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The most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least—Costs least —Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. —BENTHAM.
BY W. A. & C. THOMPSON,
MULBERRY STREET, MACON, GEO.
AT TWO COLLARS PER ANNULS,
C3- IN ADVANCE. -EB
Advertisements inserted at the Customa
ry Prices. *
, t l(jpg ! 1 gHBg
TO THE HEADER.
Tiie designation we have chosen for
Y)ur Journal, and the quotations adopted
Wour motto, might be considered as suf
ficient exposition of the principles on
which it would be conducted. And as
w£ are averse to thrice told tales and long
talks, had we none but ourselves to please,
the paper should be allowed to speak for
its elf, and we should not add another
word on the subject. Custom however,
has in this instance (perhaps more wisely)
directed otherwise. In submission to her
mandates we subjoin what follows.
Pf It will be recollected that early in the
year forty-one, a number of patriots alarm
ed for the safety of our free institutions
ami the integrity of the Union, menaced
as they were by the disorganizing pro
ceedings and developed views of the W hig
leaders during the Presidential contest of
IS 10, made a strenuous effort to establish
in this City a Democratic press; circum
stances beyond their control and altogeth
er unanticipated rendered their efforts for
the time unavailing. The enterprize,
ihowever was merely postponed, but not
for a moment abandoned and the present
■publication is the result.
I As the prospectus prepared on the oc
icasion referred to, .affords a full exposition
! *©f the principles and views on which our
I'paper will be conducted, we proceed to
' place it with slight alterations before our
k The publishers, aided by an association
Kef literary gentlemen, will continue to
■issue from their office a weekly Journal,
gdevoted to the assertion and diffusion of
■Constitutional Democracy. In this as-
Ipociation are equally represented, those
-(portions of the Union and State Rights
Sparties, which in the portentous crisis of
I*lß4o, generously repudiating former pre
judices and antipathies, pressed forward
fto rescue the Free Institutions of our
■country from the grasp of their would-be
■destroyers, meeting each other as a band
|of brothers, united and organized un-
E“der the prouder and more appropriate
tyle of State Rights Democrats, or the
party of the People and the Consitution.
This was, indeed, in the truest and lofti
est acceptation of the phmse, a “ Union
for the Sake of the Union."
What Democrat does not now exult in
the choice that he made at that trying pe
riod ? Twenty Sovereignties of this
mighty Confederacy, by adopting a sim
ilar course, have already placed upon it
the Broad Seal of their Approbation, and
pronounced its Eulogium in a voice,
amid whose reverberations the strong
holds of Federal corruption have been
But, while, as uncompromising advo
cates of Democratic principles, we hold
it to be our paramount duty to insist upon
the master-facts, that if the Liberties and
. Union of the American people are to con
ltinue for any protracted period, the Con
stitution and the Rights of the States,
-must be preserved intact and inviolate,
the legislation in Congress must be impar
tial and unsectional, and even-handed
Justice, rigid but judicious economy, re
form, retrenchment and thorough re
sponsibility, be established in every branch
"both of the General and State Govern
ments, yet, our paper will not be exclu
W are anxious that the Democrat, by
early, varied and accurate intelligence,
should be a useful companion to the man
of business, and by the interest of its news
and tasteful selections from the elegant
p|iteratureofthe day, an acceptable visit
ant in the domestic circle. To the friends
of Religion, Virtue, Humanity, Educa
tion and Social Improvement, we shall
over be found prompt and cordial auxilia
That we shall at once realize all we
"wish on this subject, we ore not so imag
inative as to expect; but to whatever zeal,
untiring exertion and liberal expenditure
;in procuring the necessary appliances,
j can effect, we umy safely pledge our-
DEMOCRATIC BANNER. FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT;
AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION.—•./. C. (.//. UOI.Y.
