Newspaper Page Text
From the Washington Spectator.
Hear both ami then decide.
The policy of this country is to look to
its commerce as the active agent, in seek
ing markets for the sale or interchange of
the productions of agriculture and the
mechanic arts. If measures of Govern
ment cripple this agent, the eifect is im
mediately felt by the fanner, the manu
facturer, and the mechanic, in a prostra
tion of all these branches of industry.
We need no better illustration of this than
is at this moment presented. By a false
impression that special protection would
work beneficially, we find commerce
prostratod, and the result is that the field,
the factory and the workshop, are left
with their respective productions accu
mulating on their hands, and no market
or demand for them. “ Political econo
mists" may descant through labored vol
umes to show the advantages or dis
advantages of “countervailing duties,”
* home protection,” tkc. &c.; but prac
tical men will not fail to perceive the dif
ference between theory and practical re
sults. We never knew the time when
our commerce, flourished, that all other
interests were not also in prosperous con
dition. Nor did we ever know the time
when our commerce was prostrated, that
all other branches of industry were not in
sack-cloth and ashes.
Suppose,'by a rigid system of what is
called home protection, our commerce, as
it naturally must, goes out of existence, or
sinks to the condition of that of Italy or
China, on what can we rely to guard our
home system from the interlerence of
“ outside barbarians ?” Can we man our
ships for the occasion out of our factories
and our mines ? We must not forget the
absolute necessity of possessingthe means
of manning a navy, and this can only lie
done by sustaining an active commercial
marine.
Mr. Calhoun’s policy has always been
to watch strictly the progress of measures.
Desiring to see all the leading interests
of the country prosper alike, he has been
always found the ready champion to
check overreaching propensities on one
side, and give a lifting hand to the over
reached on the other. By this course, lie
may have exposed himself to the ingen
ious and artful, who are always ready to
quote partially, to bear out the charge of
seeming inconsistency; hut the intelli
gent observer will not fail to remark and
sustain our assertion. That he has al
ways been the steadfast advocate of com
merce and agriculture, is because he be
lieves and knows that these two interests
must be sustained at all hazards, and then
all other interests will prosper.
Pennsylvania.
A Meeting of the Democratic Members
of the Pennsylvania Legislature, was
held in the Capitol, on Friday evening,
April 14, Samuel Fegely President, at
which a Report and the following Reso
lutions were adopted, and ordered to be
published.
Resolved, That as political parties are
inseparably associated with ever)'’ Repub
lican Government, and arc brought into
existence from that salutary spirit of in
quiry. which is conservative of free insti
tutions ; and as the two great political
parties which exist under our govern
ment, have ever maintained antagonist
principles, announcing distinct doctrines,
both as to the administration of the gov
ernment, and construction of its constitu
tional powers, and as we believe the per
manent ascendancy of the Democratic
party essential to the security of our free
institutions, it is our imperative duty, by
a spirit of “ union, harmony, and con
cession, every thing for the cause,” so to
discipline and organize our strength as
to present an unbroken phalanx to our
opponents. We shall then witness, as in
days past, the Flag of Democracy, which
has often led us to victory, again ad
vanced and restored to its ancient tri
umphant position.
Resolved, That we have a decided
preference for our own favorite candidate
James Buchanan, for the Presidency,
and believe that his merits as a statesman
and a citizen, his distinguished qualifica
tions and great services, and his political
principles give him just claims to the sta
tion : the Democratic party of Pennsyl
vania will assert the high claims of the
State and our candidate before the Na
tional Convention, and,acting in accord
ance with the principles by which they
have always been governed, will cheer
fully abide by the result of that nomina
tion ; and act with that harmony and
zeal with the democracy of the Union,
which has heretofore distinguished them.
Resolved, That we have entire confi
dence in the triumphant success of the
Democratic party at the next Presiden
tial election, and cannot doubt that in
sustaining the 'great principles of the
party, each member will perceive the ne
cessity of yielding his individual prefer
ences, after a nomination made according
to our party usages, and will then give
his cordial support to the nominee of the
National Convention.
Resolved, That this meeting approves
of the suggestion already made by the
Democracy of several of the States, that
the National Convention for the nomina
tion of candidates for President and Vice
President of the United States, should be
held in the city of Baltimore, in May,
1844.
