Newspaper Page Text
THE FEDERAL
i.
JOHN G. POLHILL, fiWTOR.
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, SATDRDAT, NOVEMBER 6, 1830.
VOLUME 1, NUMBER 18.
tee feeehal uniojt
a puUi *hed evety rs-aarUaj ai nu doll^ks per an-
jm in adrjnce, or Four if n " p.a«i Ix fore Lie end of Uie
enr.* T»e 0A» is on IV ayat-Street, opposite Me-
./MBS* Tavfbn.
All VdvkrtisemeNts publiditd at the usual rates.
Cacti Citation by the Clerks of the Courts of Or
dinary that application has hem made for Letters of Ad
ministration, must bepublis: td Thirtt days at least.
N 'ticebv Exer.ntars and Administrators tor Debtors
»ni C-ed't -rs to render in their accounts must be publish*
ed Six ei tws.
Sah:so. ii -jroes by Ex^cut^rs and Administrators must
be advertised Sixty uats before the ti; v of sate.
Sales of personal properly (except m^rors) of testate
and intestate estates by Executors and Administrators,
knurt be .<dvertiseil Forty day9.
Ajui it rtions by Executofs, Administrators and Guar
dians lo 'he court of ordinary for leave to sell Land must
be published Four months. _
Ap ’’iedtions by Executors and Administrators for Let
ters Dirmissory, must be published Si v months.
Applications lor f*m closure of Mortgages unreal Es
tate must be advertised once a month forHix months.
Sales of rent estate by Executors, Administrators and
Guardians must be published Sixty days before the day
of sate. These sales mint be made at the court-house
d.'.or between the hours nj 10 in the morning and four in
the afternoon. N » sale from day - to day i9 valid, unless
so expressed in the advertisement.
Orders of Court of Ordinary, (accompanied with acopy
of the bond, or agreemen') to make titles to Land, must
be ntve-tised Three months at least-
S.n*riff i sale* under executions regularly granted by
the con rt*. m ir'.be adverli c cd Thirty Days.
Mienff’s sale. .jntter mortga-.re executions must be ad-
verf.is.’d Sixty days before the day of sale.
Sheriff's * |es .f perislrahle property under order of
Cr *rt must b 1 * >dv liv*l penerslly Ten days-
\ in- :n ■ f.u Id erii.ements wiii be punctually at
tended to.
♦ + * y:! Letierf. lireeted t > the office, or the Editor,
jn*tst he post -paid to ei. r it!« them to .itl< ntion.
POLITICAL.
FROM THE COLUMBUS DEMOCRAT.
Wi'hGov. Troup as a partisan we have no
thing now to do. He is not before the pub.
lie as a candidate for office; and we are willing
fi« should repose himself on the confidence oi
those frifnds *.vho h ive sustained him through
the stormy passages of his public life. Yet as
<a legislator, a statesman, occupying a station
whore his opinions must necessarily affect the
di -’invofour country, it is a duty we owe
our readers, to canvass those opinions, when
proclaimed lo the world as the basis of his fu
ture acts.
His late published letter to the Committee
from whom he received an invitation to at
tend l he meeting at Columbia, S. C. is one of
Khose documents which ought not to be over
look d by the press The importance of the
fuhj ct. ihs nature of the doctrines promulga
ted. all recommend it to a careful examination.
To this examination we invite our readers —-
The letter itself will he found in another col
umn of this paper. It will however, be well
in t.'.c first instance, to reflect for a moment
noon the object of the meeting, to which Gov.
Troup has been invited. It must he borne in
ir-ind that certain politicians of S Carolina,
Laving become dissatisfied with the measures
of the general government, had threatened to
secodr. from the union, unless their conditions
were complied with; and that this meeting wa«
•called to consult upon the propriety of calling
a convention of the people, to nullify an act of
Congress' Upon this matter, Gov. Troup
<Sfcitds his opinions.