From the centfhl position of this city,
surrounded as it is by a widely extended
country and a numerous population, we
are persuaded, (without intending to de
rogate from the journals already in publi
cation) that the establishment of such a
press as we contemplate, in Macon, is of
vital importance to sustain and increase
the influence of sound political opinions,
and promote the interests of the State.
A few words respecting our intercourse
as Editors Temperate gentlemanly re
marks on our labors, we will notice in a
spirit’ of reciprocal courtesy. Towards
our former comrades, with whom in by
gone days we stood long and faithfully,
shoulder to shoulder, battling for the very
same principles we contend for now, we
still look in sorrow not in hostility
and still extend the olive-branch of con
As the spirit and morale ol the Demo
crat are concerned —an inviolable re
spect for Truth in any statement we sanc
tion— a strait-forward, unharnessed In
dependence— a determination to render
impartial justice to friends and opponents
—an undeviating adherence to the gold
en maxim, that clear, unmingled Hones
ty in Politics, as in common life, is the
strongest and most successful Policy, are
the principles by which we shall be gov
The descent from the exciting and lof
ty topics we have touched upon, to the
soul quelling, heart chilling concerns of
dollars and cents, is a process neither
congenial or agreeable, but alas, to this
complexion, per necessity we must come
The annual subscription to the Ameri
can Democrat, is TWO DOLLARS,
paid punctually in advance , which, if
not done on the receipt of the second
number, we assure our friends in all
courtesy, will be received as an intima
tion that the person cuts the Democrat’s
acquaintance. We have thus reduced
the rate of subscription from regard of the
necessities of times, and to place it within
reach of as many of our fellow citizens as
But with whatever sincerity, zeal and
devotedness of purpose to be useful —to
do the State some service —we are ani
mated, the ultimate success of the con
templated publication depends on the en
ergetic aid of onr Democratic friends be
ing rendered now, (in enlarging our sub
scription, and obtaining it in all cases, in
advance,) and the generous patronage of
the public as subscribers and advertising
For the generous aid of our friends in
the different sections of the State, we ask
not for ourselves but for the cause.
As we before intimated, in other cir
cumstances we should have spared our
selves this perhaps over-lengthy expose,
and most confidently have turned the
Democrat loose upon the world, to seek
its destiny, and fall or succeed, succumb
or triumph, according to its deserts. Per
haps, after all, it is but fair, that those
invited to a repast for which they are to
pay, should be furnished with a bill of
fare. THE EDITOR.
From the Milledgeville Federal Union.
Unity or the Party.
Under this head, we extract from the
Globe an adroit article. There is no
longer any question of the complete as
cendancy of the Democratic Party in the
United States. “United we stand—di
vided we fall,” was never more appropri
ate than now. The Globe, we allow,
has shewn a degree of impartiality be
tween the great leaders of the party. Per
sonal dissensions, are the rocks on which
a nation, almost wholly Democratic, can
split. It isnot principles, but men, which
divide us ; and therefore, the attempt to
fix the odium of any want of principle on
any leading Democrat, becomes a fire
brand in our midst. We are bound,
therefore, to consider the impartiality of
the Globe, on several points involving
the leading men of the Democratic Par
ty and so lucidly set forth by themselves
in the article extracted, as a poor atone
ment for their unnecessary and violent
attack on the course pursued by Mr.
Calhoun on the late Treaty and the Or
egon Occupation Bill. The Globe says
it only differed with Mr. Calhoun on
these important measures. This could
not fail to pnxluce the results we have
seen. It is obvious that Mr. Van Buren
and Mr. Calhoun are the promineut can
didates for the Presidency. The friends
of Mr. Van Buren could not hut see that
he was sufely sheltered by a private sta
tion from all rei|»on<ibility in regard to i
MACON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 17, 1843.
the important measures in question. If
the course pursued by Mr. Calhoun
could be made availably unpopular, he
was more effectually put down, than by
the most direct personal attack. The
Globe, it is evident, left no stone unturn
ed to accomplish this. Their silence
with regard to the name of Mr. Van Bu
ren, and their defence of Gen. Cass and
Mr. Calhoun on other topics, gave a
handsome opportunity of driving home
on Mr. Calhoun the Oregon Bill and
the Treaty of Washington. Yes, and to
i say- all the while, to other disturbers of
the repose of the Party, peace, be still.
