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VOLUME II...NUMBER 5 I,
MILLBDGEFILLE; published (weeklyJ by DENNIS L. RYAN.
TUESDAY, MARCH 20, I 8 t O.
t
CONGRESS.
IN SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
Substance of the observations made by
Mr. Crawford, in reply to Mr.
Giles’s speech, an extrafl of which
•was given in the last Argus, upon
the passage of the bill for fitting out,
(jfc. all the frigates of the U. States.
Mr. Crawford, laid, before he
entered on the difcuffion of the bill,
Ire felt it his duty to declare, that in
the obfervations he had made upon
the motion for poftpotiement, he had
not the mod diftant intention of inti
mating that the gentleman from Vir
ginia wifhed to involve the nation in
a war, that he did not co'nfcLntioaf-
!y believe to be necefl’ary for the
prefervation of the honor or intered
of the country.
Mr. C. faid, that he had by his own
^efleftions, been led to conje£lure,
that this additional naval force was
intended to prote£l our commerce in
time of peace, or to prepare the na
tion for a declaration of war, which
we intend to iffite, or expe£l to be if-
fued againft us, by one or both of the
great billegerent nations. The ob
fervations of the gentleman fromVir.
had fatisfied him that his conjectures
are well founded. Thefe are the ob
jects of this bill. But when a mea-
fnre involving a conftderable expence
is under consideration, it is neceffary
and proper to enquire whether the
means to be employed are adequate
to the attainment of the objeft. |
The inadequacy of the naval force of 1
the United States to the prote&ion
of its commerce, is fo glaring as to
ftrike the mod fuporficial obferver ,
at thefird blulh. If every frigate, !
Hoop and bomb-ketch in our navy I
was a fird rate fliip of the line, it 1
would even then be wholly incompe- |
tent to that obje£L If the United 1
States were to inved 100,000,000
dollars in veflels of war, and expend
one fourth of that fum annually by
employing it for the prote£lion of
our commerce, it would dill be un-
protetted, or the nation involved in
war. As this additional naval force j
is inadequate to the protection of !
our commerce, and has never been
employed for that purpofc, it is but 1
reafonable to fuppofe that it is in- >
tended to prepare the nation for a 1
declaration of war, which we intend ,
to iflue againd France or G. Britain. ‘
In the examination of this quedion
we can only reafon from analogy.
From our pad conduct, we may
judge with fome degree of correCt-
nefs, what we lhall do under fimilar
cii cumdances What was thelitua-
tion of the U. States in March lad ?
The Britifh orders in council of the
11th November, 1807, were then
unmodified, and in full operation ;
every port in Europe which was
{hut againd Britifh veflels, was de
clared to be in a date of blockade ;
all neutral veflels attempting to en
ter them were fuhjed to capture &
condemnation ; the right to trade to
thofe ports could not be exercifed,
until the neutral veflels had touched
at a Britifh port, and paid a tranfit
d'Tty, which, in fome cafes, exceed
ed the original value of the cargo.
Our commercial intercourfe with
France was not more aufpicious.
Our veflels and cargoes had been
placed in a date of fcquedration,
with an intimation, that their final
difpofition would depend upon the
cdurfe which this nation fliould
adopt towards G. Britain. To re
lieve the nation from the preffiire of
thefe accumulated wrongs, the em
bargo was inipofed—it was volun
tarily fubmitted to for fourteen
months and was then abandoned in
a panic. When this meafure was
repealed, did we declare war ? Did
We ifliie letters of nvarque nnd re-
prifal; or did the other Ho"fe drike
from the non-intercourfe n£L a pvo-
vifirn which authoiifed the Prefident
to iflue them upon a fpetified con
tingency ? Sir, if this nation ever
inteded to declare war for any caufe
fhoit of the invafion of its territory,
or the bombardment of its cities,
lad March was the time which
ought to have been feized for its
commencement. We had caufe, &
more than caufe for war, if war
would have procured redrefs. Our
(hips were then in our own ports—
our feamen were at home—the pro
perty of the nation had been gathered
in from the four winds of Heaven,
and we were prepared to drike,
where the enemy was vulnerable.
We did not however declare War.
