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haca s;ttcs to Ik; the vice of the American
Government as contrasted with the Gre
cian; namely, the statesmen “pandering 1
to the passions of the people.” Vet, this
notwithstanding, can any one say that
Athens, the Very seat of this worst of vi
ces, was by it “ made unbearable to a man
of any education.” Does he conceive
that any of ns, even in Canada, arc more
refined, more civilized, more educated,
than the ornaments of Athenian society,
the very men who were fain to court the
people? It is another error equally great
to make it the peculiar characteristic of
the modem republic, and the feature that
distinguishes it from the ancient, that the
“ people,really had the power.” In Ath
ens, if any where, they really had the
power; we are only left to speculate on
the restraints under which it was exerci
sed, and even to doubt if any such exist
ed in practice. But assuredly the bulk
of the power was in their hands more
than in any other democracy, ancient or
modern. •
That in the American Government
there exist great imperfections no man
can doubt; one among the greatest has
lately been removed, because the central
power of the Federaey is now enabled
better to maintain its relations with for
eign states in consequence of the recent
improvement of the constitutional law.
But there, remain blots which still disfi
gure the system, and in practice sadly
mar its working. Os these, the very
worst, undoubtedly, is the entire change
•of public functionaries, from the highest
to tlie lowest, which follows every I
Aange of the President, converts nil the j
more considerable members of the com-'
inanity into, place-hunters, and makes
the whole interval, between one election
of chief magistrate and another, a con
stant scene of canvass. The removal of
this and a few other imperfections would
snake the Government of America as
faultless as a very popular system can ev
*or be. That some and even considera
ble evils would be left evils inseparable
from a Republic, because growing out of
the large share assigned to the people in J
the distribution of power, cannot be
doubted. Hut it is no discovery of Lord !
Sydenham’s, that as long as men are)
men, power and prc-emiuence will be j
•sought after; and that if the power of j
bestowing these is vested in the people,
the people will be courted by those who
seek after them.
We are upon a practical, not a specu
lative question ; and that question is not
as to the impossible attainment of theo
retical perfection, but as to the compara
tive merits of different schemes of polity.
Power must rest in some part of the com
munity. Patronage must immediately
or ultimately rest with them that have
the power. Shall they he the people at
large? No, says Lord Sydenham; for
if the people are to choose their ministers,
they who would fill ministerial places
will debase themselves by pandering to
flic people’s prejudices. But what i? we
entrust this delicate office to a court or a
prince, for the purposes of making the
duty be more uprightly discharged, and
exalting the character of the candidates
for favour ? Are we so blinded by the
evils of popular canvass as to have all of
n sudden forgotten that other time-ser
ving, that old species of fawning, that
worse form of flattery, which the friends,
of freedom and of purity used to charge
upon the parasites of princes, the c»ew of
courtiers, the minions who pander to the
propensities, not of the people, but the
despot ? Then shall power and patron
age be vested in a patrizntibndy, in a class
of men whom “a mm of education”
might weM find not “ unbearable?” The
class fawned upon would here no doubt
be found more refined in its tastes, and
must be propitiated with more dainty
flattery. Yet I question if the fawning
would he less pliant, if the Senator would
be less given to cringe, than they who,
instead of crawling in the nntasoom of
the noble, after a more homely fashion
take the hand of the peasant and the me
chanic. I greatly doubt ifless falsehood
will he found in the smooth speeches ad
dressed to the select patrician circle, than
in the boisterous harangues delivered to
win the plebeian. One ground of my
doubt is the recollection which we all
have of the scenes of endless intrigue
and wide-spread corruption displayed by
tiie aristocratic courts of modern Italy, to
say nothing of ancient Rome in her more
patrician days; and another ground ol
my doubt is precisely this, that men are
more prone to practise deception in se
cret than in public, and therefore more
likely to use unworthy acts in the closet,
the appointed scene of intrigue, than on
hustings, from whence the grosser spe
cies of intrigue, at least, must for ever be
banished.
And .here is furnished a very striking
proof of the entire carelessness with
which this political reasoner made his
observations upon America, and formed
his opinions respecting her people, lie
plainly affirms of all statesmen in the
United States that “their only objects
are peculation and jobbing;” and their
means of being enabled to peculate and
job are “the basest flattery of the people.”
