Newspaper Page Text
Jjj O. potato EDITOR.
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MIL.L.EDGEVIL.LE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, MARCH 24, 1831.
VOLUME 1, NUMBER 37.
THS federal xjnton
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Sales of' H eroes by Executorsand Administrators must
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Silos of psrsuaafpropcrty (except negroes) of testate
and intestate estates by Executors and Administrators,
must be advertised Forty days.
Applications by Executors, Administrators and Guar
dians to the eourt of ordinary for leave to sell Land must
t»c published Four months.
Applications ay Executors and \dministrators for Let
ters Disiiiissory, must be published Six months.
Applications lor for* closure of Mortgages on real Es
tate oust tv, advertised once a month for Six months.
Sales of real estate by Executors, Administers ar.d
G nriians must be published Sixty days befuMMe day
of safe. These sales must be made at the court-house
do»r between the hours of 10 ia the morning and four i
the afternoon. No sale from day to dayis valid, unless
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Ordersof Courtof Ordinary, (accompanied with acopy
of.die bond, or agreement) to make titles to Land, must
be advertised Three months at least.
Sheriff’s sales under executions regularly granted by
the courts, must be advertised Thirty days.
Sheriff's sales under mortgage executions must bcad-
vertised Sixty days before the day of sale.
Sheriff’s sales of perishable properly underorder of
Court must be advertised generally Ten days.
All Orders for Ad crlisemcnts will be punctually at
tended to.
% + AM Letters directed to the office, or the Editor,
must bejiosl-pnid to er.titlctiiem to attention.
POLITICAL.
From the United Slatts’ Telegraph.
CORRESPONDENCE
Between General Andrew Jackson and John
C. Calhoun, President and Vice-President
of the United Stales, on the subject of the
course of the latter in the deliberations of
the Cabinet of Mr. Monroe on the occur
rentes in the Seminole War.
APPEND1X—(Concluded )
N.
Copy of a letter to Mr. Adams.
Washington, January 12th, 1831.
Sir : A short time before the last adjournment of Con
gress, acopy of a letter from Mr. Crawford to Mr. For
eytli, in relation to the deliberation of the cabinet on Ifyc
Seminole question, was placed in the hands of General
Jacks mi, and became the subject cf a correspondence be
tween him ana myself- In Hie course of that correspond
ence, it became necessary, in order to ascertain the truth
or error of some of the statements rnrdc by Mr. Craw
ford, to refer to some of the other members of the cobine!;
and i accordingly addrcjs-d notes to Mr. Monroe ami
Mr. Wirf, from batli of whom 1 obtained rtatcufcnts.—
iu selecting those gen lie men instead of yourself and Mr.
Crownin-biold, f -*»s not in 'be least degree influenced by
any iv.tiil of rG-.mJer.ce in either of you, bat simply by
fii liii >s of d -licaey growing out of poliliral rehilions, ami
w iiicb 1 trust to corrcspondi'ig feelings on yeur part pro-
p rly to appreciate.
I learn by a let er from Mr. Crawford, addressed tome
S‘jli«Hq ie:it to ti.e close of mv corn spondcucc with Gtn-
crui Jackson, that he his written to you, and obtained
ymir ansiycr on the subj-et to whi-'b it nf-r:-, though tic
ins not f>u r isiicd me wi.h a copy ol ins letter to you, noi
that cf your answer.
This step oa his part Ims cf course removed the dclica
cy which 1 at li.stfJt, and which prevented me from ad
dressing you.
The part l took in the cabinet deliberation was dictated
by a sense of duly, linit..'? icnced by cither 'be Icclirgs of
friendship or cniar.y. I hat Generel Jack^dn transcr nded
i s or <crs :.i taking St. Marks and 1’cns.u oi.i, 1 have m v-
tr d iiibtcd, then or sfiwe. In my '•pinion, the Ex entire
r i‘i her did or could couMituiian ri’y g-vc o:dcss to t dec
cither of Ji isc places or any other Spanish post. Uiulct
this inurcasion, 1 iVas deci h.by in l. vor, in the early
stage of Inc d*,d:bfcrati ui, of bringing the •is ,i j*»ct before a
can. l efinq dry, but fi.iully yi- l b *1 my opinion to censide-
J i tons growing nut of tue political aspect of the question,
us connected with Spain, which wore presented by mu
a nl Mr. Monroe; but, in yielding to them, I still believ
ed, and do now, iliai, apart Irani llwm, and considered
under the military aspect of the subject, as at first view,
my opinion was correct.
