Newspaper Page Text
of the States and of the people; unless it is in-
fended that these shall be held at the mercy of
the Federal Government.
1 will put a strong case and let gentlemen
;»oint out if they can the “rightful remedy,” ac
cording to their principles. The Treasury be
ing filled by taxes imposed upon you, under all
the forms of the constitution, tho money is ap
propriated to purchase the freedom of your
slaves, for the purpose of colonizj.ig them in
Africa. You are to bo paid for your property
with money d 1 awn from your own pockets,
until the money is exhausted, anu your proper
ty gone! What is the remedy? According to
the principles advocated on the other s dc, it
is your duty to submit. The Supreme Court
has no jurisdiction over the Act Jevying the
tax (for like the tariff it purports to be for rev
enue ) uor over that appropriating the money.
The Federal Government has decided the law
to be constitutional, it has been sanctioned by
the will of a majority, (the supreme law,) the
Slate has no right “to judge ol the infraction,”
or to interpose its authority in any way, what
then? You ure bound to submit. No; say gen
tlemen, you must rebel—you have still the “right
of rebellion’* left; a “sovereign State” guilty ot
rebellion] Thus you sec, gentlemen, that it
comes to this, that a State, or tlie people of a
State, have no means left of preserving the
r ights expressly reserved to them by the terms
of the compact, but by incuring the guilt and
meriting the fate of traitors, unless indeed their
treason shall be sanctified by success; and the
free.citizens of a sovereign State have precise
ly the same remedy for the preservation of their
constitutional right, as the slaves of some eas-
tern despotism, rebellion.
Leaving Ibis topic, I proceed to make a few
brief remarks in relation to tbe course which
the lie; resentatives from South Carolina have
f und them elves called upon to pursue.—
From the session of’23, '24, when the Amer
ican System,” in its two branches of the Tarifl
and Internal Improvement, became, as we
have been told, tho settled policy of the coun
try, your Representatives liavc been compelled
to struggle with fearful odds, and under the
most discouragemg circumstances, against
nea: ures which tbe people of South Carolina
j;it! in their assemblies denounced as
“unconstitutional, oppressive and unjust,” and
which the Legislature, after repeated remon
strances and protests, had solemnly declared
to be “so gross a violation of the rights of the
peoj iu, and so palpable a usurpation of pow
ers not granted, that the measures to be pur
sued consequent on a perseverance in this sys
tem, were purely questions of expediency, and
not of allegiance, ’ and that “they were only
then restrained from the assertion of the sover
eign rights of the State, by the hope that the
magnanimity and justice of the good people ol
the Union, would effect an abandonment of
a system partial in its nature, unjust in its ope
ration, and not within the powers delegated to
Congress”* Instructed. Gentlemen, as your
Representatives have been, to maintain these
sentiments, they have endeavored to support
them with a fidelity due to the expression of
the deliberate opinion of their constituents, and
a zeal proportioned to their couvictiou of their
importance. They have nevertheless, been
condemned to winess the repeated failure of
their exertions; their appeals to the magna
nimity and justice” ol their bretheren have
been made in vain, and they have been lett
under the painful conviction of the truth of
Mr. Jefferson’s assertion that reason and argu
ment iu opposition to this system of legalized
plunder, might just as well have been ad
dressed to “the marble columns which sur
round our Legislative halls. e have been
compelled, Gentlemen, to see the system of
impost, designed by the Constitution for rais
ing revenue, openly perverted to the purpose
of laying the agriculture and commerce of the
country, and especially of the Southern Slates
under contribution to the manufactures. We
have seen the system of Internal Improvement,
which came recommended to us by the fair
promise of unnumbered blessings, degraded
into a “a disgraceful scramble” for the public
money, and threading speadily to become in
the prophetic language ol Mr. Jefferson, “a
source of boundless patronage to the Execu-
tive, of jobbing to members of Congress and
their friends, and a bottomless abyss of public
money—a source of eternal scrambling among
the members who can get most money wasted
among their States, and in which they will get
most who arc meanest t ’t We have been con
strained to see and to feel, that the whole
course of affairs, tbe entire tendency of things,
was to add by construction to the power of
the Federal Government, to assume an unwar
rantable jurisdiction over our persons and our
propertyl»y “organizingthe whole labor and
capital rf the country”—controling our pur
suits of industry, and attempting to bring about
un’arlificial equality, by transfering the profits
of the Southern planters to more favored por
tions of the community. Your Representa
tives seeing these things passing every day
before their eyes, and having no power to ar
rest their progress have felt it to be their duty
from time to time faithfully to warn you of the
actual state of affairs. They have exposed
to you tbe true character and extent of the
dtfficuUies*which surround you, and have told
you frankly of the entire failuie of their utmost
efforts to avert these evils. If standing as
•• sentinels on the watch tower” of your rights
and liberties, they had told you that “all was
well,” while the enemy was undermining the
very foundations of the citidcl, they might
have reposed in peace: but you would have
been roused up when the enemy was upon you,
and when all your efforts to avert the evils of
a “ consolidated government,” would have
been in vain.
