Newspaper Page Text
AVXt vm.
IE FEDERAL i m\.
VOLUME 2.
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, JULY 14, 1831.
MMfiER'l.
J. Gi
edited by
pOfjJflLf & Ai CUTMBERT*
D fich*(!'i!aik)ii by the Clerks of the Courts of Ordinary that
supported his government, & assisted his measures,
I have done it without any other reward, than the
conciousness of doing what I thought rig hi. If I have
ever opposed, I have done it upon the points them
selves, without mixing in party, or faction, &, without
collateral views. I honour the king, and res
frwn :.he American ramie .
HORIZONTAL PLOUGHING.
Ploughing on the level was first practiced in this
country nearly forty years ago, being introduced
POLITICAL.
Mr. Lumpkin.—Our respected friend of the Co
lumbus Democrat, is altogether mistaken, in sus
any
by Thomas Mann Randolph,'’afterwards Governor Piling that Mr. Lumpkin, in declining a candida-
of Virginia, of which an account was given by his; C .V> * n the first instance, “had an eye to Mr. Cal-
at 0 fea^t UerS ° f A,lminiRtr ‘ ltl0n ’ nuu ’ 1 be pect the people; hut m;Dy things acquired by the father-in-law Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to George houn’s interest,” and that it was a manoeuvre to
Applira'
Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land, uniat be published FOL K
J>IONTHS. V
plloations hy Execi
COry, must be published SIX MONTHS.
means. I will not do that which my conscience tells common elsewhere, though the practice is slowly intention to support General Jackson, urging the
Applications hy Executors and Administrators for Letters Dismis-1 ®ie » *crong, upon this occasion, to gain the huz- i extending itself. Not long before the death of propriety of doing so, and declaring that beno
Governor Randolph, the Agricultural Society of Ai- salvation for the country but in his re-election.
To same effect, and recommended caution and delibe-
m the momin-and 4 in the afternoon. No sale from day to day u j j 100( j and ma lice can invent, or the .credulity of a thq letter of Mr. Jefferson, just mentioned. ,
% ^'rlie'rs of"emm »'f U ^rdjnajy', ^aTtwupa^ed 11 with a copy of the ! deluded populace can swallow. I can say, with a what is so clear, as far as it goes, others may be un- ■ ration in making up our opinion on the subject—
Utles to land, must be advertised m . PQ t niairwirate lirvnn an necas’on and linHcr r»ir_ irillinnin nvUihb n«,r «i,in» <kn* «nll hn c.huwtCad i aware, doubtless of PUf previous respect lor Mr.
ta.nd. or aarrhement) 1 to make
THREE MONTHS at least.
must he advertised THIRTY I)A^
SIXTY
(oust be
Aliorde.. ...
*. • All letters directed to this Office, or Hi
yaid, to eniitle them to attention.
■under mortgage executions,
Editors, must be post-
MISCELLANY.
THE Pi.tE T Li a < >F i uc i\ . / i H (J cJ iLO.
Mr. Editor—It is stated that a work nas appea. ed in
Berbn, which has excited considerable inrcrest r consisting ousloiawaiia erunieilw OU cn a shuck, uio, are, 1st. It preserves „„ . . -
«f a collection ot 1 oerns l»y the rothers <>’ isc u i. a ( might be productive of public good: it might awake rain to noruish the roots of the plants. 2d. It les- ly those who are uniformity candid, open and un*
’ the better part of the kingdom, out of that lethargy sons the labor of teams and ploughmen. 3rd. It : reserved—to fall into honest errors, he is not the
i*i .i l ^ l l .1 11* i i i , w . . w • 1 a nnJ loorlnao in ilia Pfir.
part conhrnia'ion of this statement, I heir to hand von, a
a specimen of the liir,h poetic talent of one ofrhe family
athided to, a Hebrew Melody, composed and si mg by the
ffreatN. M. Rotliscliild, Esq. of t.his City, wi i -h, in rcs-
’caii hardly be surpass-
pee.t to “poetic feeling and fancy,” can
f*lby any of his Continental brethren.
I am, respectfully, Sir, your obedient servant,
Chapel Court. SCRIP.
THE ISRAELITE’S LAMENT.
Sho help me Cot! 1 sliadly fear,
That tings are looking; very queer;
Fu*idsh yoing, downvards at a trot,
‘Twill play the deuce, sho help me Cot!
In France tish all «'aun and heat,
They’ve bundled out ina friend Lafit.tr;
Their troubles surely ne’er will cease—
3ome cry for var, and some for peace,
And dls here outcry for Reform,
In Britain soon will raise a storm;
And should dey pass dis precious Bill,
J>e Shtocks must go clown lower shrill.
•Lord oless me heart, viu all ma pelf,
1 don’t know rare to turn maself;
And tiu.es are in so strange a shtate,
1 can’t tell how to shpeculate.