Resolved, That the Democratic party
of Pennsylvania should adhere to its an
cient usage of selecting delegates to the
National Convention by a democratic
state convention of delegates assembled
according to the invariable custom of
the party, who will select a delegation
to represent the state equal to tire whole
number of Senators and Representatives
in Congress, and, so far asPeunsyivania
is -concerned, we entireiv disapprove of
the election of delegates by Congress .an
al districts
Resolved. That w*- reconvfv nd a
!♦'. n»‘ . , ■ , - • i .
be composed of delegates equal to the
number of Senators and Representatives
in the State Legislature, and to be elect
ed by the several counties and Senatorial
districts according to <he representation
to which they may severally be entitled,
and, for the purpose of producing as
much uniformity as may he practicable
as to the time of the election of delegates
throughout the State, it is recommended
that such delegates be elected in the sev
eral counties at any time succeeding the
Ist of January, A. 1). 1814.
Resolved, That the Delegates to the
Convention of the 4th March, 1841, will
have the important duties to perform of
selecting suitable delegates to represent
the State in the National Convention,
forming an Electoral Ticket, and also of
nominating a candidate to be supported
by the Democratic party in October,
1844, for the high and important office
ol Governor of Pennsylvania; and it is
recommended to the several counties to
give such notice of the primary and
county meetings, as will procure a full
attendance of the members of the party
from which will be selected delegates,
who will faithfully promote the wishes
as well as the important interests of the
people they represent.
The Cabinet Question Settled.
The long agitated question is at length
settled. A special meeting of the Cabi
net was held this morning, at which it
was finally decided that no change would
take place in that body. So the Cabinet
will remain as follows:—State Depart
ment, Mr. Webster ; Treasury, Mr. Spen
cer; War, Mr. Porter; Navy, Mr. Upshur;
Post Master General, Mr. Wicklilfe ; At
torney General, Mr. Legare.
If Mr. Everett should decline the mis
sion to China, it is probable that Mr.
Cushing will be appointed to fill the va
cancy. Baltimore Sun.
A Smoking Anecdote.
At Frankfort, lately, a curious circum
stance occurred, illustrative of the char
acters of the surly English and the dull
German. In a coffee room, an English
man was standing too close with his
back to the stove, and a German kept
close to him, puffing the unsavory fumes
of his cigar into his face. The English
man remonstrated, but the quiet German
kept puffing away as if he had not heard
the Englishman’s voice. At last the
Englishman showed a fighting disposi
tion, and maintained that no man had a
right to puff smoke out of his mouth into
another man’s face, and that smoking
ought to he confined to smoking places.
The heavy German, with all the slow
ness and gravity of his nation, coldly re
plied in the worst of English :
“Ya, ya, Sir John Bull, what right
have you to complain to make of the
smell of my smok, when your one coot
have bin burn and make big smell for
ten minutes and 1 nothing say to you ?”
The Englishman, to his great discom
fiture. found that his coat, rather cloak,
was shrivelled and burnt up to his waist
by the German stove.
From the Charleston Mercury.
The N. Y. Van Buren papers are en
tirely and continually dissatisfied with
us, because we will not take their word
for it that the people of the Empire State
are unanimous for their favorite, and that
the late proceedings of the Legislature
have the entire support of the Democrat
ic party there. “Faith comes by hear
ing,” and really we hear so much against
this assumption of unanimity, and so lit
tle in support of it, that we cannot be
lieve them. A great meeting at Tam
many, passed a resolution in favor of a
National Convention in May 1844 —in
favor of the election of Delegates by Dis
tricts, and of the vote per capita. The
Van Buren papers left this resolution out
of the proceedings, as if to hide it from
the knowledge ot the public yet they
censure us for doubting that they are in
an overwhelming majority. The Mem
bers of the Legislature at Albany, held a
Caucus at which they pledged, as far as
they could, the people of the State to a
Convention to be held in November, and
to be constituted on principles wholly
different from those recommended by the
resolution above mentioned, and to this
proceeding we have seen not a single
popular response favorable. The Young
Men’s Committee in New York, met and
denounced the recommendations—it was
claimed that they did not speak the real
voice of the Democracy, and the Old
Men’s Committee (the representatives of
the “ unanimous” side, as was supposed,)
met for the express purpose of correcting
the Young Men, and exalting the Le<ris
lative Caucus. They could not carry
their point their “ unanimity,” even
among themselves, was found to consist
of so very doubtful a majority that they
dared not take the vote on the resolutions
which they came together for the sole
purfiose ot adopting. Foiled again here,
the leaders have attempted an appeal to
the people and met with another signal
failure. The result is thus told in Sat
urday s Herald. The Plebeian omits
all mention of the unpleasant subject.