Having thus c incurred in tin* final decision of the cab
inet, I give it faithful support, without however abmdon-
itig the correctness of my first concept! ns. I m ke this
prelim.nary statement in order lint you inay perceive
why my inquiry should be diiectcd only to tibai might
seem a mere collateral circumstance, whether the letter
of General Jackson :o Air. Monroe, in, which allusion is
made to John Ray, was i tfire the cabinet, which though
r.oicalculated to affect the question of the correctness of
iny course, ho i vet decided, from flic prominence of that
Mr. Crawford has given it, has assumed no small drgret
of iniportsnee in the correspondence. He in his letter to
Mr. Forsyth, says ; “indeed mv own views on the sob-
j-ct hail undo gone a ir.atn ial change after the cabinet
had been convened. Mr. Caihouu made some allusion to
a letter the General had written the lb evident, who bad
foigitten that he had received such a‘letter, but said, if
he bad received such aa one, oe could find it, and went
directly to his cabinet, and brought the letter out. In it
General Jackson approved of 'he determination of the
President to break up AmrLa Island ft Gi.lvcztown, and
gave it also »s his opinion, that the Floridas ought to bt
taken by the United States, lie added that it might be a
delicate matter for the Executive to decide, but, if Uie
President approved of it, lie had only to jive a hint to some
confidential member of Congress, say Johnny Kay, and lie
would do it, and tukc the responsibility of it on himself.”
The object of my addressing you is, to obtain a state
ment from you whether such n letter was, or was not, be
fore the cabinet during its deliberation.
As connected with the subject cf aiv inquiry. I must
ask of you the forego furnish me, if you can with propn
ety. with a copy o^mr. Crawford’s letter to you, and a
copy of your answer. I makefile request on the assump
tion that the correspondence can contain nothing that
would render »i improper that a copy should be placed
in n*y possession. I would make the request of Mr.
Crawford himself instead of you, had i not declined all
Communication with him in relation '<> the subject of the
correspondence between .General Jackson and myself, ex
cept through the Ge neral, through which channel noop-
porlunity to make the request has been afforded me.
O.
John Q. Adams to J. C. Calhoun.
Washington, »4th Janunry, 1831.
£i R ._1 received this morning yeur letter ol the llth
instant, and, in giving to it an immediate and explicit an
swer, I trust you will perceive Hie propriety of my confin
ing myself to die direct object of your inquiries.
In the course of the last summer, I received a letter
from Mr. Crawford, referring to the consultation of Mr.
Monroe with tho heads ot the Departments, in the sum
mer of I8i8. upon the proceedings of General Jackson
in Florida, on the occasion of the Seminole war, andal-
iu bng to a letter from General Jackson to Mr. Monroe,
which lie stated to have been produced at one of those
meetings, and to which his own letter appeared to attach
aome importance. , .
• JVt r. Crawford did not state to me the purpose or bis
inquiries, nor was 1 aware that any previous correspon
dence in relation to the subject had taken plaee. But as
the cuments of his letter appeared to me to be of peculiar
interest to n»e character of Mr^Monroe, I answered him
that I had no recon*ction of the production of sueha let-
jgr as that to which he referred, and requested his per
mission to communicate his letter to Mr. Monroe himself i
To this answer I have received no reply.
Neither the letter of Mr. Crawford, nor the letter book
containing the copy of my answer to it, are at this mo
ment in mv possession, having left them both at my resi- j
deuce in Quincy. The letter from Mr. Crawford did not
purport lo be confidential; but, as it related to transac
tions sacredly confidential in the cabinet of Mr. Monroe,
l have not thought inyself at liberty to furnish a copy cf
it without his permission, even to Mr. Monroe: the same
principle applies to your request for a copy; but I will im
mediately write and direct a copy of my answer to be
made, which, when received, shall be cheerfully commu
mealed to you.
1 am, wiih respectful consideration, sir,
Your obedient servant,
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
John C. Caluocn, Esq.
P.
Mr. Crown inshield to Mr. Calhoun.
Washington, January 30,1331.