Your Representatives. Gentlemen, (I say it
proudly,) feel that they have dune their du
ty; what remains to be done, it is for you, and
not for them to decide.
This gloomy picture of our affairs is bright
ened but by a solitary gleam of light, arising
from the rejection, by the Executive, of the
Maysville Road. Yes, Gentlemen, the man
who had “filled the measure.of his country’9
glory,” has once more thrown himself into the
breach—has once more bared his noble hosom
* ltc»«>liitijn of December, 1828.
t Mr. Jefferson’s letter to Mr. Ma&son 0?March 7th,
mo.
in detente of the Constitution and of our liber
ties, against those who, though regardless of
tho " beauty,” are intent upon tbe ** booty'’ ot
the country,—and God grant, that now as then
the invaders may be driven back, ” discomfit
ed and disgraced.”
Gen- Jackson i« putting his veto upon the
Maysville Road Bill, has opened to the South
ern States the first dawning of returning hope.
The reduction upon the duties upon salt and
molasses, and a few other articles, though a
measure just in itself,fas lessening the burdens
of the people, and calculated in some small de
gree to weaken the ties which bind tbs mem
bers of the American System party together,
furnishes in my opinion, no ground for any con
fident expectation, that the system will be
broken up, especially in the face of the over
whelming majority by which Mr. M’ Duffie s
motion to repeal the Tariffs ol 1023 and 1824,
was voted down in the House of Representa
tives. But the rejection of the Maysville
Road, if 11 can be viewed as a pledge that no
work of Internal Improvement is to be prose
cuted during tbe administration of the present
Executive, may be bailed as the most auspi
cious event which has taken place in the histo
ry of the country for years past. If we can be
permitted to indulge tbe hope, that the Tariff
and Internal Improvements, heretofore united
iu the unholy bands of unlawful wedlock, are
now to be divorced—if those arc to be : put
asunder” whom god has not “joined together”
then indeed is there cause for rejoicing; for
without claiming to be a "Prophet, cr the son
of a Prophet,” I think I may predict that the
Tariff will not long survive the death of Inter
nal Improvement. United for unholy ends,
and subsisting by mutual plunder, it can hard
ly be doubted that a separation will be the de
struction of both. Let us then, on this occa
sion, pour fourth the acknowledgments of a
nations gratitude to the author of this good'—
Great as are the claims of Gen Jackson to
the gratitude of his country, this act has given j
him new titles to oar regard. On no occasion (
of his eventful life, has he displayed a more
generous disregard of all selfish consideration, j
more exalted patriotism, or more heroic cour-j
age—and should this prove to be only the j
first step iu a course which is to restore the )
Constitution to its original principles, and
bring back the Government to a sound and j
wise policy, the name of Jackson will go down
to posterity as the Washington of “his day aDd
generation.” But does it appear to me, that
though this act on the part of the President
ought to be hailed with acclamation by every
lover of his country, it can furnish no^apology
for an abandonment by 11s, of the great cause
of State rights. Now when the enemy is in
confusion and dismay, are we by laying down
our arms to enable him to rally, and return with
renovated vigor to the conflict. If we are
satisfied with the rejection of the Maysville
Read, we can hardly hope for other and great
er triumphs. Besides who can tell whether
tho President will be sustained in the perilous
conflict in which he has engaged. Already
do wo find his advocates in the West vindi
cating his course, on the ground that “the A-
merican System” is still to be maintained by
the administration in all its vigor, and pointing
to the message they adduce, in support ot
their assertion, the language of the President
which sustains the tarif', on the grounds “ol its
consistency with the letter and spirit of the
constitution—of its origin being traced to the
consent of all the parties to the original com
pact, and of its having the support and appro
bation of the majority of the people,” while
with regard to Internal Improvement, they
point triumphantly to “the admission in the j
message of appropriating money to road3 and
canals of a national character. Language like
this coming from such a quarter, is certainly
calculated in some degree, Co chasten the ex
ultation and joy with which this act of the
President, has been received by the Southern
States.