Now surely a very little reflection would
have sufficed to satisfy any vonuderate
persons that this cha ge is wholly impos
sible. The existence of such violent
party divisions, and the publicity with
which every department of Government
is administered, make jH’Ctiiation imprac
ticable. They might as well be charged
with “cornpassing and imagining the
death of the King.” It is un offence
which in such a country can have no
existence. But this manifest error into
which the writer has fallen, while it
shows the strength of his prejudices
against the Americans, proves also the
weakness of his moans of annoyance,
and it is a sufficient answer to much of
his general invective.
As to the staudiug topic of vulgar
manners, lot it lie fairly stated th at there
a/e many parts both of Frame and Eng
' land >o which we should uot think of re
j sorting were we in quest of patterns of
polished manners, liven while repre
| denting Manchester, Lord Sydenham
' would hardly have cited the bulk of his
' constituents as supeiior in elegance to
j the people of New York. But an au
thority fuliy as high ns himself on this
delicate matter, M. de Lafayette, would
1 have severely chid him for underrating
even the manners of the Americans, and
if, after such an authority, any further
defence were required, two facts may he
mentioned. Sir R. Liston declared that
he had never conversed with a belter bred
sovereign in any court of Europe than
General Washington; and among the
women of the highest breeding in our
day no one would hesitate to mention
Lady Weilesly.* They who have never
been in the United States may surely be
pardoned if- they feel unable to believe
the notion entertained by others who,
like themselves and Lord Sydenham,
have also never been there, hut who
would yet assume General Washington
and Laly Weilesly to be the only per
sons of fine manners ever produced in
the Union.
It is however, not avowedly oil tlie
score of their under breeding that the
: Gov General rests his dislike of the
| Americans. On the contrary, he rather
| seems disposed to pass that head of com
i plaint lightly, though it is plainly enough
at the bottom of many feelings upon t e
j subject. His main accusation is the mob
tyranny, and the habit of their public
men quailing before it. No doubt a cer
tain degree of this evil is inseparable
from every popular Government. Who
m Ireland dare profess any opinion hos
tile to the. Romish hierarchy throughout
the three provinces, or favorable to it in
the fourth?—Who in 1831 was safe in
England if he proclaimed his dislike of
the Reform Bill ? What public meeting
lias any moderate liberal politician ven
tured to hold of late years? Have not
even the corn law repealers been fain to
raise the popular cry of cheap bread ill
assemblies by tickets, and from which
the multitude were carefully excluded ?
We have not got so far as the Americans
in humoring the popular cry of the hour
when we address our constituents, be
cause our Government is less purely
popular than theirs; but can any one
doubt that the speeches of our political
chiefs—aye, and even th<ir measures
when in office—take the tincture of the
multitude to whom they are addressed,
and whose favor they expect to concili
ate? It this lie denied, we may require
to lie informed what Lord Sydenham
precisely means when—adverting to the
tree trade measures respecting timber,
sugar, and, above all, corn in 1841—he
says, “It is an immense point gained to
get anew flag under which to fight.—
'File people of England do not care a
rush lor any of your Irish hobby-horses;
and they are not with you upon Church
matters, or grievances of that kind.—
Even your foreign policy has not touch
ed them the least, and I doubt whether
twenty victories would give you a bor
ough or a county; but you have now
given them an intelligible principle offer
ing practical benefits to contend for, and
though defeated oti it as you doubtless
will be, defeat will be attended with rep
utation, and make you, as a party in the
country, far stronger than you have been
of late” (p. 90.) Now it is to be observed
that the preference here given to the
Corn Bill over tlie Irish Church Reform
and the other measures, is uot rested on
the relative merits, but solely on the rel
aiive popular tendency of the different
plans—their capabilities as “ flags to light
under,” and the Corn Law is preferred
because it is a better Shibboleth. No
doubt Lord Sydenham would have a
light to urge, that he had always main
tained the free trade doctrine for its own
sake; but will he not allow American
statesmen also to prefer their sevarnl ten
ets for their own sake ? Suppose he had
found a letter from Mr. Stevenson to a
South Carolina friend maintaining that
some proposition for preventing'’ anti
slavery petitions from being received by
Congress was a fine “flag to tight under,”
“oflerod an intelligible principle to con
tend for,” and, though deflated, would
make the Virginian “ party stronger than
it lmd of late been,” how little would it
have availed to urge that Mr. Stevenson
had always held the same opinions?