D*ah Sir: My recollection having been called to a let
ter received from the Hon. W. H. Crawford in July, 1830,
wherein he asks my attention to “circumstances that
transpired during the cabinet, deliberations on the events
of the Seminole war, 5 * and my reply thereto: It is proper
forme lo slate, that I answered Mr. Crawford as though
he alluded to transactions which look place while I was
in Mr. Monroe's cabinet; but since my arrival here this
session, I learn for sue first time, that the cabinet meet
ing alluded to by Mr. Crawford, was field after 1 retired
from tbe cabinet.* I left Washington in company with
President Monroe and yourself, for Norfolk, by the way
of Annapolis, on the 2Slh May, ISIS. Now, eir, I do
not prttend to know one word of what was said or done
at any subsequent meeting; and I do therefore disclaim
and say that my letter in answer to Mr. Crawford must
not be interpreted so as to affirm or deny any cabinet
transations which took place after I left the cabinet.
It is difficult for me to account how I could have blend
ed other things, so as to connect them with events of which
I could know nothing, it is a long lime since those things
occurred, and memory is treacherous; and that, I beg you
to believe, is the only reason of the misapprehension on
my part.
I am, with high consideration,
Your obedient servant,
B. W CROYVNINSHIELD. ’
Hon. J. C. Calhoun, Vice President.
* Mr. Ciowninsl.ield could not have been present at
any cabinet council on the Seminole affiur. The first
meeting on that subject tor *: place on the 15th or 16th of
July* IS!8; Mr. Monroe having returned on the 14th,
j from bis residence in Loudoun. The National Intelli-
! gcnrerofthe7ih July, announced the arrival of Mr. Crow-
j iiinshield at his residence in Massachusetts, on the &rh.
i Ho resigned in October following, without having re
turned lo Washington. Nor could he have been present
at c:nij meeting of the cabinet on the subject of 'he capture
of St. Marks or Pensneoia, in which I was. The Intelli
gencer ofthe 29th of May, 131$, announces the depar
lure of the President (Mr. Monroe,) Mr. Crowninshield
and myself, for Norfolk, before information was received
at Washington of the taking of either St. Marks or P*-n-
sacola. Tire two former returned to Washington. ! pro
ceeded to my residence in Carolina, and did not return to
Washington until the Uth of July subsequent to Mr.
Crowniushield’s arrival in Massachusetts.
Q
Mr. Calhoun lo Mr. Crawford, returning his letter of 2d
October, 1830
F rt Hill, October 30, 1830.
Sir.: The last mail brought me your letter of the 2d in
stant, but ]• .-! marked the 23d, which I herewith return.
I cannot consent to correspond with you on the subject
to which it refers. The controversy is not with you, but
General Jackson. You, fromtiie first, voluntarily assum
ed the character of the informer. Under that character
only can I know you, which of course precludes all com
nmniciition between us in relation to the controversy, ex
cept through General lorkson Regarding you in the
light I do, you may rest assured that no abuse on your
part, however coarse, nor charge* against me, however
false, < an possibly provoke me to raise yon to the level of
a principal, by substituting you in lue place of General
lackson in the correspondence- Should you, ho ever,
submit i<< the degradation of the position which you have
thus volants?ily taken, and will send this or any other
..t itemenl to General Jickson, and induce him to make it
t!se subject of any further communication to me, as con-
fi> ming in his opinion j"'ur former statement, or weaken
ing my refutation, I will be prepared, by the most demon
strative proof. drawn from the paper itself, to show such
pr,Viable errors in your present statement, as to destroy
all confidence in your assertions, leaving it, however, to
those who have the Vest means of judging, to determine
whether the want of truth he owing lo a decayed memory
or some other came.
Having been taught !.y the past the necessity cf taking
ail possible precaution where I have any thing lo Jo with
you, I deem it prudent not to deprive myself, of the ad
vantage which your paper affords me, end have according
ly taken a copy, se c precautionary measure.
I am. &*-. J. C. CALHOUN.