Another Flare Up.
A meeting of Democratic Republicans
favorable to the recommendation of the
Democratic Members of the Legislature
of this State, and also to form an associ
ation for the purpose of advancing the
cause of -Mr. Van Huron, was held? last
evening at the “Second Ward Hotel,"
and called yesterday morning in the
“ Plebeian,” the Tan Buren organ. The
result was, that the following preamble
and resolutions disapproving of the
course o{ the Legislature, and sustaining
the course oi tli*- Voimir Men’s (Commit
tee, were pres, ntod and adopted:
They were oiTex. and iy Henry P Par
b -r. L.q,
Democratic party throughout the coun
try at the approaching Presidential elec
tion, and believing that to insure such
union it is necessary to act with equal
fairness towards the friends of each Dem
ocratic candidate, by inviting discussion
as to the merits and qualifications of such
candidates; and, also believing that
such unity will be best secured, by giv
ing to the people throughout the country
as much time as possible, to examine and
decide on this question ; and believing
that when the proper time arrives the
people will express their opinion on the
merits of the different candidates, in so
emphatic a manner as not to be misun
derstood.
Therefore Resolved, That the people,
only when assembled in their sovereign
capacity, have the power of making nom
inations in this or any other State. And
that we reprobate the conduct of any set
of men, who arrogate to themselves such
power, unless when specially delegated
to them by the people.
Resolved, That we are in favor of a
National Convention, to be held in May,
1844, (according to the ancient usages
of our party,) for the purpose of selecting
candidates, to be supported by the Dem
ocratic party for the offices of President
and Vice President of the United States,
and that each Congressional District send
one Delegate to such Convention.
Resolved, That we will cheerfully
and heartily support the Nominee of the
Baltimore Convention. And we earnest
ly trust that no one will l>e selected by
that Convention, unless he he the open
and avowed champion of Free Trade
and Equal Rights.
Resolved, That the efforts of profes
ing democrats in this city, who are de
sirous of forcing a convention during
the present year, will be wanting in mor
al effect, inasmuch as they are suspected
of being prompted by the hope of person
al advantage, and not by a desire to en
sure the success of Democratic principles.
Resolved, That we cannot too highly
applaud the manly and decided stand
lately taken by the Democratic Republi
can Young Men’s Committee at Tam
many Hall. That that committee has
well expressed what we believe to be the
true sentiments of the party. And we
place every confidence in the integrity
and disinterested Democracy of those of
its members, who there had the courage
to place themselves in the then post of
danger, (now of honor,) when the pre
rogatives of the people were assailed.
And we declare our belief that they have
acted wisely, and were actuated solely
with a desire to secure the triumphant
election of the democratic candidate for
the Presidency, be he whom he may.
The Presidency.
We invite especial attention to the fol
lowing admirable article, copied from the
last number of the Augusta Constitution
alist :
We received the other day a long let
ter from an esteemed friend, from which
we publish some extracts. The tetter
was written, we are convinced, without
any expectation that parts of it would be
made public. Our friend may therefore
be surprised to find publicity given to
opinions which he intended for us alone.
But as he is well acquainted with our
sentiments, and ideas of propriety, he
will readily perceive and believe that we
would not have taken the responsibility
of publishing his letter, without sufficient
motives and objects in view, is evident;
but as the time is not yet arrived to ex
press those motives and that object, we
publish the extracts from the letter with
out any further explanation. We must
say, however, that the character of the
writer of the letter stands high ; that he
is not governed by any ambitious aspira
tions ; that he is no candidate, and per
haps never will be, for office ; and that
he is patriotic, and aims at nothing but
the good and prosperity of his country,
and of the South especially. We must
say, furthermore, that our friend wishes
us to hoist the Calhoun tlag. We have
thus far abstained from committing our
selves on the Presidential question ; and
we have not been encouraged, by what
we have read in the newspapers on that
subject, to change our course. We must
wait a few months more.