How triumphantly would Lord Syden
ham have pointed to this letter as a con
fession that American statesmen frame
their conduct upon the plan of pandering
to the tastes and passions of ihe multi
tude? And would it have been deemed
an answer to bis interference if it had np
jxiared that the party proposing this ex
treme course had never thought of it for
ten years which they had passed in of
fice, but merely brought forward when
all other means of obtaining influence
had failed, and when their fortune among
the constituent bodies of the country
were becoming desperate ?
But these are possibly extreme cases.
Are there no other instances, even in our
own better regulated system, so much
less disfigured by popular excess than
the American; no instances of public
men shaping their conduct and their
speeches according to the opinions and
feelings, or even the tastes and caprices
of the people, either generally or locally?
Surely common fairness towards the
Americans required some consideration
of the tone taken jn our own election ad
dresses, of the speeches made on our own
hustings and at our public meetings, of
the differences between these and the
I arliamentary speeches of the same indi
viduals, nay of the well-known difference
be ween the conduct of Parliament itself
during its first and its lart session.—
What minister ever ventured to propose
a civil li.>t on tlie eve of a general elec
tion? •
I Tlie arts to which our attention is di
rected by these remarks arc in the high
est degree discreditable to all who use
them, and arc incalculably hurtful to the
people upou whom they are practised.—
If they are, to a certain extent, insepara
ble from a very popular Government,
their mischief forms a serious deduction
from the merits of that system. To res
train them within the narrowest possible
limits is the bounden duty of ail states
men, but most especially is it the duty of
those who maintain the superior advan
tages of a popular constitution. Them,
above all others, it behoves not to lower
the character of popular men, not to cor
rup the people themselves, for it must
never be forgotten that the flattery and
the falsehood which taint the atmosphere
of a court, the poison which tyrants in
hale with their earliest breath, cannot
with impunity be inspired by ihe people.
After all, in estimating the merits of
any Government, we must never lose
sight of what is the end of all government
—the comfort and happiness of the peo
ple. It may safely be admitted thot if a
scheme could be devised for embodying
a legislature of wise, virtuous, and en
lightened men, with an executive coun
cil of capacity, integrity, firmness, re
moved from popular control, animated
with the desire of furthering the public
good and consulting, in th« pursuit of it,
no will or authority but their own chast
ened judgment, a much purer and more
noble Government would be constituted
than any that owes its origin to the pub
lic choice, and acts under the people’s
superintendence. But unhappy experi
ence has proved that any legislature, and
any executive body, removed from all
control, soon forgets the object of its crea
tion, and instead of consulting the good
of the community at large, confines alt
its exertions to furthering its own indi
vidual interest. So it must ever be until
we are blessed with a descent of angels to
undertake the management of our con
cerns. Till then there is but one securi
ty for the community—a watchful super
intendence and an efficient control over
its representatives and rulers. The ex
periment may tie coarse and clumsy ; it
may lie attended with evils of a very
serious kind ; it may give rise to an un
fortunate influence being exercised by
classes of tlie people who are neither
very refined nor always honest, nor even
very well informed as to their own in-*
terests. Nevertheless, as human society
ts constituted, in the choice of evils this
as the least; it admits of ma\y compen
sations; it gives the prospect of much
diminution as knowledge and as virtue
advances; whereas any systemthat ex
cludes the popular voice must needs
lead to a thraldom and to abuses which
admit of no compensation, and, instead
of wearing out in time, only gather
strength and acquire increased malignity
with every year that revolves.
The worst of all tne features in the
Union, Lord Sydenham has no doubt
passid entirely ovej—the disgraceful
rejudir.es against negro emancipation.