'•Whatever, (says he,) the people ofS. Car
olina in coo vent idn shall reselve lor their safe
t\, interest and happiness, will be right; and
none xvHI hare the right to'question it.”
What Gov. Troup. precisely means in this
prc> lovitior, we do not pretend to know. Ii
over, Jie means to assert that the people of
•5. Carolina cannot in their blindness and pas
si.» i, adopt zvrorrg measures, for the redress of
their grievances, cannot like other people err,
tli- assertion is puerile and childish. If he
«nor ly intend? to propound an abstract politic
a! maxim. why i<. ii r run cted with political
in -v .n. ;. s of*.net magnitude, unless to stimu
latcjthehi r> tbe.r projected resistance to the
laws of the union'* The people of South Car
olina mopose to nullify on act < i congress, and
nh'.iv apply to Troup fur advice; the people of
■ Carolina, says he, can do nothing wrong!
V\ .N not such an assertion under such circum-
oceSj intended to spur the people of our
r Slate ir.to some overt act of resistance 1 *
d this suspicion is strengthened by what
ytlow s——
You can change your own Government,
Vim arid-) at pleasure, and therefore you can
ir< -A off tin* Goverriment of the Union, when
e’er the safety, interest happiness require
fhis, from its posit ion, .connected as it is,
-h the previous threats on the subject, con-
u«something more than an abstract opinion
t seems more like advice. Taking an im*
tial reyiewr of the whole ground, we believe
are.fully authorised in drawing the conclu
that Gov. Troup fully intended that his
should encourage the people of South
rolina to that step towards which many ol
own hot*headed politicians have been
yingthem. He boldly asserts their right
take this |tep, and a great portion of the
lance of his letter is devoted to the purpose
stimulating their passions to a sufficient
ch for its exercise.
"If, (he continues) ambition and avarice
II make the Federal Government, a curse,
the States are to be held to it against their
I, our condition d.tiers in nothing Iron* that
he provinces of Turky.”
Such is his opinion of the Government
It Up bv Washington, Franklin, and Jeffer-
. and other sages of the revolution! Itself
urse to the people, and the states under it
need to the condition of Turkish Provin-
’ It is by such declamation as this, that
expects the passions of the ignorant and un*
ecling will be aroused to open resistance!—
w hat resemblance can Gov Troup dis-
n between our condition and that of the
es of Asia? Are we governed by pacha?
straps? And do we hold our lives and
rty at the abitrary will of onr despots?—
wherein consists this resemblance? Wt
be indebted to Gov. Troup if he will
point it out. But it is from such wild and un
supported charges that the real character of
the opposition to the General Government is
ascertained. And it is by such assertions also,
that its virulence is disarmed of its poison.-—
Its real nature and object are exposed to view
and the sterling patriotism of the people will
he sufficient to defeat it.
“lfconlrary to expectation the existing sys
tem shall become the fixed and settled policy
of the country, the Southern States must with-
d:aw from the confederacy, cost what it'may.”
Now, notwithstanding the opinion of Gov
Troup, we feel fully assured that the present
*.ystem will become the settled policy of the
country; and the question presents itself to the
people of the South—how and wherein doe%
its operation prove so injurious to onr inter,
cst? Are not our farmers less in debt than
they were a few years ago? And are not oyr
articles of a foreign growth which.we have to
purchase, much cheaper? If so, then what
Southerner has been ruined by the system, and
how has it happened? Will Gov. Troup in
form us? Lei him give names dates and au
thority. But suppose the tariff should have
proved somewhat oppressive to the interests
oft he South—is that a reason for dissolving
the Union? Are there no advantages secured
by the Union, sufficient to balance slight losses?
It is admitted that the embargo and non im
portation acts operated with unequal severity
on the commerci.il cities of the North; hut
did that excuse the enormity of the Hartford
Convention? Not in the least: nor will it
:hat of Troup’s Convention in the South.
