of
ability, merit, and claim to the station, the de
feated candidate is at least the equal of his ‘
competitor. The balance of our ticket succeed
ed by the skin of their teeth. con- |
fess, this result is
especially as it shows a split and a falling off ,
in the vote of the Southern Rights party, which ;
evidently would not have occurred had there j
been no opposing congressional candidate in
the field. We deplore that such was the case,
but shall attach no blame to any one. We
wish the past forgotten, breechA Sealed, ani
mosities buried, and tire goodly 1 fellowship of
former days restored. aware that
this election has changed our reluiems or cir
cumstances ; or that it is any reatbn to abro
gate the organization we have hitherto kept up.
Wc ask those who say they are done with
Southern Rights, that they have washed their
hands, and filed their lull of divorcement; what
are we to infer from (heir language? Do they
mean that whenin\?sion and infringement of
our rights come again, they will be (pund among
nn ignoble crew, submitting like-w crouching
spaniel to the whip, and lick the hand that in
flicts the blow ? If such be their meaning we
wish them to enjoy, without our participation,
the honor and glory of their achievement,
i Southern Rights or or
ganization, we never expect or affiliate
with national parties again, while their perpetu
ity and organization require and demand the
sacrifice of State Rights, State interests and
State enterprise. And so far as our feeble in
fluence and ability extend, we shall endeavor to
stimulate others to think less of national hon
ors, and turn their attention more to the consid
eration of Slate honors, interests, and aggran
dizement. Let there he a Southern party to
co-operate but not affiliate with vjjiatjver na
tional party accords us justice, but to war against
it whenever violating our constituted rights
and guarantees. To go beyondjßfcyo stop
short of this would be imn>. *■ ssa isc.
Corruption of the GoveAnVit.
We ask the attention of our refers to the
following article from the New York Herald.
It is no wonder that men are anxiolb to go to
Congress when they can make it so profitable.
We saw the other day a statemffft tikwMfe pa
per accounting for the superior influence of
Southern statesmen over those of tile North —
the reason given was that in the Vorth and
West, each man has to tako his turn at the
profits, while the men of the South go only for
the honor, and as those who go for the prefit
predominate very largely in those
who go for the honor, there is nob so much
contention for it, and the SoutherMmeu stay
longer.
We have long entertained that
many members receive a great deußnore in the
way of “perquisites and pickings<jßn for their
regular pay. It is now pretty ascertained
that with money euough, any sort of a claim or
any sort of a measure which is not purely of a
party character, may be passed the
Congress of flic United States:
ConohessiSnai.'Pkuquisites and Pickings
—A Witness on tiie Stand. —Mr. Richard
11. Stanton, Demodr-mdunember of the last'’
Congress, from the State of Kentucky, is up
again for a re election ; but some of Ins Demo
cratic brethren, not exactly liking it, have turn
ed State’s evidence against him. Among these
is Mr. Samuel Pike, a Democratic editor, who
has been publishing some choice extracts from
Mr. Stanton’s letters from Washington to the
said Pike, one of which is as follows:
‘•lf I could stay here a month I could make
$5,000. As it is, I fear I shall have to hurry
off without even completing the business I came
on. I saw men in New York, Philadelphia
and here, who want my services, and are wil
ling to pay for them, and pay for them well.
If I can be re-elected I can make a cue at deal
of monev. But this is between ourselves.
Give iny respects to all friends, and believe
ine yours, sincerely, *
R. 11. Stanton.”
Five thousand dollars in a month! This
shows what an enterprising Congressman may
do in the way of pickings and perquisites. But
bow was this money made? In the practice
of the Supreme Court ? We think not. Mr.
Stanton, we apprehend, knowns more about
laying brick than about Blackstone; and be
sides, Congress having evidently adjourned
when the above letter was written, the docket
of the Supreme Court was pretty well taken up.
Was this money to lie made in collecting claims
against the government? Members of Con
gress do embark in this reprehensible business
to men in their official station; but we had
hoped that Mr. Stanton was not of the number.
How else, then, were these five thousand dol
lars in a month to be made, than by a broker-
age upon office seekers ? The limitation to five
thousand dollars for a month, shows that Mr.
Stanton is not a man of capital, and did not
contemplate making it in the sale
of fancy stocks. Very few young members of
Congress are rich enough to take a hand in
\\ all street. Some of the old ones are. By
his own confession, the money was to be made
from his own “services” to men in New York,
Philadelphia and Washington, and we suppose
that these “services” referred in some way to his
usefulness as a member of Congress.