But I have trespassed, Gentlemen, too long
upon your patience, anJ must hasten to a close.
Let me say, then in conclusion, that I do con
scientiously believe, that the assertion of the
principles! have vindicated, is esseutial tothe
great cause of State rights, though I believe
The abandonment by South Carolina ct the
grounds solemnly assumed and repeatedly a-
vowed by our Legislature, will amount to an
unconditional surrender of those principles.—
I wish not to be understood as indicating any
particular course as proper to be pursued by
the State at this time, and under existing cir
cumstances. As one of the representatives
of South Carolina, I have at all times strenu
ously advocated these principles, and to the
best of my ability, faithfully maintained the
rights and interest confided to my care. Fur
ther (ban this I have not felt myself authorized
to go; to tho pooplo, .mil to thorn alone, it be
longs to decide, both now and at all timec
hereafter, how far and how long it is their du
ty to submit to acts of the Federal Govern
ment, which all feel to be a violation of their
rights. For my single self, I .am free to de
clare that I cherish a sincere and ardent devo
tion to the Union, and that to preserve it in
violate, l would willingly lay down my life.——
But the Union which I revere, and which is
dear to my heart, is founded on the constitu
tion of my country. It is a Constitutional U-
nion, which we have sworn to “preserve, pro
tect and defend.” I may be mistaken, fellow-
citizens. but I have always believed,, that no
thing is wanting to secure the success of our
cause, but union at home—such harmony of
feeling and unify of action, as shall carry to
the minds of our oppressors the conviction, that
we are in earnest—that we “know our rights
and knowing dare maintain them.” And, if Gen*
tlcmen, we are destined to fail, and the South
is to be drawn down from that “high b palmy
state” of prosperity, dignity, and renown, which
she has sd long and so proudly occupied—if
she is destined tube humbled in tbe very dust
before her oppressors, I shall live and die in
the belief, that the calamity will have been
brought upon her, because her citizens have
not been true to thetnselves—because we have
listened to tbe voice of those who have no
common sympathies with us—or who have an
interest in perpetuating the abuses under
which we suffer, or who from unreasonable ap
prehensions of imaginary dangers, will have
palsied the hearts, and shaken the constancy
of their countrymen
But whatever may be the course of South
Carolina at the present crisis, it is my deter
mination to stand by her side. When I * 9
. ,• __ 1 :7l. 1 - —..'I
uimaiiuii jiuiiu v’j mi ,
be found acting with her revilers, or enliste
. ° K . mnu “mV
if
an*
under the burner of her enemies, may * my
right hand forget its cunning, and my tongue
cleave to the rsof of my mouth. It is ^tb$
soil of Carolina, which has drank up the ““
cious blood of our forefathers shed in her
fence; here repose the honored boues ot my
cestors—it is here that I drew my first breath
—here (hat I have been kindly fostered in
youth, and sustained in manhood, by the gen
erous confidence of my fellow citizens. It is
in the soil of Carolina that the eyes of my
children first beheld the light. Bound to you
gentlemen, and to my country by so many and
such endearing ties, let others desert her if they
can; let them revile her, if they will—I shall
stand or fall with Carolina. God grant that
wisdom and virtue, firmnoss and patriotism,
may preside in her councils, and direct her
measures: but should she err, I shall not be the
recreant sop lo join in the exultation of her en
emies 1 shall cast no reproaches into her
leeth—but it adversity as in prosperity—in
wjal as in woe”—through good report and
through evil report—I go for mv country.