Both projects must he weighed by the degree
of moral turpitude involved in the scheme.—
And posterity will no doubt mete out the full
measure to each.
Ion
it ter
icir
FROM THE MACON TELEGRAPH.
Governor Troup’s letter to the “Nullifiers”
of bouth Carolina is published at length in.
another column. It will be seen, he is still the
‘■a me “hot-headed Georgian,” (a? Mr. J« ffer-1
son called him,) that he was in 1825 when be
called upon the people of the South to stand
by their arms. The frosts of five winters have
not cooled the fervor of his indignation; nor
have the genial suns of five springs thawed
I he frigidity of his apprehensions
Many of the friends of Guv. Troup who
have been disposed to overlook the intempe
rance of his language formerly, on account of
the excitement then existing, and the violence
of the political strifes in which he was involv
ed, cannot find that excuse for his expressions
mow for whatever excitement may prevail in
South Carolina on the subjects he writes a,
bout, none prevails here—except perhaps in
the Senator’s own mind, which appears to be
occupy d by the same spirit that influences the
mo>t .ultra of the Nuliifiefs" A? far «9 we can
judge, his letter is far from being approved
of, even by the most violent of his supporters
The presses w hich have always supported him
pass it over silently, or damn it with taint
praise.
S. me of our politicians professed to be
wonderfully startled at the idea advai.c’d in Mil-
ledgeville a few years ago, that 4 1 Slate migh*
be sold for the benefit of the other States ”
But that was nothing to the idea promulgated
hv Gov. Troup: according to his doctrine, one
State may sell all the balance! For if South
Carolina can “throw off the government of the
Union,” at pleasure, she may make treaties
with foreign powers, and bargain away the
other States, one after onother, to any ofte that
wanted lhem In this manner the Pope of
Rome partitioned out S ufh America to ihe
solJiers of Spain and Portugal; and in this
manner “one of the twelve” sold the saviour.
In that event Georgia might be disposed of to
the Cherokees, or the Pony Club; or to the
Negroes of St. Domingo, or their friends at the
North.
Gov. T. says: ‘ You can change your own
government nt pleasure, and therefore you
can throw eff the government ’ of the Union
whenever the same safety, interest and happi
ness require it ” But a State cannot throw off
the government of the Union without the con
sent of the other States—the attempt to do so
would produce a civil war.
In some parts of his letter a great deal of
ambiguity and uncertainty as to his meaning
prevaiis-dark hints are dropt, and mysterious
allusions made the "many-headed Tyrant,"
and “the cormorant that fattens and fastens on
onr substance,”—but there is no ambiguity
in the following sentence—his meaning here is
sufficiently plain - “If contrary to expectation
the existing system shall become the fixed and
settled policy of the country, the Southern
States must withdraw from the confederacy
cost what it may!” So that, unless our pres
ent system of government is changed, we
must resort to a civil war and all its conse
quences! Are the people of the South pre
pared for this?
‘ There cannot be a greater fallacy (contin
ues he.) than that the Union is to be preser
ved hv a power in the General Government lo
coerce the States.” It the States by their
general government, mutually erected, cannot
coerce their own members to obey their own
laws, what sort of a government have they?
How can the General Government rule “with
the absoluteness ol Tiberius an empire more
*»xtenisve than the Roman,” if it cannot co
erce every thing? The constitution says, con
gress shall have power to lay and collect tax
es, duties, imposts, and excises.” Now if a
State or any thing else opposes these meas*
ures can it not be coerced? The constitution
?ays further. * congress shall have power to
provide for power to provide for calling forth
the militia to execute (he laws of the Union
and suppress insurrection.”