But even these may yield to circustances
and give plaoe to more rational as well
as more humane viewsof rational policy
provided a free government continues
to bless America, and no catastrophe
happens to destroy the Union. Lord
Sydenham indeed is though less enough
to view with a kind of exultation the
prospect of negro insurrection as a con
sequence of the United States daring to
wage a war with England. Misguided
short-sighted man! and ignorant, oh,
profoundedly ignorant of the things that
belong to the |>eace and happiness of
either color in the new world ! A ne
gro revolt in our islands, where the
whites are asa handful among their.sable
brethren, might prove fatal to European
life, but the African at least would be
secure, as fur as security can be derived
from the successful shedding of blood.—
But on the continent, where the numbers
of the two colors are evenly balanced,
and all the arms are in the white man’s
hands, who but the bitterest enemy of
die unhappy slaves could bear to con
template their wretchedness in the at
tempt by violence to shake off their
chains?—Then again he feelsquitecon
fident that the northern states must be
utterly defeated, and easily defeated, as
soon as they draw the sword against
England. Possibly; and yet tjiis in
ference has not been very logically
drawn by Lord Syudenham from the his
tory of the former American war.—
When the people of the colonies num
kejed less than three millions, they de
feated the best troops of England, posses
sed as she was of all the strongholds of
the country, and sweeping the ocean
with her fleets? be fore the infant republic
had a flag floatiugfupon the seas. That
twenty four millions, with entire posses
sion of the land, and and a formidable
fleet at sea, sliould be overwhelmed by
the Canadians and Nova Scotians, is
certainly a possible event; but that it is
as much a # matter of course as the Go
vernor of those jietty settlements com
placently assures himself, may reason
ably be doubted. Nay, it seems barely
possible that some notion sqould creep
into the minds of the Americans, as how
a war might lead to the very opposite
result of Canada joiningwith the United
States, and forming an additional mem
ber of that Great Confederacy.
They, however, who are the best
triends of both countries, must he the
least willing to indulge on either side in
such speculations. The Americans will
it is to lie hoped, not be tempted to form
such peniciods projects by any notion of
hostile feeling towards them prevailing
in this country. They may meet as “ a
bubble,” and trusting that it soon may
burst, the universal sentiment in Eng
land is the -qope jliat it may long con
tinue to exhibit the proud spectacle of
popular freedom, and even popular pow
er, combined with order at home, and
moderation abroad, in successful refuta
tion of all thoold opinions; that a repub- !
; lie was impossible in a large territory
with a numerous people.
•The ntvielle of this passage is exceedingly great
j —“ But what is the use of all this glory if your seats
j slip from under you V’ Then, after a great abuse of
| John Butt, ‘ I am afraid that Ihe possession of power
j is making me lertihly inclined to Ui-*|K>tism, for 1 am
thinking of planting my cabbages rather under the
ahatlc of Mctlermch or the Czar,” &.C., p. 32C. To
tic sure; and this is exactly the consequence of being
Governor General with dictorial power. „
•Others might well be added. For example, Lady
Ashburton; but her long resilience in this country
prevents all, excepting a few, from recollecting jhat
she came foin America in her younger days ns
highly accomplished in manners as the world has
more lately seen her.
Results of (enterprise.
The two principal partners of one of
tlie greatest banking houses in the world,
probably the largest discounters of bills,
were both servants, in the outset of their
lives, and blacked their employers’ hoots.
The paper which they now discount,
amounts to four hundred millions a year.
Almost all their decisions are made by
one of these men, who is so familiar with
his business and the responsibility of bu
siness men, that he runs a handful of ac
ceptances through his hands, and pro
nounces upon them in less time, than a
bank-teller pays nisbank notes for a check.
Tlie resources of the house are so vast,
that the Bank of England has found it
self quite unable to dictate to them, or to
indulge in rivalry with them. One of
the partners, it is said on good authority,
is in the habit of giving away, from his
share of the profits, a hundred thousand
dollars annually.—A. Y. Jour, of Com.
John C. Calhoun.
To prepare them for that judgement,
his friends now invoke the closest inves
tigution of his whole public career. We
point with proud defiance to every posi
tion he has ever held—as representative,
as senator —as the war champion in the
house—as secretary of war—as vice pres
ident —ns the leader of the gallant party
of ’9S, in its last terrible struggle: and,
we ask, did he ever lack judgement, wis
dom, integrity, or courage ? Scrutinize
every act of his political life—try him by
“(fie ordeal of fire" —we him in tlie
nicest balance—and when and where do
you find him lacking any of the essential
elements of true greatness ? As an ad
ministrative officer, he has shown he can
have no superior; as a law maker, his
judgement and wisdom are unsurpassed;
but it is asentina! on the ramparts of tlie
constitution that he stands unparalleled.