COL. DRAYTON’S ADDRESS.
At the dinner, given in this city, on Thursday
last, to Messrs. Hayne and Drayton, the
following toast was drunk:
William Drayton.—Able, faithful, and elo
quent South Carolina cherishes him as a
son disciplined in her best schools of chivalry
and honor—With dovoied firmness he has
pursued the dictates of his conscience in oppo
sit ion to lh«; request of a respectable portion
of his constituents—we honor him for his in
dependence.
When the applause with which it was re
ceived, had subsided, Col. Drayton arose and
addressed the company as follows:
Fellow Citizens—Accept my grateful thanks
for the approbation which you have been pleas
ed to express of my public conduct, an<j of the
motives by which it has been directed. At
all times I earnestly seek to learn the senti
ments of my consii!uen:s. They are entitled
to all the services which I can render them;
and to require, as a general rule, that in rev:
dering those services, I should conform to
their wishes; but, whenever, after mature de
liberation, I have arrived at the conclusion,
that I cannot comply with them without vio
lating my official oath, or the principles of mo
ral right; whenever the question arises be
tween my conscience and the will of my con*
stiluents, that question must be solved by my
duty to my God This opinion I have so fre-
quenfly uttered, ih?t I have every reason to
believe, that a majority of those w hom I rep
resent, are acquainted with it. Should I be
mistaken, I gladly avail myself of this occasion
to declare it. Political errors l may often
have committed. With the concealment of
my political principles, no one can justly charge
mu.
The topics most interesting to South Caro
lina, to which I have lately given my attention
in Congress, are the Tariff, and what are
termed “Internal Improvements.” It being
well known, that I consider the law imposing
duties upon imports for the exclusive benefit
of the domestic manufacturer, to be unconsti
tutional and deeply injurious to the great mas*
of the community, and that I regard “Internal
Improvements’’ as they have long been acted
upon, to be attended with a wasteful and rui
nous expenditure of the public treasure for
private purposes, and to be at variance with
the spirit of tlie federal compacr, I shall not
now enter into a discussion of these subjects,
but confine myself to a brief examination of
tho consequences which have flowed from
them. An excitement growing out of them,
has pervaded all parts of our State, and has
made so profound an impression upon the pub
lic mind, as almost to absorb every other po
litical consideration. Our citizens, suffering
under an Act, which a great majority of them
believe to be unconstitutional, have naturally
been led to deliberate upon the steps which
ought to be taken, under circumstances so
critical and momentous. Of the expedients
proposed, that which seems, most generally,
to be relied upon, is, through the medium of
the Legislature, or of a convention chosen by
the people, to nullify the obnoxious law, or in
other words, to declare it to be unconstitution
al, and to absolve our citizens from obedience
to it, unless a contrary decision should be pro
nounced by three fourths of the Legislatures of
the several States, or by conventions of the
people, in the same number of the States.—
Those who recommend this course are san
guine in their expectations of its efficacy.—
They arsert (hat a sovereign State, under its
reserved rights, can constitutionally, resort to
it, nod that by no other means can the Union
he preserved. If by any process of reasoning,
ot which lam capable, if by any lights which
1 could derive from intellects far superior to
mine, I could accord in these views and infer
ences, I should rejoice to do so; for no one
condemns more than myself the principle of the
existing Tariff, or more deprecates its baleful
effects. Nevertheless, after anxious and pain
ful meditation, directed by every motive which
ought to influence a lover of his country, and
of his country’s reputation and prosperity, I
cannot perceive any substantial distinction be
tween the abrogation of a law of Congress, by
a State, aud the separation of that State, from
the Union. When an act of Congress has been
passed, in its customary forms, until repealed
by the body enacting it, or decided lobeinva
lid by the Federal Judiciary, it becomes the
law of the land. The President of the United
States is compelled, by bis oath of office, to
enforce it, unless perhaps, he should be satis
fied of its unconstitutionally, which is not the
opinion of President Jackson, as to t*e Tariff
of 1828. Should then the President, or the
mandate of the Federal Court, direct it to he
carried into execution, it could not be resisted
hy us, excepting upon the ground, that our
State had withdrawn from the federation, or by
tho exercise of force. Tho first alternative
would be, ipso facto, a severance of this State
from tbe Union. The second, would be an ap
peal to arms, the ultima ratio reipublics.