We are quite willing to take Mr. Stanton’s
letter upon its most liberal interpretation, to
wit: that all this money was to be made for
I fair and legitimate services; but if a “great deal
(>f money” can be fairly made by a member of i
J.”ongress, how shall wo measure the amount j
■hat may be pocketed by an unprincipled fellow j
■who goes to Washington with the will and ex- j
Iperience necessary to turn every thing to the 1
■main chance.
| The niMouri Flections.
I Baltimore, August 3.
■ Clniborno I - ’. Jackson, Democrat, and a latter
IpoMical adversary of Mr. Benton, has been elect
led to Congress fro - the third District, and Samuel
|D. Caruthrrs, Whig, from the seventh District, of
I Missouri. Edward Bates, Whig, has been elected
[judge of the Land Court.
j Maryland. —Thomas N. Loeke, President of the
I Baltimore Mechanical Fire Insurance Company,
[died in theSuty on the 28tl| ult.
To llic People of Muscogee County.
I have already announced*to you, that lam
a candidate for the Representative branch .of
tho Legislature. If it were possible for me to
be moved to assume this position by the poor
| ambition of merely being known as a member
of the Legislature—or the still poorer one of
acquiring the reputation of ability in procuring
I votes by trick and management —or if I had
no higher aim, than to aid in putting the officers
| and emoluments of the State into the hands
* n&d under the control of this or that, party,’
nothing more would be necessary than that I
should seek the nomination and support of
some party organization, and bring into the
common stock what little of personal influence
I inay have, and then rese.t to the ordinary ap
pliances of money, liquors and promises for
the purpose of seeing those with whom the ob
ligations of party are not paramount.
But I have different, and I think higher no
tions and objects.
I am a candidate because there are certain
things, which I desire to see accomplished,
which, will in my opinion, greatly advance the in
terests of tho country —to these objects the ac
tion of parties as at present organized, is op
posed.
There is one portion of the people, upon
whom I desire to impress tho feeling and the
conviction, that they, in the legislation of the
cohntry, have an interest of more importance
and higher value,-than the little pittance which
they may bo able to get out of the candidate
fij£their votes —to make them feel that they are
men whose right, duty and interest, it is to know
and to understand the measures which those
who seek to represent them propose to adopt,
and to decide upon the merits of those meas
ures in reference to there bearing upon the rights
of themselves aud others; and that they are not
slaves to be led or driven to the poles to do the
bidding of their masters.
If this can be effected, it would make a won
derful change upon the face of society.
I have been told by good men who profess
to hold moral considerations higher than all
others, and who profess to mourn over the cor
ruptions of tho land, that it cannot be done. —
This will be true just so long as such men
throw their weight into the other scale, and no
longer. There is a philanthropy and a Christi
anity which is wonderfully active in promoting
the interest of morality provided it requires no
sacrifice and no self denial. They will talk
for it, and vote for it, and make men moral and
pure by law, hut if they he required to give up
an interest or a prejudice, it becomes altogether
another affair.
Many of you will remember that four years
ago I was a candidate for the Legislature, and
that in the address in which I announced my
self as a candidate, I, also, announced that I
would not buy votes, that I would not treat,
that I would open no houses to bring in and
pen up voters, and to make them drunk, and
that I would diag no man up to the polls on
the day qf the election, and it is known to you
that I carried out this determination to the let
ter —ariiLal though some of my opponents had
, an open nouse in town, where there were hun
dreds of men from Saturday night until Mon
day morning, drinking, fiddling, dancing <fcc.,
and though this was known to everybody, yet
I was beaten by the cliu^i —I am of the
opinion that at least throejrfaurths of the
prominent Methodist, Baptist] Presbyterians
and Episcopalians’ in the county voted against
me. Though they professed to hold morality
higher and more important than all things else;
though they prayed and mourned over the de
pravity and corruption and degradation of the
land; yet when the time came to test their faith
by their works, when some sacrifice and self
denial had to be done in the cause, they fjjund
that there were higher aud more important
things than the advancement of morals, and
though conscience might have pleaded strongly
with them, they said “go thy way fpr this time,
at a convenient season I will call for thee.”—
the biddings of party were stronger than , tire*
pleadings of conscience.