We cannot remain neutral; but the
time is not yet propitious for an open
declaration of our preferences. In the
mean time, the readers of the Constitu
tionalist are requested to read with at
tention the arguments advanced by a
good and estimable citizen in favor of
Mr. Calhoun. Should we receive letters
or communications advocating the claims
of any of the other candidates, we shall
feel equally bound to publish them. The
following are the extracts of the letter of
our friend, who, after alluding to our re
marks now in the course of publication
under the head of “ The Prospect before
us,” thus proceeds :
“ To my mind it is clear, that your
reasoning will necessarily lead you to
the support of the great Southron, J. C.
Calhoun ; a consummation I admit, most
devoutly wished by myself, and 1 hope
not unacceptable to you. Be not start
led at this annunciation by me, of my
decided, and if 1 know myself, honest
preference. There has been a time, and
no man remembers it more vividly than
yourself , when the /mhlic character of
this individual was held by me as justly
obnoxious to the severest censure and
condemnation—his private character I
never impugned— that, stands far above
suspicion of spot or blemish. It is with
in your knowledge, that I openly and
publicly, m private conversation, and
throng!i the press, denounced Mr. Cal- 1
h<«u» -is an inconsistent and wavering
5 '•> ,K 'i.'Ui as a man so thoroughly tm
j i'-d until an inordinate that *
H ' vv:i-.'t -if iu> r* Mme ] '
me !! : h.] auprt-ui >u-r u.-.d nd». in ,
,/l ' V~ h ti.M
he would, with the spirit of the famed
Cataline, plunge his country' in blood
and carnage in revenge for his disap
pointment —in all this, no personal en
mity to Mr. Calhoun was blended—for
at that time I had never seen him in my
life ; and the obscurity of my life had
never placed me in situations where per
sonal issues between him and myself
could have had the slightest weight in
my strictures upon his public conduct
and character. The doctrine of Nullifi
cation as expounded by the South Caro
lina politicians, at the head of whom,
stood Mr. Calhoun, was promulgated—
to this doctrine of State Rights political
faith I could not subscribe, and waged
war to the knife against it. On this sub
ject my opinions are unchanged —yet, as
the results of the doctrine, only lead me
to nearly the same goal with the Nulli
fies, upon my own remedial plan, for
the enforcement in the last resort, of
State Rights, I do not feel that it would
he fair and honorable, to pronounce at
this stage of our history an irrevocable
political curse upon the Nullifies, un
less we will admit, that for our notions
of State Rights, we have no ulterior rem
edies beyond the common privilege of a
resort to the Ballot Box, which, 1 imag
ine, you nor I will for a moment concede.
In this state of feeling, in which I now
well know, and am not ashamed to ad
mit, prejudices conceived against Mr.
Calhoun in his bitter warfare with Mr.
Crawford, had a large share—l watched
his course in and out of Congress, with
a determination to ascertain finally,
whether I had rightly apprehended his
character. Anterior to the noble and
self-sacrificing position he assumed on
the subject of the “ Independent Treas
ury,” I had misgiving, as to the correct
ness of the grounds I had occupied
against him, and on reviewing the data
upon which my deductions were drawn,
I became convinced that on one promi
nent point at least, I had done him injus
tice viz : on the Tariff question. Car
rying out the spirit of a just and unim
passioned enquiry, into all the positions
l had occupied against him, I felt a strong
doubt in my mind arise, whether a mo
mentary disposition to find fault with
him had not led me into other erroneous
views of his public career ; and pending
these reflections came on the famed Ex
tra Session, when the Democracy stood
suspended and waiting Mr. Calhoun’s
decision on the “Independent Treasury.”
If he had l een the man that my prejudi
ces induced me to portray him, all would
have been lost ! all his then associations
and his personal ambition pointed out to
him an easy road to the summit of pow
er. He had only to play the character,
or be it, that I had painted him, and his
lohg sought goal was attained. * Did he
succumb to his idol ? No ! \mt fearless
ly, nobly and honestly contended for
the right, and the republic was safe!