Let me not be misconceived I am not the
advocate of passive obedience and non-resis
tance. In the ordinary administration of af-
feiingor Indignity endur^t-Bnt if.we do wait
pa .‘ivelv six years more, is ifr* Ejquwer xure
that the Tariff will be reduced? fe it not
more likely that th« tniplus revenue wui be
applied to Internel IaprovetnepU, oa • «
scale than evert Or ih* *****?'*"
mongst the states in the ratio of their repre
sentation in Congress? In either case the Booth
will still continue to be impoverished by tbe
North and West. Sooth Carolina alone con
tributes more tothe National Treasury, un ot
tbe present iniquitous system of taxation, than
the six New-England atates together one halt
—and yet, according to that principle at dis
tribution, she would scarcely receive in return
more than the smallest of the six. Upon
the fairest principle of distribution.-(that 01 ac
tual contribution to the Treasury) the scheme
would be ridiculous, proposing, as it does,
fairs, the assertl6o of the right of the majority
to bind the people, is a mere truism; but a ma
jority, as well as a minority may be a faction,
j>nd where the Legislature is accused of usur
pation, or corruption, or oppression, to con
tend that the will of a prevailing majority
should alone be evidence of the legality ot
their proceedings, would render hopeless all
possibility of relief. * A crisis might arise,
when the bonds of the Union ought to be bro
ken. The right of the Slate to secede from
the Uoion, 1, unqualifiedly, concede, but so
long as she belongs to it, if she be not bound
by its laws, tbe monstrous anomalies would
exist, of a government whose acts were not o-
bligatory upon its citizens; and of a State con
stituting one of the members ot the Union,
whilst denying the authority of its laws.
I am not unaware of the con^cUon of many., - —---^ , he ~ ja | e parp08 e
that the consequences anUcipa.ed^ me, ™ , h „ m .Vi!-money. Upon the oth-
would not follow from a nullification c. t«»c tar
iff act, in the mode which has been mentu'Ecd,
that, on the contrary, the repeal of the
of restoring them their money. .
er principle (that of representation) it won
be palpably unjust and oppressive to the
wouid be insured bv so vigorous a resolution South. ]L et f ^ eVcntS W
To those who are under this conviction. Enquirer insists that if South Carolina
would submit, that »t is founded upon the sup-j X™* 1 nullification, Virginia will
posed weakness of their opponents—a position j should P»'° cec T respect the Enquir*
as false and dangerous in politics V is .! n0t I 11 Z“. Jto tuTr* principles
war, and utterly unworthy of the high-minded | er, we canno. ass*. - ronlendino’ arc
freemen ofSouth Carolina. Unless a majori-.for which South Caxoi • g te IS ° a ] so
ty of the people of the United States were per-j those of Virginia herself. I interest in
sunded, that their interests were advanced by {identified with South Carolina X , ’ j
the mis-called “American System,” it would feeling, and above all tue preserva <
npirpr havfi hp.p.n imuosed uoon us bv succes- maintainnnee of Southern policy and. msti.n-
uever have been imposed upon us by succes
sive Congresses, from 1816 to 1830 Is it
probable, that this majority, stimulated by the
lust of avarice, and sustained by the arm of
power, would yield tothe legislation, or to the
menaces of a single State?