Mr. C faid he was not convinced
but that it is fortunate for the na
tion that we did not, Although he
thought and fflt differently upon the
repeal Of the embargo. He was
oppofed to its repeal, but for war,
when it was repealed. What, fir,
is our fmtation now when compared
with March. 1809 ? The embargo,
although vilified And abandoned
here, proves efficacious. The ar
rangement of the IDth of Apri-
lad was the offering of the embar
go. The abandonment of the em
bargo produced the difavowal of
that arrangement. The order of the
26rl\ of Anri), 1809, is dill in force,
&alihough it fallsvery fliort of the ar
rangement made At this place, yet
it abandons the two mod important
and obnoxious principles cif the or
ders of the IIth November, 1807
The tranfit duty is given up, And
the blockade of commercial P.urPpe,
is rcfti-ained to Holland, Prance and
the kingdom of Italy. Bv this mo
dification our trade to all the reft of
the world is unmolefted bv Britifh
orders in council. Tf the compari-
fon between our prefent fituation &
that of March lad. be fairly drawn,
there can be no difficulty in deciding,
that as we did not then declare war,
we (hall not do it trow. But it will
be faid that, to all the injuries which
G. Britain has committed agaifift ns,
file has added the grofteft infult.
Mr. C. faid that ho man was more
fenfiblv affe&ed by ilie cCtinuft of
the Britifh minifter towards this
government than he was. He felt
compalfion for thofe who could not.
and contempt for thofe who would
not, difeover the infult. But, fir,
afe we to merge the aggravated and
accumulated wrongs of the nation,
in the quarrel between the negocia-
tors of the two countries! If we are
to have war, will any rational man
be willing to reft it upon the infult
offered by Jackfon to the govern
ment, inftead of the long lift of at-
trocious injuries, which we have
fuffered from the injtiftice and ra
pacity of Great Britain ? Certainly
not. But, waving all the arguments
againd our declaring war. which
may he drawn from our pad cotidutt,
Mr. C. faid, he would afk this hono
rable body, whether the prefent fitUn-
tion of the World does not folemnly
admonifh this nation to Hand aloof
from the dreadful ConvulftOns with
which Europe for years part has
been agitated to its Centre ? Tcs, fir,
the charafler of the war, atitl the
principles upon which it is conduct
ed, adnVOnifh us in the molt lolemn
manner to remain quiet Until its
ftorrny billows (hall fubfide into a
calm. In the wars which were be
gun and carried on anterior to the
French revolution, the Conqueft of a
town or province was generally the
obje£t and end of Iioflilities. Now
a battle decides the fate of a king
dom ; and the mightiefl empires are
overthrown in a fingl<» campaign.
The cltnnge in nautical warfare has
not been lefs than that upon land.
Formerly the capture or definition
of a fmall part of tlte adverfc fquad-
ron, was efteemed a glorious victory.
Te Deum was fung in their chur
ches, or the tower guns were fired.
Now. if any part of the hollile fleet
efcapes, the victorious officer is pun-
iftied This conteft, fo fanguinary
in its progiefs,and dcftrttClive in its
confequences, muft ere long be
brouglit to an end. Let it then be
the wifdom of this nation to remain
I at peace, as long as peace it within
! its option.
Having (hewn from -our part; con-
dud, that we do not mean to declare
war, and alfo that Found policy for
bids us to do it, it it neceflary to en
quire into the probability of "its be
ing declared againft us. Will
France declare war againd the U.
States ? In what relation do we
(land to France ? She captures and
condemns all our veflels which have
been vifited by a Britifh veftel, or
are bound to a a Britifh port. Is
this all ? Does not France, under
‘iome pretext or other, fequeftet the
molt of our veflels which have the
temerity to enter French ports ?
How would war affeCt this relation ?
It would put and end to fequeftra-
tion, and would greatly dimioilh the
number of captures, bccaufe our vef-
fels in that cafe Would arm in their
defence. It is not the intered of
France to declare War againd us—
fhe will therefore avoid it. But ad
mitting that France -fhould declare
war—this additional naval force
would be Unnccefifiry, as long as
England continues the war and pre-
ferves her national fuperiority. If
this fhould beloft.it is not upor. a
fl ?ct of ten fold the efficient force
of our whole naval ellablifhmenr,
that we mftft rely for defence againft
'the Gallic legions of Napoleon—No,
fir, we muft rely upon ofcr own •in
ternal drengfh, upon our union and
pntriotifm, which wifi atu’wer every
demand that cafi be made upon it by
the mod trying emergency—the
dreams of the timid, a'nd the predic
tions of madmen to the contrary not-
withftanding.
But it is poflible that G. Britain
will declare war againft us. Let
us examine this fubjedl. Has G.
fuch a meflage would be delivered,
and dated its contents near one
week before it reached the two
Houfes of Congrefs. To account
for this phenomenon, is neither
within my power or province.