W. H. Crawford F,*q.
(or out of suhserv’enca") to some ; to oth
ers a Tariff man, by virtue of instructions; a
friend ot the Union, yet groping after losTYighfs
of the States, and on the great question be
tween the constitutional powers of the Govern
ment on one hand, and the absurdities of nul
lification on (lie other, hanging precisely mid
way upon an exact poise. The foresight which
anticipated this rupture of the party was not
deceived. The fulfilment has trodden, indeed,
very close upon the heels of the predictioa —
Before the second year of Gen. Jackson’s ad
ministration has closed, a wide, deep, and im
passable gulph already separates the leaders
of his legions of followers and feudatories.—
His own influence over these leaders not foiin
ded in their respect for his talents or character
but mainly in the conviction that there is a
great, though a vague and indefinite populari
ty attached to his name, is now no longer suf
ficient to repress thoir contentions. They
quarrel in his own face, for his own seat, while
he yet fills it. and means to fill it longer if be
can.
We have heard much heretofore of the
President’s independence': of hi3 lofty eleva
tion above all influence near bis person, and of
his fixed resolution to be himself every inch
President. We now see the verification, and
manifestation of these qualities; we behold
him evidently busy in the first stage of a con
troversy, the origin of which lies in motives
and objects, connected, first with his own re
election, and secondly, with the succession of
another to his office, when he shall have done
with it. We were assured, too, by his sup
porters, that no aspirant for further promotion
would ever be in his cabinet, or participate in
his counsels. We perceive how this assure-
ance has been performed. But this is not all;
the President has repeatedly expressed his
own opinions, and bis own purposes, in words
borrowed from one i;> whose mouth they meant
what they seemed to mean. He has declar-
red over and over again, that fie neither
sought office, nor shunned it. If the public
are not misinformed, a recent occurrence has
iully expounded his meaning, and explained
his sincerity in this declaration.
It is nol the object of lbe paragraphs to en-
enter into the merits of tbe question raised by
the Vice-President’s publication; and its nu
merous answer and replies. Wo are little dis
posed to meddle in this family quarrel. Our
purpose, on Ihe contrary, is to suggest that
those who have opposed the administration,
and who still oppose it, had no concern in
this dispute, except so far as its .results may
affect the public interests. These results it is
probable, will be various in their character and
and in their tendency. So far as internal dis
sensions may be likely to weaken the momen
tum with which the dominant party has hither
to proceeded in a course so threatening to all
the great interests of the country, the effect
will unquesltonably befgood Still better will
it be, if this disclosure of the predominence of
merely personal and ambitious motives over
nli other considerations, shall open the eyes of
the community to the real character of men,
and the real character of the times. On the
other hand, it certainly gives a still more for
midable appealance to
threaten us, when we sec what their objects
arc, unless we may hope at the same time that
the public will see them also, and take care for
its own safety. Their publications afford a
striking example indeed oPthe nature of these
objects There is nol the smallest refferener
in any of them to any public principle, or pub
lic measure. The general welfare, the good
of the country, constitututional principle, po
litical expediency, these things, none of them,
not one, is that .about which our men in high
destined yet to save ti e country and the Con- j we h'-r© an early, zealous, and prominent pat
•Jitution. They are National republicans; which, let wbat wdl cwn»> we never can re-
they are friends of Union ; they are the great gret, as we acted in discharge of wbat we now
party of free Americans, without doubt or and (hen believed to be a solemn duty, and in
question. Il the mere charm of a nam* were
withdrawn they are this moment a great major
ity oj the Union. They will take courage from
these proofs of disaffection and schism among
their opponents and go forward with more as
sured hopes of ultimate success. They have
a point of concentration. The public senti
ment runs strongly in a direction towards one
n< veryet charged with ingratitude; never yet
guilty of duplicity, never made, nor to be
made, the victim of any political intrigue.—
Let us beseech all friends of the constitu
tion, a!) real lovers of their country to awake,
look at the existing state of things seriously,
and then do their duty It becomes us to
raise the alarm, not at protended, but real por
tentous, and immineut dangers It becomes
us earnestly to implore THE PEOPLE to save
themselves. Let us rally for the Union of the
States, for the Constitution, for American
Liberty, as it was while every man was yet
free to speak his opinion, and for the preser
vation of those great interests for which the
Government was established.
FROM THE UNITED STATES* TELEGRAPH.