It might be asked of me, whether I would
recommend silence and inactivity amidst the
wrongs with which we are afflicted. My an
swer is—No. What can constittitioftally be
done by the Legislature, ought to be done by
it. Through Congress anil the press, and
communications with those Spates whose
cause is common wtih ours, every possible ex
ertion should be made, to dispel the delusion,
under which the people labour, as to the true
character of an unconstitutional law, which
fetters our industry, cripples our commerce,
and taxes the many for the benefit of tho few.
All are injured by it, excepting the Manufac
turers: and although they, when combined, can
carry the majority with them, yet recent c-
veuts strongly indicate, that by attacking
the tariff, in detail we may bring it back to
those principles from which it ought never to
have departed. *
Should the efforts which I have suggosted,
fail of success—should the law we complain
of, remain unrepealed upon our statute book
—We should thenjenquire, whether a recur
rence to the remedy which I have adverted
to would not be worse than the malady which
it professes to cure—whether its certain con
sequence would not bo disunion—whether dis
union would not be fraught with more disas
trous results than the provision of the act—
whether it would not create a division in our
State, producing that direst of national calam
ities civil war* AA»r pcfuloring
atelv and profoundly upon these questions, we
are, bound by every social and moral duty, to
elect the least of the evils presented to us.—
For my own part 1 feel no hesitation in avow
ing, that I should regard the separation of S.
Carolina from the Union, as incalculably more
to be deplored, than the existence of the law
which we condemn.
I have thus, fellow-citizens, communicat ed
to you my sentiments upon an all engrossing
subject. When I look round me and see many
to whom lam united by the lies of blood-
many who are my valued persona! friends—and
some with whom I have acted, harmoniously,
in political struggles, 1 am unable to convey
an adequate idea, in words, of the pain % which 1
feel, in expressing opinions which I believe to
be at variance with theirs. I have neverthe
less, done this violence to myself, from the
conviction, that iri times of public oxcitement,
t he opinions of no citizens should be concealed;
and because my constituents have the right to
know my thoughts, in order that they may de
termine whether I am worthy lo represent
them. I most willingly submit myself to, their
verdict, confident, and I trust not vainly so,
that they will give me credit for having fully,
candidly, and fearlessly, spoken from flie dic
tates of my heart.
Mr. President the colours flouting around
these walls, have suggested to me a toast,
which I beg leave to offer instead of the one I
had prepared for this meeting.
“May our star spangled banner, so often tri
umphantly unfurled Hpon the ocean and the
land, ever wave, with undiminished lusture,
over free, sovereign, and united States”
FROM THE RICHMOND ENQUIRER JULY 2.
The respect we feel for the Charleston Mer*
cury prompts us to lay the following article
before our readers, with a few Notes:
[“The Richmond Enquirer recommends
patience and forherance, it tells us that a new
light has broken in upon us—that the public
expenditures were limited—the public debt
paid—and that in a few years more all our dif
ficulties will be over.
“This sounds well. But it docs not con
vince us. We perceive in it assertions, not
facts—hopes, not reasons—and rather a patri
otic anxiety that things may come right, than
a well grounded assurance that they will.
‘A new light” says the Enquirer, 'has dawn
ed upon us.” It lias—and ive are grateful
tor it. Let the friends of the Coustifution con
tinue (1) their exertions, and that light will
yet shine with the radiance of a perfect day.
But if they suffer it to bewilder or distract
them, better that not a gleam had visited their
eyes. Let them he true to themselves, and
things assuredly will come right. But if they
permit themselves to be lulled into security by
delusive hopes and vain expectations, tbe
victory they have gained, (glorious as it is)
may yet prove ib the end worse than a de
feat.
“The public debt will be paidL-the duties
will he reduced.” When will il be paid. Can
the Enquirer tell? Admitting, however, that
it may be paid in 5 or 6 years time, must the
people of the South patiently (2) submit to in
justice and extortion till that period arrives?