"The existence of sovereignty (adds Gov
Troup.) excludes the idea of force.” So the
the people of Georgia might say with equal
nropriety, ‘There cannot be a greater fallacy
than that the state government is to be main
tained by a power in the General Assembly
to coerce the people—-the existence of liberty
excludes the idea oi' foree.*
But Gov. T. in his next sentence corrects
this opinion: ‘ours (?ays he,)«s a government ol
opinion of consent, of voluntary association ”
If then the “existing system” is one of “con
sent and voluntary association,” why cannot
the members of it be coerced should they at
tempt to arrest its operation? Or why must
the Southern States withdraw from the con
federacy, ‘cost what it may.” '
AAer askii g of what value is that Union,’
he goes on quite deliberately, to speak of sep
aration, and says, 'it is the shedding of blood
which deters us from constitutional resistance
to unconstitutional laws.*
We have ventured these remarks, not out
of enmity to Mr. Troup, but from a conviction
of the dangerous and fatal tendency of his sen
timents.
From the New York Courier and Enquirer.
Mr Madison's Letter —We have careful
ly examined the Virginia Resolutions of 1798,
together with the Report upon them, adopted
by the General Assembly in 1799. Both the
resolutions and report are admitted to be from
ihe pen of Mr. Madison, and in onr opiuion,
both are consistent with his letter on the sub
ject of nullification, which we laid before our
readers yesterday.
It is unnecessary to enter into the history of
these celebrated resolutions, il is familiar to
all who are acquainted with the history of Ihe
democratic party; and yet w« must with great
deference add, that although their history is
well known, their spirit has been misconstrued
by many of our soundest politicians. The late
letter of M.\ Madison is sufficiently illustrative
of this fact, in exposing as it does, the folly
and absurdity of depending upon these resolu
tions for authority to annul a law ol the United
Slates. But this is not the only instance in
which the spirit of these resolutions has been
misconstrued. Many, v«ry many, of both p«r*
iitical parties, have supposed that the resort on
these resolutions explanatory of their meaning,
deiiied the right of the Supreme Court of che
United States to decide upontiic constitution
ality of the Laws of Congress. This however
i> not the case: neither the resolutions nor
Mr. Madison's report, broach such a doctrine
We extract from the report the following
comments upon the second resolution:
“But it is objected that the Judicial author
ity is to be regarded as the sole expositor oi
the Constitution in the last resort; and it may
he a'-ked for what reason the declaration, by
ihe General Assembly, supposing it to he theo
retically true, could be required the present
day, and in so solemn a manner.
“On this objection it might be observed—
First\ that there may be instances of usurped
powers which the forms of the Constitution
would never draw within control of the Judi
cial department—Secondly, That if the decis
ion of the Judiciary be raised above the autho
rity of the sovereign parties to the Constitu
' ion, the decisions of the other departments,
not carried by the forms of the Constitution be
fore the Judiciary, must be equally authorita
tive and final with the decisiuns of that de<
partment. But the proper answer to the ob
jection is. that the resolution of the General
Assembly relates to those great and extraor*
dmary cases, in which ail the forms of the
Constitution may prove ineffectual against in
fractions dangerous- to the essential rights of
the parties to it. The resoiufion supposes
that dangerous powers nut delegated, may not
only be usurped and executed by. thq other
departments, but that the Judicial Department
also, may exercise or sane.ion daug< rous pow
ers bey<>n.j the grant ol tin- Constitution; and
consequently that the ultimate right of the par
ties to the Constitution. t< judge whether the
compact has been dangerously violated, must
extend to violations by one delegated authori
ty, as well as, by another; by ii»t Judiciary, as
well as by the Executive, or the Legi-lature.
'“However true, therefore, it nmy be that
the Judicial Department is, iu- ail questions
submitted to it by tfte forms of the Constitu
tion, to decide in the last resort, this resort
must necessarily be deemed the last in relation
to the authorities of the other doparrments ot
the Government; not in relation tc the rights
of the parties to the Constitutional compact
from which the Judicial, as well as the other
departments, hold their delegated trusts. On
any other hypothesis, the delegation of Judi
cial power would annul the authority delcga
ting ii: and the concurrence of this depart
meut with the others in usurped powers, might
subvert forever, and beyond the possible reach
of any rightful remedy, the very Constitution,
which all were instituted to preserve.”