Now, why is it, that these questions
are of such vital consequence to the as
pirations of a party politician ? For this
very reason, that they have a local bear
ing, and arouse the passions, rather than
the judgment of men. The Treaty af
fects the local affairs of the States of
Maine and Massachusetts, and by a rea
dy sympathy, the whole of the Northern
and Eastern States; while the Oregon
Bill is the bantling of the great West.
Mr. Calhoun could not be insensible to
this ; and in no act of his life, does the
daring and intrepidity of the statesman
and patriot shine more conspicuously than
on these two questions.
We have published Mr. Calhoun’s un
answerable arguments on the Treaty
question. We will not venture to state
them after him; but we'will say, that it
was virtually a question of peace or war
between the Government of the United
States and the most powerful nation in
the world. It is perhaps more true of
him, than of any other person, tojsay
that he held in his hands the destinies of
two great nations —that he was between
them, the arbiters of peace or war. The
question was considered doubtful, till
settled by his great effort in the Senate.
At the risk of offending a powerfld war
loving party, and two, and perhaps six
States of this Union, Mr. Calhoun threw
the weight of his talents and character in
the scale of peace. We have, therefore,
peace to restore the damages of an infu
riated and destroying commercial-produ
cing and transporting mania. And this
is one of the crimes charged_to Mr. Cal
The next great excitement raised out
of the same elements, is the Oregon Oc
cupation fever, now raging in the West.
The reasons against the hurry and pre
cipitation of this measure, are conclusive.
But they are not satisfactory to the peo
ple in the West, who are determined to
•brook no delay, or heed any remon
strance. They will rush over the moun
tains, to perish, like the crusaders of an
other age and country. But we have
no doubt of the final occupation of the
Oregon Territory, by our enterprizing
people. The vote of Mr. Calhoun to
postpone the measure, is little thought of
by these hardy men. They may perish
by thousands, hut the tide has set that
way, and thousands more will rush on
to supply their places. Nor could the
arm of the Government aid them much
in their desperate undertaking. They
go with their rifles, conquer with their
rifles, and live by their rifles. The sea
may stop them, but nothing else can.
The measure is precipitate and danger
| ous, and Mr. Calhoun did right in refu
[ sing to make the Oregon Territory ano
; ther Florida, to sink to hopeless bank
' ruptcy the disordered finances of the
country. And this is his second crime,
i emblazoned and reprehended by the
Globe, to put him flat on his back ; and
yet, that paper thinks the tendency of
its course very proper, and is especially
astonished that the friends of Mr. Cal
houn should attempt to parry a blow so
But there is another and more bitter
point of this onset on Mr. Calhoun. The
Treaty and the Oregon Occupation Bill,
have done their work they have given
Mr. Calhoun additional reputation, but
in certain sections may do him injury
he has dared to oppose the cupidity, qf
men. A little time will remedy this;
and before the election of President there
is time enough. At this time, and in this
crisis, the nomination of a candidate for
President is proposed by a State, contra
ry to its own usages and to its heretofore
approved course on the same question.
When Mr. Van Buren was elected, he
had been nominated by a Convention,
which met the May previous to the elec
tion. It is now proposed to anticipate
this time, by eight or nine months; for
no reason, that we can see, except it be
to prevent the intervention of the session
ot Congress, and to urge the Convention,
without the knowledge of the morale of
that body. Indeed, it seems so plainly
a case of the invasion of an honored cus
tom, for motives known to only a few,
and that manifestly without any improve
ment of the plan, that we are not surpri
sed that all the uninitiated should say,
give us your reasons. We have looked
in vain into the Virginia papers, and es
pecially into the Enquirer, for the
grounds of this innovation. We have
not seen them, and are not satisfied.