COMMENT UPON THE OFFICIAL EX
POSITION OF THE OPPOSITION
We publish, to-day, an address to the Peo
pie of the United States, which appeared on
Saturday last in both the Intelligencer and
Journal, and may be considered as the oflicifl
exposition of the view’s of the opposition, and
the grounds which they intended to maintain
in the approaching Presidential contest. It
has been drawn up with great care, and no in
considerable talent; and, bearing an official
character, il must be considered as an impor
tant document. Thus regarded we will pro
ceed lo present the remark's which have oc
curred lo us on a careful perusal. In presen
ting our reflections we intend to divest our
selves of every feeling of a mere partizan char
acter, and to speak freely, without reserve, our
sentiments of the past as well as of the fulqre.
J ho first, and one of the most striking re
flections that occurred to us, is the labored ef
fort to hold up tbe republican party, which ral
lied under General Jackson, as a combination
of individuals holding heterogeneous political
principles, and having no other object in view,
in their uniot, but the possession of the poiv-
er and the patronage of the government.
This representation we believe to be unjust
and untrue. That there is, and has been, a di
versity on certain points of policy, and, to a
certain extent, on the construction that ouglvi
to be given to tbe constitution, is conceded.
But that the great body of the party were im
mediately and conscientiously united in support
of the principle on which the election of Gen
eral Jackson turned, and in ihe main, as it re
garded the policy which ought to be pursued
by his administration, we hold to be unques
tionably true. Aod, also, that there was no
thing in the points on which the republican par
ly were not united, which, of itself, produced
FROM THE NATIONAL JOURNAL
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. S
Recent occurrences, manifesting not merely
:he future prospects, but the present certainty,
of a wide division among the party which has
hitherto supported Gen Jack-on’s administra
tion, are loo important nol to awaken a great
degree ofattention. They arc entitled to a deep
reflection by Ihe opposers of the administration,
and by tbe public The Vice-President’s lale
publication was hut the ebulition of a political
ferment, well known to have been secretly
long at work. It was not the origin of a
schism ; it was only its avowal. From the
moment of the original “combination.” (so it
was admitted to be.) against -Mr, Adams’s ad
ministration it was foreseen that the parts
composing it, held together for the time by a
common object, (the hope of power.) would
any insuperable difficulty to prevent a durable
the dangers which and honorable union. The difference which
has risen in the party, and on which the op
position rest their hopes, asset forth in the ex
position before us, has been caused, not by a
difference ol opinion as to policy which existed
in the ranks of the party, but in the attempt of a
small and artful portion, who, for the most part,
came late into the support of General Jack-
son; and who, so far from supporting his elec
tion in 1G2.3, on the grounds upon which his
friends urged it upon Congress, acted in sfccord
with the principle which elected his opponent,
places write letters; about which they express I and which has been since so decidedly con-
solickude; about which they differ. Not at ! riemned by the people It is to the ambitious
all. Gen. Jackson and Mr. Calhoun choose to | and selfish projects of these individuals, but re-
j quarrel on grounds perfectly consistent with cently introduced into our ranks, that we are to
TATES l he fullest approbation, on the part of Mr. O.il
houn, of every one of Gen. Jackson’s meas
ures. The ruin of political prospenis is spok
en of, but they are the political prospects of an
individual, not tbe political prospects of the
country. The merciless proscription for opin
ion which has stalked over the land; the vio*
lation of national faith of the Indians; tbe mad
project of a paper money Treasury Bank; the
war on the Tariff; the war od the Judiciary; the
war on the Constitution; these arc not subjects
which have drawn forth controversy—all is
personal crimination and re-crimination.
And what a spectacle docs this contest ex
hibit I Who does not sec in what an aspect
of disgrace it holds up the Government of the
necessari ly fly assunder when that power j n P on which the whole world is here invited to
* * I 1 ^ I. ^ nn/l Cl rl > Z' Cl r /\ f t h n D Cl _
should have been obtained, and when it should
come to he decided who should enjoy its posts
for the present, and who expect them lor tbe
fnlnre. Nothing but the powerful chimistry
of this common object, it was easy to perceive,
could keep in union such opposite materials as
the friends of (Sen Jackson in Pennsylvania and
and those in South Garolina and the followers
of Mr Calhoun, who had been called prodigals,
and the followers of Mr. Crawford, who
been cal) d radicals. Such a jumble of poli
ticians could have iio natural cohesion. If Mr.
Calhoun and Mr. Randolph could act long in
harmony ; if the highest notes of consolidation
and the lowest grumbling of State rights could
he made to clume in unison ; if the tariff and
nullification could walk hand in hand; then, in
deed, the time might lie *.-xpecled to have ar
rive/! when the lion and the iamb would lie
down together.