On the concluding resolution, we find in the
same document the following remarks:
“ft has been said that it belongs to the Ju
diciary of the United States, and not to the
State Legislatures, to declare the meaning of
the Federal Constitution.
“But a declaration, that proceedings of the
Federal Government are not warranted by the
Constitution, is a novelty neither among the
"itizens, nor among the Legislatures of the
States, nor are the citizens or the Legislature
ol Virginia, singular in the example of it.
“Nor can the declarations of either, wheth
er affirming or denying the constitutionality of
measures of the Federal*.Government; or
whether made before or a tier judicial decis
ions thereon, be deemed in any point of view,
an assumption of the office of the judge.—
The declarations, in such cases, are expres
sions of opinion, unaccompanied with any oth
er effect than what they may produce on opin
ion. by exciting reflection. The expositions
of the Judiciary, on the other hand, are carried
into immediate effect' by force. The former
may lead to n change in the legislative expres
sion of the general will; possibly to a change
in the opinion ofihe Judiciary; the latter en
forces the general will, while that will and that
opinion continue unchanged
report or the Virginia Resolutions, on the sob
ject of the Supreme Court of the United States;
and in our opinion these sentiments are sop
ported instead of being lost sight of, in Mr.
Madison’s late letter. Nothing in these ex
tracts denies the right of the-Supreme Court
to decide upon the constitutionality of laws of
Congress; although it is contended, and very
properly that such right does not belong solely
to that Court. The States as parties to the
compact, have reserved the right of amending
the Constitution, and in doing so, have neces
sarily, the right of reviewing the proceedings
of any department of government, whether the
Executive, the Judicial, or the Legislative.—
But the exercise of this right on the part of the*
States is of uo avail, unless-by an interchange
of opinion among them, a sufficient number
coincide, to produce an alteration of the con
stitution, and of the department of govern
ment that is in the exercise of objectionable
powers. According to our construction of Mr.
Madison’s Report, the right of the Supreme
Court to judge of the constitutionality of law?
of Congress, is expressly admitted in all and
every case, except when the States choose to
revise their proceedings in a constitutional
manner. "Howevertrue, therefore, it maybe,’’
says Mr. Madison, in the report.on the Virgin
ia Rea lutions, “That the Judicial Department
is, in all questions submitted to it by the forms of
the Constitution, lo decide in the last resort, this
resort must necessarily be deemed the last in re
lotion to the authorities of the oth-r departments
of the government; not in relation to the rjghts of
the parties to the constitutional compact, from
which the Judicial, as well as the other depart
ments, hold their delegated trusts .”
Had this report been more carefully studied,
many, who now contend, that the Supreme
Court has no riglft to decide upon the consti-
tuionatitr of the laws of Congress, would have
held a different doctrine. To us nothing is
clearer that this Court possesses such power,
and that its decisions are binding upon every
department of Government, and upon the
States themselves, until such time a9 they
shall resort to the constitutional mode of re
versing them. This is the doctrine of the Re
port on the Virginia Resolutions, and of the
late lettdt of Mr. Madison, which is in perfect
accordance ttith the doctrine which that emi
nent statesman has ever held in relation to the
constitution of the United States.
egated power; and its performance on your
part cannot be less salutary or proper on ac-
We here present all that is contained in thi? count of the relations yo« sustain to the Gov-
THE MAIL CONTRACTORS AND THE VETO. .
The Mail Contractors, now in this City,
being about two hundred of our most enter
prising citizens; casually drawn from the t!if
ferent parts of. the Union, having appointed
Col. Reside, of Pennsylvania, Colonel Avery,
of New. York, Colonel Allen, of Virginia, C.