In the hour of our country’s darkest
peril ; when the torch of discord shed its
lurid glare over the whole land, and the
embattled hosts of consolidation were
waving their black flag of defiance, who
was it that rescued the glorious character
of our rights from the ruthless hands of
its despoilers ? Who braved every dan
ger-periled every interest—sacrificed
every interest—sacrificed every unhal
lowed emotion, to bear off the sacred ark
of liberty and equal rights from the van
dals of federalism, and who, amids the
desertion of friends, and the curses of
foes, stood over that ark; ready to be im
molated in its defence, rather than yield
to its enemies ? What cared he though
tlie storm thickened, and the lightning
played all around him ? What cared he
for the thunder of executive wrath or
the frowns of federal myrmidons? His
heart was light, and there he stood—un
awed, unterrified unconquered. O!if it
lx? permitted to the illustrious dead to
look down to earth from their heavenly
abode, with what intensity of interest
must the seraphic spirits of Jefferson and
Madison have watched the struggle,
when with almost his single, stalwart
arm, he withstood, in defence of their
glorious bequest, the whole host of exas
perated and baffled usurpers.
Look at Mr. Calhoun, at what point
you will—there he stands, the undaun
ted, the uncorrupted, the unconquered
defender of the Constitution. When,
in his more youthful days, his clarion
tones aroused the indignant “enthusi
asm” of the country to resist British ag
gression, it was prophesied that he would
“stamp himself upon the ago.” And is
the prophecy not already fulfied ? In
all after time will not the youthful patriot
point with decided “ enthunsiam” to
“Thai name,
A tight, a lnml-ir.ark, on ihe cliffs of Fame.”
To the Friends of John C. Calhoun,
therefore, we say, “hope ever !” The
people, the honest, uncorrupted people,
with a holy “enthusiasm,” such only as
real virtue can create, are everywhere
unfurling his broad, bright banner to
the breeze, and they invite all men to
rally around him, as the purest politici
an, tlie purest statesman, the purest pa
triot living. With him as the leader of
the hosts of truth, they already see vic
tory beckoning them onward—the ban
ner erect—the phalanx united—the cne
mydiscomfited—the country safe. Yes!
there is an “ enthusiasm” inspired by his
name, which augurs gloriouss uecess.
He is brave, frank, generous and ca
pable : the whole democratic army, flock
ing to his lofty standard from llie north,
and the east, and the west, and the south,
can confide in hi in as their chosen cap
tain ; for his teacher and exemplar was
Jefferson, the immortal champion of the
people, whose mantle now so gracefully
covers his great pupil.
If, in the final contest, by a combina
tion of old “ animosities’’with the un
dying revenge of old federalism, he
should be defeated, ho will be content,
and mu’mvr not at the voice of t e peo
ple ; but, should ho bo successful, re
nown to himself, and glory to his coun
try will Ix3 the enduring and inevitable
result.— Alabama Tribune.
Sheriffs' Election. —The Whigs have
set their Trapp and caught the Gate
for H. and D. Sheriff.
Proceeding of a Drmocialic me ting at
Portsmouth, N. 11.
Voted, That each delegation—and
each committee be empowered to fill all
vacancies that may occur in their respec
tive bodies.
The following preamble and resolu
tions were then offered by Mr. John T.
Tasker, and adopted :
\\ hereas, in the present crisis of poli
tical affairs, in relation to the approach
ing contest for the Presidency, while the
Democratic party throughout the union
are opjxjsed by a somewhat formidable
political enemy, which from its known
recklessness and perseverance, will leave
no means unresorted to, fair or unfair, lor
the attainment of political ascendancy,
and while we are also divided in opinion
among the various candidates presented
for public favor, it is all important to cul
tivate harmony, concord, and mutual
forbearance towards each other, regard
ing our respective preferences in the
selection of a candidate for thet exalted
station, that we may thereby secure a
cordiality of feeling and unanimity of
action, in our ultimate political move
ments ; and, whereas, an attempt has
been recently made by a primary meet
ing in this place, at which only 48 per
sons voted in the affirmative on any
question, to exclude and repel from the
Democratic party old and long tried re
publicans, who agree with their political
brethren in all the essential principles of
democracy, and this for no other cause j
than being opposed to the present state !
executive as having been a member of
the old federal party, and having voted
for other Democratic candidates, at the
last election, than those claiming to be
the “ regular nominations ;” and whereas
the vote to exclude and repel said repub
licans was passed by a vote of only 28
to 12. For these and variousother good
causes and considerations, among which
was an expression of a preference for the
Presidency, which we do no believe to
be in accordance with the sentiments of
a majority of tlie Democrats of this town,
it is therefore.