On Bulling shrill ma fancy linrrers,
B u den shuopose I barn ma fm-eir,
Rather as do a ting so shilly,
M; shtay at home at. Piccadilly,
blatters, ve know, vent smoosly on
TTde.r de Duke of Vellinton, _
But Grey 'end lii-^ oditerc nts schnrvv,
Have turn’d the Country tnpshy turvy, *
Reform in Pnrliamen*! vai. gammon,
The pn-esl infliiensln isiuammou;
To scoff at buying sheafs is funny;
Provided dey are vorth de money.
Ash sheetain as ma name is Nathan,
You r pn>tsh I have little fiit.fi ifij
And the besht polities ash i know,
Ish quietly to sack de rhino.
To dis boih friend and foe must bow-?
I’-x-ket de blunt, no matter how;
Tho’ mayn’t alvuvs he a go,
Ash was deease vid me. you know.
Vy Cot, dat Chancery disclosure,
Y ish a dam mischievous exposure.}
1 sh!ep! not dvi on h -rl of roshes,
But. felt upshot, sho help me Mosoff!
Jsbo fa • sho coo*, now who’ll deny,
I ran writ e B •ems ven 1 try;
Mine broilers thus have rishep to fame,
Vy shonl in’t Nathan do de shame?
But. some mav vonder in the shity,
Vat is de moral of ma ditty;
Vol here it is, ma friend at. lash’,
Get vot you can, ancfhold it fast.
the mad part back to their senses, as men intoxica
ted are sometimes stunned into sobriety.
“Once for all, let it be understood, ‘that no en
deavours of this kind will influence any man who
at present sits here.’ If they had any effect, it
would he contrary to their intent: leaning against
their impression, might give a bias the other way.
But I hope, and I know, that I have fortitude enough
to resist even that weakness. No libels, no threats,
nothing that has happened, nothing that can hap
pen, will weigh a feather against allowing the de
fendant, upon this and every other question, not
only the whole advantage he is entitled to from sub
stantial law andjasiice, hut every benefit from the
most critical nicety of form, which any other de-
j fondant could ciaim under the like objection. The
I only effect I feel, is an anxiety to be able to explain
(the grounds upon which we proceed; so as to satis
fy all mankind ‘that a flaw of form given way to in
this case, should not have been got over in any oth
er,’ ?’—Journal of Law.
»
i Poland.—By the Birmingham, was received the
last number of the London Foreign Quarterly Re-
] view, which contains, among others, several inter
esting articles on Poland,—one or two of them treat
of that country in days when it was a kingdom,
happy and free: but these we pass over tor the
present, to touch on one that we have perused with
much interest, relating to the present state of that
brave people, and the immediate causes which led
to the pending struggle between them and their op
pressors. The great anxiety that is felt here in all
that relates to Poland, will, we are sure, render ac-
i ceptable, the following summary of the various caus
es which led to to the revolution—these we believe
are less generally known to our readers, than the
deeds ofdaring done in the contest now waging.—
Early in the reign of Alexander, secret societies
were formed at Warsaw for the purpose of throw-
in<>’ off the Russian thraldom. The Poles hadnever
LORD MANSFIELD.
The following extract from Lord Mansfield’s no-
We burst of indignant eloquence, in the celebrated
oase of The King against John Wilkes, is fa
miliar to many of our readers. The popularity of
which he speaks, is the only popularity that a judge,
or indeed a nv good man, should seek to win. Whpn
Judges shall aim at papular applause or executive
favor, diy other means than an upright and fearless
discharge of their dutv, they will deserve to forfeit
the one7 as well as the other. We trust, that in this
country, the day is distant when threats shall influ
ence even the timid, in the administration of the
laws. No man is fit to be a judge, whose conscious
integrity, whose moral courage, and who?* well
stored resources of mind do nof elevate him above
all sinister influences.
Lord Mansfield. “But here let me pause!—
“It is fit to take some notice of the various ter
rors hung out: the numerous crowds wdiich have
tended, and now attend, in and about the hall, out
of all reach of hearing what passes in court; and
the tumults which, in other places, have shamefully
insulted all order and government. Audacious ad
dresses in print, dictate to us, from those they call
the people, the judgment to he given now, and af
terwards upon the conviction. Reasons of policy
are urged, from danger to the kingdom, by commo
tions and general confusion.
“Give me leave to take the opportunity of this
great and respectable audience, to let the whole
world know, all such attempts are vain. Unless
we have been able to find an error which will bear
out, to reverse the outlawry, it must be affirmed.