The moment the intelligence was re
ceived, my doubts yielded instantly to
the conviction, that 1 had wholly mis
conceived his character, and most gross
ly wronged him ! From that moment,
I resolved to do all I could to repair the
wrongs I had done him, and although I
have not much faith in the political vir
tue of men, Ido not know the man in
the Union in whom I would more confi
dently trust the destiny of the nation
than Mr. Calhoun; and he is my first
choice for the successor of Mr. Tyler—
at the same time, if upon a fair repre
sentation of the people in a National
Convention, Mr. Van Buren should be
selected as the candidate, he shall have
my cor died support. Such a termina
tion, however, ol affiiirs I do not expect.
If the South are true to themselves,
Mr. Calhoun must be placed with its
Whole moral strength before the Conven
tion, and he can carry the election against
Mr. Clay, but I do not believe Mr. Van
Buren can. We must remember that
nearly 150,000 votes have to be changed
since 1840 to secure the election of a
Democratic candidate. Can Mr. Van
Buren change them? Was it not really
Mr. Van Buren’s unpopularity, more
than the objections to Democratic prin
ciples, that defeated the party in 1840?
It must be admitted, I think. Then,
why risk the consequences a second
time, with an unpopular leader, when we
can place before the nation, such a can
didate as Mr. Calhoun, who has none of
the imputed sins against Mr. Van Buren
to resist his success ? The country needs
a man untrammelled by ancient pledges,
and party obligations, who can fearless
ly go forward in the great work of Re
forming the Government, without pas
sions to gratify, or pledges to redeem—
who is openly, fully, and thoroughly
pledged to Democratic principles—who
is sound to the core on the vital question
to Southern slavery —who has the moral
courage to dare to do right in the midst
of political profligacy and wide spread
corruption. Who is the man in the na
tion to fill this post, if John C. Calhoun
ho not the man ? I know him not.
I will not institute a comparison be
tween Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Calhoun,
they are both good and true men—but
the truth must be told —Mr. Calhoun
is, in every respect, the man for the
South ; and it does seem to me we shall
be false to ourselves and posterity, if we
do not, in the South, carry him before
the Convention by acclamation ! Mr.
Calhoun does not plead in behalf of a
“judicious tariff” of protective duties,
and hold for discriminating duties—lie
does not doubt whether the Congress
have power to abolish slavery in the dis
trict of Columbia—he does not think
slavery “ a great moral and political
evil.” What Mr. Van Buren holds on
these points, you do not want to Ik? to'd
by me. Are we sincere in our creed of
Dt -mocracy ? Do we really wish to see
the doctrines of free trade — low duties—
,i( taration of Bank and State—no debt
reform-retrenchment —and a strict
aik ere nee to the Federal Constitution
prevail ? Then. I ark, who ts the man,
in this wide union, most able, and the
most solemnly pledged, to carry these
principles out in the administration of
the government ? why, John C. Calhoun !
Then, why should we succumb to the
dictation of Mr. Ritchie upon this vital
question ! Virginia has not spoken yet.
I cannot believe that she will shut her
eyes to the fact, that as a Southern ques
tion, Mr. Calhoun stands immeasurably
before Mr. Van Buren with all his ac
knowledged merits. The time is com
ing when we shall not only require south
ern principles but southern blood to save
us from the torrent that is daily accumu
lating at home and abroad against us.
What infatuation then, to rob our poster
ity of their birthright, by indulging in
old and unreasonable prejudices against
our best friend, and suffer the precious
occasion to pass unimproved. Have we
not anew spring of action too, to nerve
our decision in this matter ?—a Congress
re-enacts a protective tariff, which has
destroyed our revenue from imports, and
laid our ships up in our harbors with
out employment—or induced enormous
freights on outward cargoes, equivalent
to 1 cent per lb., on the cotton crop of
the South ! in direct and open violation
of a solcjnn compromise ! are we to sit
tamely under this infliction l Depend
upon it, this wrong — this fraud upon
the South, must be repaired, or worse
than nullification must ensue ! The
present silence upon this subject, is the
precursor of a rising storm, which it will
be difficult to abate —we must have jus
tice. Let the next Congress speak out
then, before we decide upon our candi
date. Let us see who are for us and who
against us, on these great points, and
then choose, in May, 18 14, our candi
date, with our eyes open, and our armour
on for the battle ! We should be the
more anxious, as it appears to me, to se
cure the election of Mr. Calhoun, in con
sequence of the northern fiat which has
gone forth from the abolition side, that
“No slave holder can ever again be
President.” Indeed, with the feeling
yearly exhibited in Congress on this
subject—vital to our peace if not to our
existence-—if we cannot have an Execu
tive on our side, our lives, liberties and
property, must be held at the mercy of a
ma jority in Congress !