We therefore propose, that our Con
vention in June next, take up this sub
ject for discussion ; and that they publish
their opinion of the proper time and place
of holding a Convention for the nomina
tion of a candidate for President of the U.
States. This, and this alone, will give
point and aim to public opinion. This
will determine whether the Democratic
Party has conclusively made up its mind.
It will determine whether a majority for
this innovation have determined to hear
no reason after November, 1843.
Mr. Clay’s Speech at Lexington.
We have not been able to lay hands on
the speech of this gentleman, delivered
on a late occasion at Lexington, (Ken.)
'Ve have seen a short extract from it,
however, which we lay before our rea
ders. So much of it as we have seen,
is a beautiful exemplification of the Whig
promise, to “proscribe proscription.”—
Mr. Clay is in hot haste to bo made
President, in order to turn out all the
present incumbents appointed by Presi
dent Tyler, and thereby mark his disap
proval of the manner of their appoint
ment. When any one else turns out a
political opponent, and appoints a friend,
Mr. Clay calls it proscription. Mr. Clay
is panting to “proscribe proscription,” by
doing the very identical thing. Mr.
Clay gives a very summary dismissal to
his old follower, John Tyler, and endea
vors to kill two birds with one stone, by
precipitating the said John Tyler upon
the Democracy. This is too bad, Mr.
Clay. The Democrats suffered when
Mr. Tyler was elected ; shall they also
suffer by his fall ? We advise them to
“stand from under.” Mr. Tyler, him
self, seems nothing loath to break his
fall, by jumping on the backs of the De
mocracy. Like the Roman soldier at
the siege of Jerusalem, he cries from the
burning rampart of the temple to the
sturdy legionary beneath, and beseech
es him to relieve him from his perilous
position, by receiving him in his arms;
promising, as a compensation, to make
hint his heir. If the Democracy could
be tempted by such a bait, they might
share the fate of the legionary, who was
crushed and killed beneath the ponder
ous loadjte sought to sustain.
From.the Lexington, (Kentucky) Gazette.
MR. CLAY’S SPEECH.
We shall not treat Mr. Clay as the
Whig presses affected to treat Mr. Mar
shall—with contemptuous silence. The
ex-Senator gave notice through the
press of the city, that he would address
the people on Monday last; and, as was
to be expected, a goodly number of the
faithful attended to listen to the oracular
responses of the modem Delphic oracle.
It was time for the Whigs to bring their
last and only big gun into the field,
when the enemy’s artillery had been
opening upon him with such terrific ef
fect. Man after man of note and dis
tinction had been quitting .his tom and
tattered banner, when it was thought
prudent to stop the disaffection, if possi
ble, by bringing into the political melee
the great recruiting sergeant, whose horn
(like llhoderick Dhu’s) is supposed to be
worth a thousand men. There was a
gathering of the clans at the summons
of his bugle, and they came with eleva
ted joy and hope that the fortunes of the
day, which looked black and adverse,
would, by his war-cry, be turned into
victory and triumph. It was the last
extremity of despair—a bold and haz
ardous stroke, the risking of which de
monstrates the utter hopelessness of the
We admire a hold leader even in a
bad cause. There is something of sub
limity even in Milton’s personification of
Satan striving to storm heaven, and push
the Everlasting from his throne. But
the boldness of the conception must tie
attended with equal ability in its execu
tion, or a miserable fate attends the
luckless projector. That Mr. Clay, a
candidate for the chief magistracy of this
nation, should descend from the eleva
ted position assigned to him by his friends,
and mingle in the gladiatorial strife, was
a step, the propriety of which we shall
leave to the Whigs, who affect to com
prehend all the decencies and proprie
ties of political and social life. We have
nothing to do but with his speech—his
doctrines—his arrogant assumptions-his
dictatorial spirit—and his pertinacious
determination to bring this people into
abject and humiliating subjection to the
money power of the country, through
the agency of a vast association of incor
porated wealth, which he himself once
so powerfully denounced. With these
and other matters in his speech we have
something to do, and we shall endeavor
to do it after our humble fashion.