I say that such men are more than all others
responsible for these things, and qjr.e mfcre cul
pable than the candidates. They pu> up their
candidates and say to them “any thing but de
feat.” Upon us you may calculatajjrymy event
and the rest you must get'upon tfeme plan or
another ; any sin will be forgjren but a sin
against the party, and the greabJw sin gainst
the party is to be beaten. body
jknow that every candidate would be glad to be
relieved from the necessity of resorting to these
means ? And dont every body know that if
all of those who profess to have their moral
feelings so greatly shocked by these things,
would vote against those who resorted to them,
no candidate would resort to it ? They justi
fy themselves by “aying that both parties do it:
then let them put up some body that wont.
I shall give them another chance.’® W e
hear every day a great deal of denunciation of
men who will sell their votes for a drink of
whiskey or a pair of shoes. I should like to
know the difference betweeit the man that sells
his vote for a pair of shoes and him that votes
against the dictates of his judgement or his
conscience, for fear of being charged with de
serting his party —it is decidedly in favor of
him that gets the shoes->-hc don’t know or
care perhaps whether he is doing l ight or ro.ng,
perhaps thinks he is doing right, and makes
something by it—the other does a known
wrong, from a cowardly, slavish fear of men,
and gets nothing for it. Suppose he does it
w ith the hope of getting an office, his vote is
as much sold as if he had got a pair of shoes,
he only stipulates for his pay in different coin
and that upon a credit.
I will now tell you some of the principal
things that I shall do if I am elected.
I shall oppose to the utmost limit what is
called the Temperance movement, as developed
in the proceedings of the Atlanta Convention.
I shall not now attempt to argue the question
fuily. Suffice it to say it is not a fit subject for
legislation —it belongs exclusively to Christian
ity—and to me it has always been a strange
thing that there should be numbered among its
advocates a single man who professess to believe
in its doctrines. They profess to have faith in
the religion of Him who expressly declared tha|’
hiskingdom was not of this yvorld—who sought
the aid of no earthly laws to propogate hisdoc
trines or to enforce his precepts —they boast
that he came to do that which human laws
were powerless to effect—they profess to be
lieve that His religion has power to redeem
men from their sins—they boast that in the
hands of a few humble fishermen, it has gone
forth conquoring and to conquor, and confident
ly predict that it will overcome the whole earth.
And all this they do with good reason, for they
have seen wonderful exemplifications of its
mighty power. They have seen thousands of
instances in which its influence and power have
changed the lion into the lamb—they have seen
the moral leper cleansed, and made like anew
born babe—they have seen him who had set at
naught the laws of God and man, whom hu
man laws could not restrain, whom human pun
ishments could not reform, brought by the be
nign influences of Christianity, to the feet of
Jes.us, clothed and in his right mind.
They have seen the Christian religion spring
ing from an humble origin—opposed by the
laws of the country, the usages and customs of
society, the passiofs, the prejudices, the desires,
the interests and superstitions of men; yet by
its purity, its simplicity., winning its way to the
hearts of men —gwng on purifying and eleva’
ting society, refining the wicked of all classes,
restraining every improper feeling, and giving
activity and energy to every good one.
They have seen it under these circumstan
ces, doing for morality and virtue what human
law’s never did, and ne’er can do—nay, it has
done it even in opposition to human laws. —
But now, when it has no open enemies, when
its divine and sating power is every where rec
ognized, except where faith in it has been de
stroyed by itsTprofessed followers —when public
opinion is in its favor, and the institutions of the
country, instead of opposing, foster and proetet
it, and yet its advocates come forward and pro
claim to the world that it has not power to do
its work.
They go into a savage country where the
sound of the gospel lias never been heard, with
no public opinion to sustain, no physical power
to protect, where they have to combat the com
bined powers of wickedness and ignorance—to
encounter mental and moral darkness and deg
radation, to contend with the interests, the pre
judices, and the influence of the great and pow
erful, with the superstitions, fears and ignorance
of the humble, with the expectation not only
of enlightening the understanding and purify
ing, tha(|*eßit, but of heating down those preju
dices and I^o*l'turn ing those laws and customs
which rq*onjMbd to Christianity—and this
they do by the power of human laws
and the jpawer of human officers—hut bv the
.MviMpb wer and the holy purity and beauty of
truth, as exemplified in the teachings and the
. example of a few humble men—strangers to
thcoupon whom they exert such a wonderful
influence.
llow is it, then, that in a land where every
man has the Bible, where the truth of Christian
ity is universally acknowledged, where the man
nets, habits, prejudices, opinions, laws and in
stitutions of the country are favorable to it, that
they are afraid, to rely upon the religion for
which they claim such superhuman power, and
Rail for the poqr aid of human laws to sustain
morality ?