P. Malett, of North Carolina, John McLean,
ol South Carolina, Capt. G. Longstreet, of
Georgia, W T. Carruthers, of Alabama, and
Colonel S Reid, of Florida, to wait upon the
President, and‘request him to a{ point a
time when they could pay their respects to
him personally, yesterday, in a body, waited
upon him, and delivered the following ad
dress.
Washington City 13 Oct 1830
To the President of the United States.
Sir: In compliance with the instruction of a
number of cil z ns, concerned in the transpor
tation of the United States Mai!,'assembled, at
this time, in Washington, at Brown’s Hotel,
desirous to testify our tespect for the Chief
Magistr; ’a of this Nation, we ask leave to
hand to you the following resolutions, unani
mously adopted:
1 Resolved. That we present to the Presi
dent of the United States our heart-felt ac
knowledgments and cheerful thanks, for his
wi&, prudent, and patriotic conduct ia the Ex
ecutive chair; never, in our opinion, more ably
and uprightly filled since the days of his illus
trious and venerated predecessor Gen. George
Washington
2 Resolved. That we cordially approve and
ipphiud his interpretation of the letter and
Ibe spirit of the Federal Constitution, in pla
cing his constitutional veto- on the Maysviile
road hill.
3. Resolved. That we deem his act on the
alt resard occasion, as emanating from the
most exalted moral and political, courage;
and as eminently worthy of the patriot anft
statesman, who has “filled the measure of his
country’s glory;” as well as an earnest of the
perpetuation of sound political principles, and
a just exposition of the text of that sacred in
siruaient which binds together our happy and
prosperous Union.
4. Resolved. That we are on the whole, 90
highly gratified with his wise administration,
with the choice of his Cabinet Counsellors,
and the selection of his public officers geat-r
ally, that we are anxious and solicitous to see
him continue in the administration of our na
tional concerns, and are ready again to sup
port him with our exertions and interest, for
tbat exalted station, for the next constitution
al term; for we may truly exclaim, “Weil
done thou good and faithful servant!"
5. Resolved. That a copy of these resolu
tions be handed to Gen Duff Green, with a
request to give them a place in his paper.
6. Resolved. That the foregoing resolutions
be signed by the Chairman and Secretary.
JAMES REES1DE, Chairman.
George Bowen, Secretary.
eminent, by which you are rather invited lo a
severe scrutiny of tt» actions, than tempted to
relax a just one.
I am thankful, gentlemen, for the kind feel-
mgs you express for tne personally, and salute
you in return with a cordial shake by the hand
and a sincere reciprocation of your good wish*
The company partook of some refreshments
and after an interchange of salutations ret'rod
much gratified at the fine health, cherful de
portment and courteous manner of the Prei-
dent.—-17. S. Tel.
Washington. Oct. 12.
Jlppointments by the President
Philip P Barbour, oi Virginia, to he Judge
ofihe United States for the eastern Distrin cf
Virginia, in place of George Hay. deceased.
Benjamin K. Morsell and Nicholas B Vvn»
zandt, of the District of Colombia, to h< Ju-t>»
oes ofihe peace for the County of Washing
ton in said District
John J Maxwell, to he Collector o ( 'the Cus
toms for the District, and Inspector of the Re
venue for the Port of Hardwi. ke, in the St«?e
of Georgia, vice Al xander Ne-tberclift, decM.
Leonard M Parker, to be Naval Ofticer for
the D.strict of Boston and Charlestown, in ihe
State of Massachusetts, vice John P. Boyd,
deceased.
Elijah Hayward, one. of the Judges of the
Supreme Court of Ohio, to be Commissioner
of the General Land Office.
William Fmdly, of P nmylvania, to bo
Treasurer of the M*’nt ot the United States.