As to the Secretary of State, his affinities
were well known to be easily drawn towards
any political elements, and again easily to be
repelled. He mingles with every thing by the
slightest attraction, and again is diseng:'.£ed
from every thing by the gentlest solvent*, tor
Mr Ivog, and against Mr. King; a friend of
Mr. Clinton, aud an eneny of Mr. Clinton !
and an Anti-Tariff man, out of courtesy
attribute tbe discord on which the opposition
now rest their hope; and the intelligent reader
cannot fail to see that in this important par
ticular, the article is deficient in that accuracy
of statement which a paper, of the character it
professes lo be, should possess. There is an
other instance ol unfairness which we cannot
but nolice. We speak in reference to the re
cent (^mrespondence. There is a studious ef
fort lor throw equal blame, and to affix equal
odium, on all'the parties connected with it.
Is this just? Is it fair? That it is not, we ap
peal to the unanimous expression of opinion of
the respectable presses in support of the oppo
sition, and who, almost with one accord, have
represented the conduct of the Vice-President,
country? What honest man dues not fee! J in reference lo it, not only as free from blame,
shame, as well as indignation, at the picture but as marked by a frankness, candor, and in
look? The second officer of the Republic o-
penly declares that the first officer is “THE
VICTIM OF A POLITICAL INTRIGUE.”
Is 1 his fact credible in itself; and is the witness
entitled to belief? On the other hand, the
President charges the Vice President both with
ingratitude and duplicity. Here, again, is the
witness a good one? Shall we consider tire
charge proved?
We say nothing of tbe language of Mr.
Crawford’s letter; but we earnestly put it to
the whole American people to say what they
think of the controversy between their two
highest publicLoflicers; & we put it to them to
say too not Wly what public Honor but public
Safety also requires when the Vice President
publicly declares to all the world, that the Pres
ident of the United States, at the moment
when he is discharging the highest functions
of his office, is not an independent agent, but
a mere creature of others—the "victim of a
political intrigue ” - '
There remains, evidently for the friends of
the Constitution, admitfWtered in its true spir
it. to stay the progress of this Administration,
and to save the country from the effect of its
measures, but one course. That course lies
right straight onward. They will turn neither
lo the right band nor to the left, 1 hey are
dependence, highly honorable to him. This
was the spontaneous approbation of the course
of that distinguished officer, uninfluenced by
party bias, or party calculation; and may, there
fore, be considered as declaring the realseoti-
ments of his political opponents. To illustrate
this, we feel it to be our duty to publish largely
what these presses have said upon the sub
ject.
We now proceed to state, in opposition to
the exposition^ what we conceive to be the
real difference between the republican party
and the opposition in the late Presidential
struggle, as well as now; and to contrast the
necessary tendency of the measures and prin
ciples on which they respectively act.
On the first point we shall be brief. The
ground upon which General Jackson was elect
ed has been so recently and fully discussed,:
that it must be familiar to all. His election
rested on the great fundamental and vital prir.