Is it true that’ Christianity possesses this saving
power only when it has to contend unaided and
nloy against human depravity in ail its worst
sniiies! Or is'it true that after it has reached a
s **nain point in civilizing, enlightening, purifying
and elevating a people, its effect is to produce in a
part of that people, a depravity which even its
divine power canjaot reach ?
Ah, no—it is n Jr, this—these arc not the prom
ises of our Saviour* to his disciples when he was
upon the earth—he told them that in his name
they should remove mountains, they should east
out devils, heal the sick, cleanse the lepers, and
many other thinjf he told them; ana his last I
promise to them was, “And lo 1 lam with you
always, even to the end of tho world.” And it
has been most beautifully remarked by one of the |
purest and most gifted of Ills followers, “that his
promises are pay iUjle to bearer, are never protested,
andare good tqall generations.”
Then why rely upon any other nnme to effect
these things 1 4fhy trust in the name of the At
lanta convention, or in the name of the Legisla
ture of Georgia, or in the great names of great
men who may sign their petition j?
If I felt that he had “annoir.ted me to preach
the gospel to the poor,” and had me to heal I
the broken hearted, to preaeh deliverance to the
captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, to
set at liberty, them that are bound”—with all his
promises of aid and support, I should in the pur
suit of my mission no sooner think of laying aside
the mighty spiritual armour with which he had
invested me, and relying upon the puny arm of hu
man power, than if I had been Moses I would have
thought of dipping out the waters of the Dead
Sea with a gourd, instead of using the means
which God had commanded.
But the difficulty is, that in the purity and sim
plicity of Christianity, there are not the regalia of
office, the pomp and circumstance of power, the
pageantry and gorgeousness of wealth, no loud
blasts of the trumpet of fame to sound its namea|l
over the land—its movements are gentle as the
air we breathe, and noiseless as the sunshine
falls upon us. The laborer in the cause must pass
by all these and look to God for his pay, and a
great many have left off working far that kind af
pay.
If half the time, and talents, and industry, that
are exercised in getting up Temperance Conven
tions and meetings, were exercised in going out
into the highways and hedgos, and,hunting top tho
halt, tlie lame, and the blind—if half the seal and
interest in their welfare wore manifested, which in
manifested in building up splendid ohurchos, and
High Schools and, Colleges—if tlrey were ns perse
veringly and as frequently, and as zealously, and
ns affectionately appealed to, in behalf of tlioir
groat interests, os those who have money are ap
pealed t.o for money to carry out and aecomplish
j those objects which shall give the Church a great
name, there would bo no use for legislation for
Next week I shall give you my position upon
taxation, and other questions.
JAMES IT. BETHUNE
[FoiI tiie Corner Stone.]
Mr. Editor:
In my last articlo I pressed upon my fellofP
citizens the question, whether they hnd any
more rights and liberties than they could bo
safe with ; and if so, how many and what those
rights were. If this question has been answered,
or attempted to be answered, I am not apprised of
it; and I therefore turn to another branch of ther
liquor law, and by your leave, Mr. Editor, I would
propound to its advocates a few plain questions,
and ako file a bill of charges against them.—-
Should any of them see proper to attempt an answer
to the questions, or file a bill of demurer to the
charges, I hope you will hold the columns of the
Corner Stone open for tlieir-answer or demurers.