Vermont.—The Legislature up to Sunday
last, had balloted twenty-four tunes for G v-
ernor without electing a candidate. Meed)
the Jackson candidate wa« dropteti-aod Brad
ley taken up. Thd range of the v.uic? we redrafts
91, Palmer (antimasonir) 74, Bradley 42 Al
len 15, scattering 2.—R. I American
The President replied:
Gentlemen:—J receive the testimonial so
kindly accorded to my official conduct by the
resolutions t4icb you have just presented to
me, with a full sense of my responsibility to the
people, and a grtaideation proportioned to the
desire to deserve their aprobatioo by a faithful
and conscientious discharge of my duties. It is
the doty of our citizens to look with vigilance
lolheedndact of these to whom they have del-
Form of thvr Last Will and Testament ft>r a
vender of ardent spirits
Mr Editor :—1 send, for lasertu n in your
paper the following document, from the pen
of an aged and worthy advocate of temper-
since ; and 1 would kindly invite every vender
of ardent spirits to read it attentively, and
not cast it by in a hasty or angry mani er, as
he may perhaps have cast by many thing- on
this subject, which were intended for his
good. A T. A
It becomes every person, who h is procured
much property by the unholy traflic of ardent
spirit, to inquire seriously, whether, when he
-hall view himself drawing near death and
judgment, he imagines that he can with a clear
conscience, make that solemn appeal to his
Maker which Christians are accustomed to
make,—that when abont to make his last will
and testament, he can with a peaceful mind,
say :—
In the name of God, amen. I now Commit
my body to the dust, in hope of experiencing
% a happy resurrection with the just, at the ta-l
day; and my soul to the Redeemer, whom I
trust I have sincerlv obeyed. And as' to my
large treasure, much of which I have gained
by retailing intoxicating liquors, I do give and
bequeath it as lollows:
Imprimis —I give my beloved wife, the sum
of dollars, tor her own nse and behoof,
that she may dispose of it lo promote any ob
ject she pleases, except the cause of religion
and temperance.
hem. I bequeath to my daughters, the sum
of doliprs, each; and it is my will that
they shall appropriate th ir respective legacies
for the cultivation of taste aod modern refine
ment.
Item. I give my only son all the punche
ons of rum, pipes, of brandy and gin,'and all
the .whiskey that shall remain in my store, at
my decase ; and all'ihe farms that have been
mortgaged to me, by men who have spent tbe
chief of their property in drinking furi<
I would, however, have my heirs ' * arly ap
propriate sufficient sums, from their reppectiv§
legacies, to help defray tbe expenses fbai may
arise from anti-temperance publications.”
Would not the perusafof such a wid. made
hv one who lives in a Christian land, chill the
blood of every serious person, who fully be
lieves in a future state—in the judgment 1 >
come, and in the awful retributions of eterni
ty ? And vet where Is the retailer of ardent
spirit, at this present interesting crisis, w; o
eooid not constitute a similar will, consistently
with his principles and practice ?
N Y. Evangelist.
Treatment of Inverted Nails.—After having
witnessed the ineffiqacy of the methods pro
posed in cases of this kind, and the danger
which attends tbe evulsions of the nail, as em
ployed by M. M. Dnpuytren and Larry, Dr.
Bissev, of Lyons, successfully employed the
following simple method:—He scrapes with i.
bisioury tbe healthy portion of the nail, till it
is reduced to an exceedingly thin layer, which
is then repeatedly touched with the nitrate of
silver, till the anterifir portion shrivels up and
separates spontaneously from the flesh hr~
neath; small pieces of Sint are then placed be
tween the nail and ihe flesh, till the new nait
has become sufficiently large which is gener
ally tbe case within twenty or thirty-five dd$s
after the operation.—-Lumet.
A butcher about to kill a cow. employed an
Irishman to hold her. The butcher squinted,
and when looking at the cow, appeared to look
at the Irishman. Pat fearing tbat be should
get the knock-down instead of the cow, said in
much ol a hurry. “Arrah man, do you strike
where you look?" “To be sore I < «; where
do you think I strike?” “Theo you may bowhl
the cow yourself till I get oat o’ tbe way.josl.’