The gentleman from Virginia has
reiterated the oiri maxim, “ That to
be prepared frtr war is the bed me
thod of prefervtng peace,” and has
declared that he fhould vote for this
venue greater now than at th.it peri
od, or lias the whole of the pub ic
veflels then retained, ever been put
in fervice, from that year until tin
ptefent time ? Let the recordstif the
nation decide. At that time the Se
cretary of the Navy according to nv
information, confeuted to nvauare
the naval eflablifhmout with900,u *
dollars, and upon that content the
’internal taxes were repealed. If we
bill upon that principle. This maxim Are at liberty to conira-d the expen-
has the authority of great names I: jilt's of the navy of any two years by
may be true to a particular extent, j way of eftnblifbing the charge of in-
If thefe preparations are of fuch a cnnfiftency, let us tike the prefent
nature as to make the nation iiivul i and lad year Did we call into feY-
nerable, it it true. But, fir, when the : vice the whole of the navy lad yem ?
preparations amount to the equip- | Is the necefhtv for this mealuie
ment of five frigdtes, and the nation j dronger now than at that rime"? No
againd whom thefe preparations are man will venture the afiertion. The
made, can launch a 1000 veflels of expenditure of the navy was lad
war againft us, who can lerioufly year 2,379,267 dollars, and if this
urge this maxim as a jullification of bill palfleS, it Will rife this year to 2
the meafures ? It is in vain for us to 1-2 millions. The gentleman from
contend upon the ocean with a na- i Maryland, (Mr.-Smith j lias no ap-
tion who expends annually, more prehenfion of war, And yet votes for
than 300,000,000 of dollars a fum the bill upon principles of economy
fix times greater than the whole a- —but he is only for rtpairine the
mount of our exports. The charge
of inconfiftertcy againft thofe who
oppofe the paffage of this bill, has
been but feebly fupported. By way
of enforcing this charge, we are told
that when this government was in
the hands of federal gentlemen they
fancied it was too weak, and at
tempted to legiflate energy into'it,
by creating a navy and encreafing
the Handing army. The people could
not be made to feel or perceive this
want of energy, and turned them out
of power. The republicans, fays the
gentleman, who l’ucceedcd them,
like the pendulum of a clock, very
naturally vibrated to tire other ex-
Britain any intered which can be treeme, and have nearly fucceeded
fubferved by war with the U. ; in legiflating energy out of the gov-
Stntes ? Is the commerce of this ernment.—That he was opnoled to
country beneficial to her ? She en- both extremes- Sir, it is not for me
joys all of it which fire wifhes She to decide whether the gentleman
veflels, and not employing th :n t
while the gentleman from Viren.ia
intends to repair and employ th.
One gentleman fays, the fu-m appro
priated includes not only repairs, but
rigging, &c and the other lays, that
the fum is more rh.in fufficient Tne
report of the Secretary of the Navy
proves that this fum is f6r repairs
only—and another repb’rt (hews that
150,000 dollars weYe laft year trans
ferred from the article of provifi'ons
to the article of repairs. It the fame
thing does not -happen in the pre
fent cafe, it ought to excite fnrpri'ze.
\\ e were told the other day by the
gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr.
Hillhoufe) that he hoped this bill
would receive a unanimous Vote.
The lame gentleman ehjedtx to the
expence of the bill for the organising
2O.O()0 volunteer null ia. Th
gets by purchase or capture all
which fhe wants from us. For the
fird flie pays a moderate price, and
for the l ift flie pays nothing. But
what is of equal importance to her, ! )y incorrect, when he fays
we purchafe her manufactures. In
the full enjoyment of all the benefits
of our commerce, {he refttnins her
adverfaVy from all participation with
her in thofe benefits. But admitting
is < X-
from Virginia has alone been con* | ponce Will not exceed 500.000 <U 1-
filtcnt, while the reft of his frh lids ' lars while the frigates, the cbjedl of
have vibrated from one extreme to his a’ffe&ion, will cud more than
the other. The gentleman is certain- double that sum. To ufe his own
which was created by a federal ad
miniltratton wax by that adminillra-
there is danger of war with England, • tion reduced to what they called a
of what fervice will thefe few ad- peace eftabliflinidnt. In this fnuntion
ditional frigates be againft the 1000 it was found by the late admjnillra-
fltips of war which that nation Can tion ; wtiO fo fat from running into
put in commilfion ? The honorable • the extreme, dopped fhoTt in the
chairman of the committee favsr falutary work of reform. It will be
thcyWill anfwer thetwofoldpurpofcs ' recolledVed that at the downfall of
of defending our ports and harbors* the federal adminidration, the mod
and of annoying the commerce of gloomy predictions were uttered by
the enemy. To this it may be an- the advocates of a finking caufe—
fwerec, that if they are kept in Our ; every thing faerrd—every thing ven-
ports for their delence, they canUot erahle—every thing in fadl which
annoy the trade of the enttny. If links and binds fociety together, was
they are fent out *0 prey upon the according to federal declamation, to
commerce of the enemy, but feW, be trodden Under foot, and torn a-
if any of them, will ever return to funder by then- fu'cceflors, whom
defend our ports. I they branded with the odious epithet
The Prefulent’s melfage of the 3'd I of jacobins. Unfortunately for the
inft. has been introduced by the j caufe of reformation, at this precife
chairman of the committee in fup- j time, the hopes of the philantjiropift
port of this bill. Feeble muft be
the aid which this meafure can de
rive from that lource. This ntef-
fage in point of obfCurity, comes
nearer my idea of a Delphic oracle
than any date paper which has come
under my infpe£Iion. It is fo cau-
tioufty exprefled that every man puts
what conftru£iion upon it he pleafes.