Mr. Clay, after speaking of the identi
ty between Mr. Tyler and the Demo
cratic party, and giving it as his solemn
belief that no man of lionor could hold
office under Mr. Tyler upon the terms
and conditions prescribed, (which terms
and conditions, however, Mr. Clay did
not specify,) proceeded ala Cushing,
to set himself up in market, and put all
the offices of the country before the
gaze of his followers as the reward of
their toil in his cause. But let Mr, Clay
speak for himself, as this part of his
speech appears in the Reporter of Wed
nesday, evidently prepared by himself.
Mr. Clay went oil further to say, “that,
in his opinion, if a Whig President
should lie elected, it would lie his im
perative duty to do ample justice, in the
administration of public patronage, to
the great Whig party of the country;
which, he veriiy believed, for years hud
embraced a majority of the people of the
United States. That party, for upwards
of fourteen years past, with the excep
tion of one month, had been systemati
cally proscribed and excluded from all
public employments. Not only
original employments, but, when® ley
held office, they have been hurled out
to make way, often, for unworthy per
sons of opposite politics. And so far is
Mr. Tyler now pursuing this practice,
that he is dismissing '.fieri whom he put
in, not only without charge, without
fault, without any species of trial, but
with and full knowledge that the duties of
their offices have been diligently, hon
estly, and faithfully'executed, ’and put
ting hack in their places men whom he
had hitnselt dismissed ! Every conside
ration of equality, of equity, and of jus
tice, demands (said Mr. Clay) that the
most full and complete reparation of the
injuries done to the Whig party should
be hereafter made. Nor would that be
proscription. It would be the severest
rebuke of proscription. On the contra
ry, to continue in office men who had
been put there by the dismission of other
and better men, for political reasons,
would be to sanction, consummate, and
perpetuate proscription. But if it could
be regarded as proscription, who is to be
justly reproached with/beginniiig pro
scription in this country?”
“No man felt more profoundly than he
did the evils which were likely to grow
out/if struggles^for’tlie prize of Govern
ment, with the distribution of all its ho
nors and offices exclusively confined to
the successful party. He doubted wheth
er our system could long endure the
consequences of suchfstruggles. But he
hoped that a remedy would be hereafter
found, either in the amendment of the
Constitution, or thedaw, to guard against
We invoke the special attention of the
people’tojthis open and shameless avow
al of the principle, that, in a great po
litical contestJfor the Chief (Magistracy
of this nation," one of the elements which
is to enter into that contest is the spoils
of victory, held up by a candidate for
that office to the greedy gaze of his par
tizaMs; the irresistible effect, if not in
tent and design of which, is to stimulate
those partisans to fresh exertions and re
newed energy. There never was, to
be sure, a lawless military adventurer,
that went from home to ravage another
nation, that did (not promise his follow
ers a portion of the plunder, with a view
to make them fight better. But that
here, in this nation, in a peaceable con
test by election for the establishment of
certain principles, the chief of one party
should thus, in advance, offer to share
the spoils with his followers, as a re
ward for future partisan services, would,
in our judgment, have excited a senti
ment of indignation, had it come from
any other man than one whose opinions
are too authoritative with his followers
ever to he questioned.
The effect of the Tariff in oppressing Trade,
nlik'; oppressive to Agriculture.
A late money article of the New York
Herald presents these judicious observa
tions on the working of the late Tariff.
“ The effect of the present Tariff’, in
destroying trade, is painfully evident in
the prices of the leading articles, both of
export and import, in the Atlantic cities.