“Divisions in the democratic ranks
seem to be multiplying around us, and if
some plan be not devised to heal them,
Mr. Clay, with his Tariff, Bank of the
United States, Assumption of State Debts,
Internal Improvement, &c., will inevita
bly ride into power, unless we can carry
the Election into the House. It seems
evident, that Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Van
Buren are the men from whom a selec
tion will be made. Now, it would, in
my view, be the most glorious demon
stration Mr. Van Buren could make to
the woidd, to retire from the canvass—
such an opportunity may never occur
again for him to immortalize himself.
lie has had honors enough to sntisfy any
reasonable ambition. Twice run for the
Presidency, and once elected, he served
four years. Does his willingness to be
run a third time not savour of a love of
power, which Democracy abhors -
Would not a becoming delicacy suggest
to him, that the people having rejected
his last essay by an overwhelming vote,
he should not ask them to rc-consider
their decision ? Should he not be satis
fied that his principles are again tri
umphant ? I mean democratic princi
ples, which are his principles. If Mr.
Van Buren was well advised note for his
peace of mind, and future fame with his
countrymen, lie would seize the present
occasion to proclaim to the nation—“l
have held the highest office a free people
can bestow— I served my country, be
cause I loved it —my actions are before
the nation and the world—to history, I
submit my deeds—and, having done my
duty, and faithfully served my country,
I desire no further reward than the ap
probation of my countrymen, and an ap
proving conscience. Henceforth, iny
countrymen will most acceptably serve
me, by never connecting my name with
the Presidential office.” Such a decla
ration as this would transmit his name to
posterity in a blaze of glory ! But, has
lie the magnanimity to make this self-de
nying present sacrifice, to win the meed
of posthumous praise ? I fear not. In
deed, his present position indicates a love
of place, which many of his friends re
gret to see. It seems he is like Mr. Clay
—never believes the people are in ear
nest. By 145,000 votes, he was rejected
in 1840—in 1844, he asks for a reversal
of judgment. Will the people respond
to this l that is the question. Now, my
dear sir, in all freedom and candor, per
mit an old friend, personally and politi
cally, to make a solemn appeal to your
sober reason, and highly valued judg
ment. Let me entreat you to forget for
a moment all your ancient prejudices
against Mr. Calhoun—look at the man
as he is —as he now stands before the
nation, and do him full justice. Is he
not after all, the fittest, the ablest, the most
safe, and peculiarly qualified, at the pres
ent conjuncture of affairs, to guide the
vessel of state ?”
A Strange Combat. —The Journal
de St. Etienne gives an account of a bat
tle between the bulldog of a butcher and j
a small monkey, belonging to a travel- j
ling showman, for a wager between the
owners, one of the conditions of the wa
ger being that the monkey should be
armed with a short staff. The monkey
went to work so skilfully, and laid his
staff so lustily over the head of his fero
cious antagonist, that if the showman
had not called him off, on the butcher j
acknowledging that he had lost the wa
ger, the dug would have been killed.
So great is the power of sympathy,
that if one person yawns in a room, near-j
ly the whole company will follow his
example.
The Hauuted Ship.
During the late war, one of our fri
gates captured in the Pacific a large Eng
lish whaler ; and, to the surprize of tlie
boarding officer, he found the crew man
ifesting a great desire to get on board the
frigate, and evidently quite satisfied, if
not actually gratified, that they were
captured. On inquiry, it was found that
the captured whaler was a haunted ship !
The news soon spread tlwough the fri
gate . the next trouble was to assemble
a willing prize crew to go on board the
prize which trouble might have been
a serious one, but for the force of discip
line. The prize was a large and valua
ble ship—but she was haunted ! The
authentic report was, that during the
night, when no other noise was heard,
and no other motion felt than that of the
slow, undulating movement of a Pacific
ocean sea, a deep and deadly groan
teas heard below, coining apparently
from the after-part of the vessel, and
heard distinctly from every open hatch
way ; and so great was the panic at last,
that the captain declared he could not in
duce a man to go below.