Is he for war ? The meflage breathes
nothing but deftrudlion and blood-
fhed. Is he for peace ? The mef-
fage is mere milk and water, and
wholly pacific. Is he for the hill
before you ? The meflage calls for
its paffitge. Is he a friend to a large
Handing army ? Why then the mef-
fage means 20,000 regular troops.
Is he friendly to the militia ? The
meflage does not call for regular
troops—it means militia. Thus, fir,
this mcffhge means any thing, or
nothing, at the will of the commen
tator. If this meflage is oracular in
its meaning, it was no lefs miraculous
In its promulgation. The news-pa
pers to the ead of this, dated that
the 11a- \ expreflion in relation to the
val efUblilhmcnt was reduced and j teers, a high founding meafure might
fixed upon its prefent footing by a | receive my vote if it was not an ex-
republican adminidration. 'Iffienavy pefinveone, but 1,2tH),tr<)0 or 1,50<.)»
000 is too large a fum to throw away
in vaporing in the prefent exhautted
Hate of the treatuiy. The gentle
man from Connc£licut ft his friend#
are afting confiiftentlv in fupoortihg
tins bill. They are fuppoiting a fy f»
tem which owes its birth to them.
They believed,and no doubt honed*
ly, that a government which relied
for fupport only on the utility ot it#
meafures, would be weak and itu f»
ficient They endeavoured to
ltretigtheh it by creating A fyftcni
of patronage and for that purpofc
the navy was built, and for tha r pur-
pofe, and that alone, is It calculated.
Blit the time when this navy was
built, and the purpofes for which it
was odenfthly deftined, enabled
them to reafon more plaufible in it3
favor than we can for the additional
expence called for by this bill.
They intended, to employ it a-
gainft France, where it wouM be effi
cient to a particular extent. We
intend to employ ours, if it is to be
employed at all, againft G. Britain,
where it will be holly inefficient, &
worfe than inefficient.
But, fir, our naval force is not to
be employed at all, if the two poffi-
tions, attempted to be eftablifhed in
my previous obferVations, be cot-
re£l. If we do not intend to de
clare war, nor expett it to be de
clared againd 'US, what apology have
we for incurring this enormous ex-
pence i What apology have we to
embark in war expenses, When we
intend, and expedl to be at peace ?
Gentlemen who think with me, who
believe that we fhall r.ct have war &
that fo far, as depends upon our
own a£lions, we ought not to have
it, will do welt to rcfletl that when
out (lets are equipped, and armies
raifed, we muft employ them—we
mwft go to war to juitify ourfclvrj
to ilia nation for tlte exorbitant ex»
and patriots were bladed in France
The blind fury of th< ir unprincipled
demagogues, their jacobinical lead
ers under the fpecious pretext of re
form, had trampled upon every in-
ftitution in that country, which was
held dear by the people, and the lad
ray of hope, that rational liberty
would be eftablifhed in that nation,
had periflied forever. Under thefe
circumftanccs the new adminiftra-
tion, cautioufly guarded againft the
charge of innovation, dopped fliort
of their duty. They ought to have
amputated this fungus of the body
politic, and rcltored it to a found and
healthy date. This was not done,
and the nation has confequently
fpent about 12,000,000 of dollars
upon it. But We are informed that
the navy in 1800-1 was larger than it
now is, although our revenue was
then inferior to what it is now. If we
refufe now to pUt in commifliou and
fervice all the veflels which weie not
fold in 1800-i, wv* Band cohVl&cd
of inconfilUffCy. But, fir, is the IS-