It is frequently alleged that the fall in
imported and domestic goods, pari passu
with that_of produce, is a proof that the
tarilf does not cause the depression in
prices. This arises from a misapprehen
sion of the sources of trade. The de
mand for, and the price of goods, both
domestic and imported, depend, in this
country, upon the prosperity of agricul
ture. if agriculture is depressed from
any cause, the whole source of trade, do
mestic and foreign, is dried up. The
prosperity of agriculture depends upon
the extent of the foreign markets for the
surplus. The greater the foreign de
mand, the more will the prices of the
whole mass rise; and, as that rise takes
place, the more means is thrown into the
hands of the consumers of goods to make
purchases. Hence, every thing which
tends to enhance exports, improves the
home trade of our manufacturers, whose
business depends upon the profits of agri
cultural products consumed at home.
The tariff, therefore, which excludes for
eign goods from exchanging freely for
domestic produce, is to them * destruct
ive,’ not ‘ protective.’ To buy any
quantity of foreign manufactures abroad
on bank credits, or in exchange for State
stock, as in former years, is undoubtedly
injurious to our manufacturers. But
this cannot be prevented by a tariff. The
only preventive is a specie currency, the
more foreign goods there are imported in
exchange lor domestic produce, the more
is the interest of domestic manufacturers
promoted ; because, thereby, the means
of their customers to purcluise is in
Attempt a/t Suicidf.. —The Whigs
of Tennessee have raised their banner
with the words “ United States Bank”
inscribed upon it,
THE SONG OF THE GALLANT MAN.
FROM THE GERMAN OF BLRCER.
BV H. GJTr.S.
High rings the song of the Gallant Man,
lake the organ’s tone & the church-bell’* chmie ;
Who lofty deeds can proudly span,
Deserve.- not golJ, but heroic rhyme.
Bless God, that to sing and praise 1 can
To sing and piaise the Gallant Man.
The thaw-wind comes from the noon-day’s sea,
And puds through tody thick and wet;
The cloud in flocks before him lice
Like sheep bv the hungry wolf beset:
He lashes the fields and crashes the woods.
And the ice burets forth from the lakes and flood*
On the mountain's top di<so!vesffiie show;
The rush of a thousand waters sound ;
The meadow becomes a sea below,
And in torrents all the vale is drowned.
High roll the billows across their course,
And rocks of ice with mightiest force.
On pillar, and arch, nnd heavy pier,
Os quarried stone, from base to hoof,
A bridge lay over the river here,
And midway a little cottage stood.
Here dwelt the tollman with child and wife
Oh, Tollman ! Tollman ! fly for life !
They threaten and threaten with hollow clang ;
Loud howl the storm and waves about;
Too late the affrighted tollman sprang.
And gazed from his roof on the scene without.
"Oh! merciful Heaven ! Oh, pity thou!
Lost! all lost! Who shall succor now ! ”
The clods roll down, leap after leap.
From eithershorc, on left and right, s
From either shore, the billows sweep
Pillar from arch, in vain is flight!
And the tremb'ing tollman, with wife and child,
Howls louder than the storm-wind wild !
The clods roll down, heap after heap.
On either end, both left and right;
And pillar by pillar away they sweep,
Before the torrent's strengthening might.
And ruin approaches the middle now ;
"Oh: merciful Heaven! Oh, pity thou!”
High on the far-off banks there stands
A swarn. of gazers, great and small;
And each ouc cries and wrings his hands,
But none may rescue from that thrall,
The trembling tollman, with w ife and child.
Who howl for help through thestorm-wmd wild f
Song of the Gallant Man sing’st thou 7 When 7
Like organ’s tone and church-bell's chime
Go on! So name him, —name him —then !
When namest thou him, my gentlest rhyme 7
The ruin approaches with fearful waste
O, Gallant Man! Gallant Man ! haste thee, haste !
Quick galloped on lofty steed, thereby,
A noble Count, serene and hold,
What holds the Count in his hand on high ?