ciples of our system, that tbe voice of tbe peo
pie, in the choice of a Chief Magistrate, ought
to be respected. That this voice was set a
side by Mr. Clay and his friends, in preferring
Mr. Adams to General Jackson, was, during
the canvass, abundantly shewn, qnd has beer;
since confirmed by such decisive proofs in tht
election of the latter by an overwhelming ma
jority, as to ieave no doubt. Ia this contest,
preservation ol a principle essenti.il to our sys
tem, and which is now, by the verdict of the*
people, rendered sacred. So much at least
has been guiued by this great struggle; and
we close our remarks upon this particular point,
by adding that, so far from their being any
thing heterogeneous in our ranks on this great
point oi our union, never did a party mere ho
nestly, zealously, aud* unanimously unite in
support of any principle, than did the republi
can party in support of this on which the elec
tion of General Jackson rested. Excepting
always that portion which came in at a latt
hour, which had acted upon an opposite prin*
ciple, pending the election in the House oi Re
presentatives, and which has since caused all
the discord and distraction which we have
since experienced, and upon which our oppo-
n nts now rest their hopes exclusively
The party were not only united oh the
ground upon which General Jackson's election
was supported, but were also, in the main, uni
ted, though with less porfoot union, In what
ought to be the spirit, policy, and aim of his ad
ministration. Our opponents, when in power,
had rested their hopes of maintaining their as
cendancy, hv identifying themselves exclu
sively, with certain measures and great sec-
tioual interests, and pushing them to an ex
treme. It could not hut he foreseen that their
success, in such a course, ivould bring the
great interests of the country into the most
dangerous conflict and introduce distraction
and discord in the place of that brotherly feel*
mg which is the bor.d of our union, anil upoil
winch its duration must depend; it was also
foreseen that the rapid approach of the period
of the payment of the public debt, (an eviut
which must so deeply affect the measures of
the government,) would render this co flict
far more sharp and dangerous With these
views, we do beiieve there was a sincere de
sire, with the great body of those who support
ed the election of General Jackson, to adopt,
under his auspices, the roost effectual means
of reconciling, on principle, the jarring inter
ests of the country, and thereby to preveut
that dangerous tendency of our affairs lo dis
cord and distraction, which every intelligent
and patriotic individual must see. and feel, and
deplore, and which inevitably results from
pushing to extremity the sectional interests of
the country. We know that it was a difficult
task to reconcile interests which had been thus
brought into conflict; but still, we firmly be
lieved that, hut for the causes assigned, with
General Jackson’s great personal popular
ity, this great object would have been ac
complished to his immortal honor, and lo the
lasting and durable prosperity of ihe country.
It cannot be denied that there are those who,
instead of pursuing this high-miuded and pat
riotic course, have been busily engaged in
schemes of personal ambition, in sowing dis
cord aBd distraction in our ranks, in pluvmg a
double and cunning part among the several in-
terests ofthe country, instead of attempting to
reconcile them on a plain, open, and magnani
mous appeal to principle Oa their heads be
the responsibility; to their names be attached
all the odium and disgrace which have follow
ed this crooked policy, on which our opponents
have greedily fixed their eyes as the assured
meqps of triumph—of prostrating for ever tbe
great republican party, which, for more than
forty years, has passed the many vicissitudes
and dangers in safely. We trust that their
hopes will be defeated ; but this can only ho
done by a timely exposure of the reai causes
of distraction, and the nature of the dangers
which menance the existence of the parly.
So much for the past - We turn now to the
future. With a view of contrasting the lin
of policy proposed to be pursued, as officially
set Forth in the the exposition of our opponents,
with its inevitable consequences, ami wbat w j
deem ought to be the policy of tbe republican
party, with its consequences also.
We understand from the exposition that the
same policy vhich characterised the late a«i.
ministration is to be pursued, in the event o-
Mr. Clay’s election; and that there is to b.i
no relaxation of his favorite system—-and r»v
concession or conciliation in order to harmo
nise tbe conflicting interests of the country
In this view, we are to understand, as we pro*
•ume, although not distinctly stated, (hat tl.c
taxes are lo be continued, without malert.*'
diminution, after the discharge of the public
debt—though tbe money should not be needed
—that, to disburtben the useless accumulation
in ihe Treasury, a profuse system of appr* pri*
lions, a heavy pension list, an unregulated ai d
extravagant system of appropriations for road-,
harbuurs, rivers, ligb-'looses, and canals, ar
to constitute, in part the policy to be pur ued.
The result of such a system must be obvious.
It may have a powerful effect in securing the c
lection, but it must be at the expeuse of tin;
harmony of the country, the prostration of cv
cry principle held sacred by the republic;***
party, and at the hazard of the Union itsr-b
Tbe basis of our government is justice an.i
moderation, and any system of policy which
proposes to push tbe interests of one section,
though that should be a majority without, re
garding the sacrifice of tbe interest of ot bi
sect ions, must, if persisted.tn, prove fatal. I<:
will plant jealousy and hatred in the place of
mutual attachment ; discord in the harmony ;
and in the end, must necessarily make mat.*
people of one. Such a system rest9 on a ra Ji
cal and fatal mistake. It inverts the ends and
the means of government. Instead of consid
-idering mere measures of policy as the instru
ment of union, harmony, and happiness, and
o be pursued in subordination to these gr < •:
ends of government; it considers such aoea -
ures as if they were the ends for wfii. .
vernment was constituted, and to be pura c d
without regard to tbe public peace or quiet
As great value as the uost/ordent iriead cT