Is there no principle involved? No actual suf
tions. She could not permit S Carolina to be
sacrificed without jeopardizing every thing
most dear to her self. Interest, therefore
would forbid it, to say of nothing the high,
character for generosity and chivalry b y which
that State is so eminently distinguished. Wo
do not say that S uth Carolina will adopt anv
measure of resistance, but we are sure, that if
she should, Virginia could not look on, or take
part against her, without deserving her princi
ples, hazzarding her safety, and disgracing
her character And we are protty confident
that she would do neither. We believe, on tire
contrary, that in an evant of that kind, “com
mon feelings, common habits, and common in
terests,” would produ'ce an immediate and de
cisive union amongst the Southere States, and
that Virginia would be found, as ever, true to
the cause ofliberly and justice. J”
NOTES.
(1.) This is the very course we would recom
mend—but how continue? As we have al
ready done at Washington, by argument, hy
appeal to the calm sense of the people, by the
wbolsomeinterpositionofthe Executive Power
-by continuing “the long pull, aid the itrerg
pull and tho pul! altogether”—or by carrying
out the doctrine of nullification, by forcing the
Executive to carry into effect the laws of the
U States, distracting our own party, breaking
it up into fragments; aud giving a handle lo
our common and acute enemies to sound the
tocsin, to abuse the motives of the South Car
olinians, misrepresent the true principles of tho
friends of State rights, and expose the whole
cause to c.ha rges. which it does cot deserve,
and to prejudices that a>ny deeply injure it?—*
The duties, which su*-h a stale of thing? may
throw upon the other Sou!hern States, we
will not run out in detail—But they will clear
their skirts unpleasant 'as such alienations
may ho from their bretheren, from all snppo*
sition of their aiding and abetting in a scheme
which might possiblv in its tendency, though
not its intention, strike at the Union itself. .
(2) Surely—rather than adopt a measure,
which mav ultimately shake the Union.
(3) W would respectfully advise South
Carolina to co-operate with s»!l the friends of
tbe Constitution and assist in bringing out tl o
dawning of a new light into tlie “perfect day”
—and not resort to measures, with which they
cannot all heartily co-operate, and thus de
feat the hope that is breaking upon us, by U.e
aid of such weapons, ns Truth furnishes us,
and such champions as have rallied under the
banner, to restore the true principles of
the Constitution.—That there is a point of op
pression beyond which a free people cannot
endure their wrongs, is conceded—but is it pos
sible that South Carolina has arived at this
point? How longconld the Union last, if its
laws are to he defeated by every State, which
complains of them? The excise laws qave
offence to Pensylvania—the Embargo act dis
satisfied the East—the war was displeasing in
the same quarter. Could the Union stand un
der such repeated shocks?
We are fully aware, indeed, that our breth-
ofS. C are much against Disunion as others
are. *Thry disclaim it—they disclaim resist
ance—they go only for the nullification of the
Tar'ff There is a late writer in the Columbian
Telescope, who probably lays down the course.
He suggests that the Legislature may call a
convention- of the People, and he supposes
th°se questions put to them among others:
•’Are such laws if not authorisad by the
Constitution, binding upon the people ofS.
Carolina.
“If not binding upon citizens, is it expedi
ent in order to protect our citizens from their
unjust operation to declare them null and
void, and in no wise binding upon the good
people of S. Carolina?
“Is it in such case expedient to forbid any
citizen ofSouth Carolina to be aiding or as
sisting those laws in execution against his fel
low-citizens!
“And to require cf the Convention, such
further resolutions and declarations as may he
necessary to carry into effect the peaceable
and constitutional opposition of such laws?
“Suppose, (saj[9 he, pursuing his scheme)
the Tariff protection should be declared un
constitutional. and therefore null and void: ami
all custom house bonds given under it null &
void also. The Attorney General of tbe U. S.
puts the bonds in suit; the declaration of our
conventions nullifying these laws are urged
to the jury. A South Carolina jury will as
suredly support the doings of the *Con vent ion
of his fellow-citizens of South Corolinu: ver
dict goes for defendant. Motion for a new
trial, another jury gives the same verdict. Is
not this enough? Wfiat do you want with
disunion? All things go on in the same man-*,
ner as before; we send our delegates to Cou^
gress as before: they have nothing to say a-
bout our piocedings, but that their own State
had taken the liberty of declaring that ai*
unconstitutional Iaw ? was ip fact and m troth