' Tis a heavy purse, stretched full of gold
“ Two hundred pistoles to him who dare
To re6cure the trembling sufferers there! ”
Who's the Gallant Man 7 The Count 7 It's he 7
Say on my noble song have done!
The Count was gallant, by Heaven ! hut see t
I know a gallan’er, braver one!
And the ruin goes on, with fearful waste
O, Gallant Man! Guiiant Man. Itaste thee, haste >
And ever louder puffed the gale,
And ever higher swelled the foam.
And ever deeper sank, to fail.
The hope that a succorcr yet would come ;
While pillar by pillar sank in the flood.
To the crumbling arch where the cottage stood.
“ Halloo ! Halloo ! Fresh, brave ! draw nenr ! ’’
Again the Count held his prize oil high ;
Though each one heard, eadh shrank with fear,
And of thousands not one ventured nigh 1
In vain for rescue, with wife and child.
The tollman howled through tho storm-wind wild
Lo ! humble and true, a farmer's lad.
With travelling staff, came boldly forth ;
In frock of rustic coarseness clad.
And gait and mien ofhonest worth.
He heard the Count —he took his pledge,
And gazed on the scene from the torrent"a edge.
And quick, in God’s name, firm and strong,
He sprang in the nearest fisher’s boar ;
Through eddy, and storm, and billows throng,
He warily Kept his craft afloa';
But ah ! the boat was all too small
To save at once the sufferers ail!
And thrice he pushed his little boat
Through billow, and eddy, and tempest's roar.
And thrice warily kept afloat,
Till every soul was safe on shore j
And scarcely the last on firm earth stood.
Ere the last arch fell nnd sank in the flood !
And where is the Gallant Man ! tel! me, who 7
Say on, my noble song, and bold !
The farmer-boy risked one life, ’tis true;
And risked he that for clink of gold ?
Had the Count withheld his prize of pelf,
Would the farmer-boy havo risked lumself 7
“ Here.” cried the Count, " my vigorous one.
Here is thy prize; ’tie thine, the whole!"
Say on; was not that bravely done 7
By Heaven*, the Count has a noble soul 7
But a nobler —a heavenlier swells the breast
That beats in the farmer-boy’s homely vest!
“ My life for gold was never sold ;
1 eat and drink my fill, though poor;
But such is not the tollman’s lot;
Give him who needs I ask no more.”
So spake he, with hearty and firm intent;
Then turned his back, and away lie went.
High ring’s! thou, Song of the Gallant Msrt,
As the organ's tone and the church-bells chime !
Who deeds like this can proudly span,
Deserves not gold, but heroic ryiinie.
And blessed he God, if in song I can
Make deathless the praise of the Gallant Man'
BH. S. S. ANDROS.
A swallow, in the Spring,
Came to our granary, and ’neath the care*
Essayed to make a nest, and there did bring
Wet eartli and straw and leaves.
S Day after day she toiled
With Pment art, but ere her work was crowned,
Some sad mishap the tiny fabric spoiled,
•jLid dashed it to the ground.
She found the ruin wrought;
Vet not cast down, forth from the place she flew,
And with her mate fresh earth and grasses brought,
And built the nest anew.
But scarcely had she placed
The last soft feather on its ample floor,
When wicked hand, or chance, again laid waste,
And wrought the ruin o’er.
But still her heart she kept,
And toiled again; —and, last night, hearing calls,
I looked, audio! three little swallows slept
Within the earth-made walls.
What Truth is here, O Man!
Hath Hope been smitten in its early dawn 7
Have clouds o'ercast thy purpose, trust or plan 7
Have Faith and struggle on!
.Veit Bedford, Mass.
WBITTES- OK THE PALM OF A SMALL WHITE OLOVE.
No realm that e'er owned monarch’s sway
Hath stretched so far o’er wave and laud,
But that I’d cost it all away
For that of this dear little hand I
And even though it rise to smite,
I only pray to ba allow ed,
A pious Christian, loyal Knight,
Humbly to kneel and "kiss the rod !"