And I would first ask the advocates of the pro
posed liquor law, what important purpose they ex
pect or design to accomplish by introducing a’
system of legislating upon subjects and matters
which in republysan governments we, from the
very nature of the government, and the necessity
of the case, are accustomed to consider wholly
private and domestic t Secondly, why are you’
so anxious to bring the matter of retailing in
toxicating drinks, before the Legislature, whilst
you say not a word about the extensive distil
leries from which the poison is sent forth into
tho world, not by the half pint, or by tho drink,,
but by the hundreds and thousands of hogshead*
annually; nor do we hoar a word from you touch
ing the wholesale dealers in the article I Thirdly,
1 ask, wlmt assurance the people have, if they
should grant the request of the memorialists, and
suffer their representatives to dictate to them
what they shall drink, that they will not upon
the same principle, assume the right to dictate
what they shall eat, what they shall wear, what
schools they shall patronize, or what church
they shall join, what avocation they shall fol
low, and in short, where the legislation is to
stop if once introduced, and what great benefits
are to result from the proposed policy, admitting
that it should be carried no farther, nor applied
to any other of Ihe inalienable rights of the
American people than simply to their privilege of
drinking by the half pint system, whilst tht dis
tilleries and wholesale dealers ore left at liberty,
the one to manufacture aud the other to sell bv
the hogshead or barrel. I ask, fourthly, why you,
gentlemen, advocates of the proposed law, do not
come out openly before the people and let them
know whut they are doing before obtaining their
signatures to yonr petitions and memorials, and if
you are not yourselves conscious of having ob
tained the names of a great many who acted as
did the Jews for whom Christ prayed upon tho
cross, saying, “Father forgive them, for they
know not what they do?” I have many more
questions jpr the memorialists or liquor law nd
veontes, but I do not wish to crowd them, nor in
any way confuse them, for if they arc engaged in
a good work they deserve sympathy an.i aid, and
if their cause is a bad one, they should he pfe- ’
vailc.Uipon to abandon it, if possible. My friends,
think of these things.
I will not at present trouble yon, Mr, Editor,
nor your renders, by pressing any farther qnes
tions“npbn tho liquor law memorialists, bet I will
proceed briefly to file my charges against them.
And first, I charge that they are afraid to bring
the subject in a fair and undisguised manner be
fore the people; but that they seek, by deceitful
and dishonest means to draw those into its sup
port who, if properly informed, would not only
withhold their support, but would spurn and dis
countenance both the proposed law and its advo
cates—and farther, that if the advocates of tho
policy had any confidence in the rectitude of their
cause, they xvould not thus seek to effect or carry
it out by such unholy means as obtaining an ar
ray of names from innocent, ignorant and unsus
pecting persons, on their petitions and memorials,
but as Christians, as scripture believing and
scripture abiding men, they W’ould come out in
bold discussion and let the world know
what they. design to aecomhlish for the good of
tho “dear people,” by appointing for each and
every one of them guardians, so far as the matter
of drinking is concerned, and whether if the peo
ple grant their representatives this proposed
guardianship, they will not assume a still further
guardianship over them, so far as to dictate to,
them not only what they shall drink, but whab. |
they shall eat, what they shall wear, what schools L
they shall patronize, what chureh they shall join, f
and finally whether a man shall marry a native. I
American or a foreigner, and how often he shall
kiss his wife? And secondly, I chaige that the
proposed law had its origin at the North, thnt it
is a Northern, Federal, anti-republican, and un
constitutional policy, and deserves not the coun
tenance and support of a free, intelligent people.
Gentlemen, (advocates of the liquor law,) I have
done with you and your favorite theme for tho
present. Tho questions I have propounded to,
you, and the charges I have alleged against you,
and your proposed law. are written in language
not to be misunderstood, and when they are aa
plainly answered, I will furnish you with another.
Notes. —For Heaveo’iMie look well to thia
subject before you vote, and as one who.
wishes you well, desires yotir happinegiL and
the perpetuity of your liberties, entreat
you to vote for no flian who, under any pretext,
seeks to control your lilfferties.—Farewell.
* £
Kentucky Election.
Louisville, August 1, P. M.-The following re
turns of the Congressional elections in this State
have been received :
In this city, which forms a part of the 7th Con
gressional District, Mr. Preston, the Whig candid
ate for Congress, has 1,250 majority, and is un-
Senate* 1 Ch ° Ben W ° lf ’ ‘ V tl *S> 18 elected to tho
In the Ashland District, Breckenbridge, Demo
crat, is re-elected by a handsome mnjority.
Inthestb District the vote is very close be
tween Hill, Whig, and Stone, Democrat and the
result is doubtful. Stone was oleoted in 1851 bv
363 majority. ’ J
SECOND DISTTATCH,
£ usust 2 '— ,rhe returns from tho
10th diSTCtindicate that Hodge Whig is eleel
ed to Congress over R. H. Stanton 8
sasnasft* c ’ **
Both of tliesc ark Whig gains. (