’l'he prize-master, on taking possession,
pretended to disbelieve the story, and de
clared that if lie heard any groaning or
other ghostly noises he’d soon find out
the cause. As evening approached the’
prize crew began to listen; and sure
enough, when the usual noise of ship
work subsided, and all was silence, a
long, deep-drawn sigh came up through
the after hatchway, and increased at in
tervals as silence prevailed, till at last a
full and audible groan came forth, that
not only huddled the prize crew info a
close forecastle group, but made their
blood curdle and their teeth chatter.
Groan succeeded groan at short intervals,
till at length the prize-master interposed
“wherein does that noise come
lrom l Call all hands.” (There was no
need of this call; all hands were already
on deck.) ‘Steward, get lights; come
men, arm yourselves and follow me.
1 m d—d it 1 don’t have a tussel with this
groaner.’ Ile led the way, and the crew
followed. On reaching ’tween decks,
he stopped and listened to get the right
direction of the groan. It came as be
fore, from the after part of the ship ; and
so deep and long drawn, that it seemed
the last life effort of a Hercules in an ex
hausted death struggle —a full sigh ter
minating in a groan of agony ! ! !
The dauntless prize-master tho’ armed
with a broad sword, stood for a moment
petrified. Had he retreated one step, it
is quite certain every one of his followers
would very soon have been found hud
dled together again in a group on the
forecastle, so terrible was that last groan,
and so awful its effect upon the hearts of
those who, on occasion of battle, were
found foremost in the fight. But he held
his ground —it was no time to flinch,
and cheered his men onward “ to follow”
him. They came to a large state-room,
or stmc-holo, thrcMisffi winch is was ne
cessary to pass, and began, with the aid
ot a dim light held by a trembling stew
ard, to remove obstructions in the way.
'l’he thing the prize-master accidentally
put his hand on was the arm, shoulder,
and part of the face of an old mutilated
figure-head, which, perhaps, formerly
decorated the prow of the ship. Pulling
it out of a mass of old rigging, and hold
ing it up, he facetiously exclaimed,
1 fere’s a part of Mr. Ghost: come along
men, we ll get the whole of him present
ly. The light was just sufficient to de
velope the form of a human limb and ri
gid muscles, and the effect was so ap
palling upon the steward that he dropped
the lantern. The prize-master dropped
the limb, picked up the lantern, and
pushed on, commanding his men to fol
low ; who, finding themselves now in
the midst of danger, began to “d—n
their eyes,” and plucked up.
The stovv-hole being passed through,
they approached what might be called an
after hold, or run, stowed with casks.
Here the deep sigh and heavy groan fill
ed every space, though somewhat alter
ed in tone, and less human and less
ghost-like. On carefully surveying the
scene, a large cask was discovered with
the bung out ; at every roll of the ship,
a rush of air would pass across this bung
hole, .and cause a most unearthly sound.
(And here it may as well be stated, that
if any skeptic desires to satisfy his doubts,
let him take an empty bottle or decanter
with the cork out, and blow across its
nozzle let him magnify this to the size
of a large cask, with a large bung hole,
and then he may form some idea of the
groan alluded to.)
The bung was found and replaced,,
and the groans and death-struggle ceas
ed, and the haunted ship turned out a
good prize. But it was not without its
moral to see the manner, andwitness the
remarks of some of the old salts compos
ing the prize crew, after the real disco
very was made. Not a mother's son of
them was found unable to hitch up with
his elbows the waist, of his canvass trow
sers, and assert “ that he never believed
in ghosts and hobgoblins, not he, and
would just as soon grapple with one as
with an Englishman; and as for that
groaning, he always thought it was some
bloody nonsense or other.” But the sto
ry got to the frigate, anti many a mid
watch was enlivened by the variations
through which it passed, accompanied
by an empty bottle to illustrate the aw
ful groans on board “ Tin Haunted
Ship."
t
Unilrd Slate*, vs, Jcssce Ifoyt.
The New York correspondent, of the
Philadelphia U. S. Gazette, says: The
•lury in the case of the United States, vs.
Jessee Hoyt, late Collector of the port of
New York, have brought in a verdict in
favor of the United States, damages
$220,837 bfi.
Virginia Laws. —A tax of S6O i»
imposed on all Concerts given wi hm
the limits of the State !