Resolved, by the Democratic Repub
licans of Portsmouth, assembled at Jef
ferson Hall, pursuant to a call of their
fellow-citizens, signed bya vastly greater
number of names than were ever before
affixed to a call for a Democratic meet
ing in this place within our knowledge
or recollection—that in the present as
pect of our political affairs, and in view of
the great Democratic principles now at
stake, the coming presidential election is
one of the most important that ever took
place sinct3 the adoption of our Constitu
tion.
Resolved, That it behooves tlie Dem
ocratic party throughout the union to
combine together on the broad principles
of Tree Trade, Low duties, Separation
from Ranks, Economy, Retrenchment,
and a Strict Adherence to the Constitu
tion agreeable to the Kentucky and Vir
ginia resolutions of ’9Band ’99, as drawn
up by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison.
Resolved, That all attempts to de
nounce and repel from the democratic
party, any portion thereof as, “ALIENS,
RENEGADES, and TRAITORS,” on
the cround of having differed from the
majority on matters of State policy of
minor importance, or in regard to their
choice of men to carry into effect the great
and broad National principles of Demo
cratic policy, is contrary to the spirit of
pure democracy,--tyranical and despotic ;
that the democratic party has no friends
to spare ; —that oil such repelling at
tempts should be and will lx: discounten
anced by every friend to Democratic
principles;—and that a man’s political
tenets can only Ix3 known by tlie princi
ples and measures he supports, and not
by tlie men lie prefers.
Resolved, That we ever have used,
and will continue to use our best endea
vours to promote union in the Democra
tic party m regard to the selection and
support of Democratic candidates for
office ; but we are opposed to the denun
ciation of any one or portion of the party,
as “ Aliens *'renegades ” or “traitors,"
who from conscientious motives of prin
ciple have been induced at times to de
viate from “regular nominations ;” —that
if this course lie countenanced and the
principle carried out, it would lead to the
expulsion from the Democratic ranks, of
some of the most talented highrninded
and valued Democrats in the country.
Resolved, That tlie proscriptive sys
tern of reading our members from the
Democratic party, which lias been adop
ted and followed in this State, and vari
ous other parts of the Union for a year
or two past, is calculated to weaken, di
vide and district the party, and render us
the more liable to Ixi overthrown and de
feated by the common enemy, and that
those so eagerly and ardently engaged
in this suicidal system of extermination
would, in our opinion, be much better
employed by uniting with others in cor
recting and reforming our caucus system
of nominations, which is the great and
most prominent cause, the very ROOT,
if we may so speak, of all our political
dissensions. They would then become
radicals indeed.
Resolved. That we believe the system
of choosing delegates to the proposed na
tional convention by Districts, is the on
ly system which truly embraces the
principles of the Democratic party —that
the object in the proposed nomination of
President, is, or ought to be, to obtain a
lull and tree expression of the wishes
and desires of the whole democratic
party immeiieally ; and that for this pur
pose “ the consolidated strength of the
larger States and indeed of all the
States, <- should be broken up,” by the
establishment of the choice of delegates
on the district system, by the people.-r-
That it would be highly becoming and
honorable in that portion of the party
who contend for the choice by State
conventions, and the vote by State ma
jorities, to concede these points, and agree
upon the DISTRICT SYSTEM, and
the vote per capita,— that this pertiu ac
ous adherence to their favorite system
and especially that of voting by State ma
jorities, indicates anything but a desiiv
to meet every democratic citizen of
United States on an equal and nation- ’
looting: Everything that looks jjjl
overreaching should lie sedulously avoid
cd. Let the free and unbiassed will of
the majority in Districts nominate and
leave it to the electoral colleges to elect
And in the event of a failure "so to do-J
then let the States in the House of Re r
resentatives assume their constitutional
prerogative.
Resolved, That we are opposed to tl„>
accumulation of a national deU, espeem'
ly in time of peace,—thut we are oppos'd
to a United States Bank, to a distribution
of the proceeds of the sale of public lands
or any other portion of the public reve
into, to the Suites,—that we are opposed
to the assumption of the State debts by
the United Suites in any way or manner
either directly or indirectly,— and that
we are equally opposed to any alteration
of the constitution to destroy the veto
power.
Resolved, That our prcfeienw f» r
the next Presidencv is decidedly in favor
of JOHN C. CALIIOUN of S. Carolina
and we declare this preference, because
we think him more immediately identi
fied with the doctrine of free trade than
any other candidate whose name is now
lx-fore the people, and that he also pos.
sesses higher qualifications for that e*.
alted station than any other Statesman
now known to the Ariierican public.
Resolved, That a§ citizens of New
Haiipshire we take a pride in expressing
a preference, above all others, for LEVI
WOODBURY for tlie office of Vice
President, believing him not only more
acceptable to the citizens of his native
State than any other, but also that he is
second to no one named even as a can
didate for tlie Presidency, with the ac
ception of JOHN C. CALHOUN
Resolved, That we go with President
Tyler so far as democratic principles
lead, and abandon him only when those
principles limy disappear. ' He has done
the country and particularly the demo
cratic party much service, for which lie
highly merits their thanks, particularly
in shielding them from the incubus of a
l nited States Bank for twenty years.and
we think, so far as in Ins power, against
a tariff avowedly for protection. Me
believe! his signature to tlie present tariff
like that of General Jackson to the dis
tribution ofthe surplus, was rather an act
of necessity than of choice. Hi lias
Ihioh much abused, and we think insult
ed by ultra prints of both parties we
are not of that class who are disposed to
censure without cause, or to- witliiio'd
the meed of praise when justly dire.—
His late message, as a general remark,
meets our approbation, and we cannot
doubt he lias been actuated by a sincere
desire to promote the public wen!.
Resolved, That though we prefer
John C. Calhoun for President*, antfLevi
Woodbury for Yicfc President, we are
still disposed to support the nominee of
the National convention, whether R. M.
Johnson, Martin Van Huron, Lewis CV .
John Tyler or James Btichahnn, averin"
in the words ot our Missouri friends, that
“our attachment to the democratic cause
is stronger than our regard for men.”
Resolved, That the ascendency of
onr measures in the approaching contort
of ’ll should be the paramount object of
every democrat—and to secure this, we
believe union, hartnany, compromise,
and especially toleration in the whole
party to bo absolutely necessary—that
our motto should be, the success of our
measures.
Resolved, That we approve the ap
pointment of the Hon. David Hetishaw
to the Navy Do pnrtnicnf—and deeply re
gret the conrseand disapprove the policy
pursued by certain democratic prints
impugning the motives and nsperstn;
the political character of sodisdngtiished
a democrat and so faithful a public ser
vant.
'Flic following resolutions approvin':
the New Hampshire Gazette, were thm
offered by Col. Josinh G. Hadley and
were unanimously adopted :
Resolved, That the New Hampshire
Gazette, in the opinion of this meeting,
merits and richly deerves the patronage
and support of all true I
only by its present able And efficient aid
in the great principles of Free Trade and
ty her democratic doctrines involved in
the present contest for the presidency,
but for its open and manly course at al!
times, and all hazards, through weal and
through wo; in the support of democrat
principles and measures.
Resolved, therefore. That we as frefi
trade and Stateßights IN.moernts, hereby
pledge ourselves to use onr aid and in
fluence to obtain additional sul-scribers
(o the Old New Hampshire Gazette,
thereby to enable them to hear up against
its opponents, who are endeavoring W
crush it, not only by their vindictive and
assassin attacks upon its conductors b ,,!
by their open warfare upon democratic
principles.
After which it was Resolved , that
foregoing resolutions, with the proceed
ings of this meeting, be signed by tb
Chairman and Secretaries, and be pub
lislied in the New Hampshire Gazf |,p
Madisonian, Boston Post, Richmond En
quirer, Washington Spectator, Washing
ton Globe, Petersburg Republican, N-y
Patriot. Hill’s N. 11. Ratriot, andtb 1
other democratic papers be requested 1
publish the same.
Resolutions being offered by
Clagirett Esq n were after discuss' o ''
withdrawn, when it was voted tod 15 '
solve. A. J. RECK, Chairman'
J. T. Taskk l Secretar ies.
Oliver Hanscom, }
A beautiful Oriental proverb thus
“With time and pntiencr, the mulhem
leaf becomes satin.”