The constitution does not allow reasons of state to
influence our judgment: God forbid it should! We
must not regard political consequences, how T formi
dable soever they might be: if rebellion was the
certain consequence, we are bound to say ‘Fiat jus-
-Gilia ruat celumf The constitution trusts the king
with reasons of state and policy: he may stop pro
secutions; he may pardon offences; it is his to judge
whether the law or the criminal should yield. We
have no election, none of its encouraged or approv
ed the commission of either of the crimes of which
the defendant is convicted: none of us had any
hand in his being prosecuted. As to myself, I took
no part, (in another place,) in the addresses for that
prosecution, ffc did not advise or assist *.ie de
fendant to fly from justice; it was his own act, and
he must take the consequences. None of us have
been consulted, or had any thing to do with the pre
sent prosecution. It is not in our power to stop it;
it was not in owr power to bring it on. We cannot
pardon. We are to say, what we take the law to
be: if we do not speak our real opinions, we preva
ricate with God and our own consciences.
“I pass over many anonymous letters I have re
ceived: those in print are public; and some of them
b a ve bee n brought judicially before the court. Who-
«ver the writers are, they take the wrong way; I
will do mv duty unmred. What am I to fear?
That mendax infamia from the press, which daily
coins false facts and false motives? The lies of cal
umny carry no terror to me: I trust that my temper
9f mind, and the colour and conduct off my life,
have given me a suit of armour against these sor
, . . „ . . . . , • overseers and negroes, and little is left to the own-
never despaired of upnsmg in the cause of freedom. j er J g exer p ons and enterprise, it requ res no little
\\ lien the Russian conspiracy of -5 broke out, mor al courage and talent for command, to make
tuough it was not proved that the Polish Secret So- Buch a consi derable innovation upon the custom of
fcteties had been engaged in it-yet it is no w admit- a farm an d neighborhood, as to introduce horizontal
ed that tney had a knowledge of it-and several j ploutflun „. A neighbor of mil* once sent his over
members had interviews with the conspirators—but, - ---
New York Evening Post, for a convention, to lake
tliis subject under consideration, as promising some
practical good. It is not true, as many are taught
to believe iu Eastern States, that the South are
opposed to domestic manufactures: nor it it true
that the South desires to repeal all protecting duties.
The South asks that the taxes should be reduced to
the current expenditures of the Government, and
desires that they should be so levied, as to give the
incidental protection which a revenue duty can
give to our manufactures. The manufacture®
themselves are as deeply interested as the South, in
such a reduction; and we concur in the opinion,
(expressed in a late letter to a friend, by a states
man whose opinions are supposed to have great
weight with Mr. McDuffie himself,) that, twolion-
est men could, without difficulty, adjust the ques
tion, so as to secure the mutual interests of the va
rious sections, and harmonize the country. Is not
the object to be attained worth an effort? Shall we
boast of an attachment to the Union, and yet per
severe in the use of the language, and insist on mea
sures, calculated to destroy if ? Let those who
breathe a heated atmosphere, flatter themselves as
they may, the principles and policy advocated by
Mr. Calhoun in 1816, are the .principles and policy
of the nation. Then, as now, the question was,
how, and on what articles, should the taxes be re
duced? Mr. Calhoun then advocated a protecting
duty; not a duty which should regulate the indus
try of the country; but a duty, indicated alike hy
justice and policy, securing those interests which
had grown up under the necessities and legislation
of the country. Some have confounded the pro
tection of 1816 with the protection of 1828. The
manure, decaying vegetables, and top soil from be-1 rection of them. Should he still have a doubt, j distinction is, that the act of 1816 was intended to
in«r washed away 1 which, however, we cannot believe will be the j reduce the taxes; the act of 182S, to increase them.
Several circumstances must combine to make i case, let him express it, and we pledge ourselves The act of 1816 was intended to reduce the taxe**,
this ploughing advantageous to the full extent of its ‘ that lie shall be satisfied, if it be practicable, and he
capabilities. j will point out how it can be done. W e tielieve
The water furrows must be capacious and the j he knows us sufficiently well, both personally and
bed mellowed deeply to enable both to hold a great i politically, to believe that, we are incapable ot at-
deal of water. 1 have seen one instance of a field j tempting a deception on him ; and we can assure
great magistrate, upon an occasion and under cir- willing to exhibit any thing that will be subjected, - „ . . - ,
cumstances not unlike, ‘Ego hoc animo semper fui,,to a comparison in endeavoring to supply ,lhe defi- Calhoun.—-W hat can be plainer in refutation ot
days'A’saVes of"fierislinbie property imJev order of court, ut invidiam virlute partam, gloricm, non invidiam 1 ciency. In this account, the rafter level" is the in- the suspicion of the worthy and talented editor of
i u*iv■ertist--.d, •rener.iii.y, TEN, davs beture the diiy of sale, putaremd strument used to find the horizontal line—a more
■ — “ 1 he threats go farther than abuse', personal vt- common one is now the cross, adjusted by a line
the Democrat? And as he observes, “to confess
the truth, a suspicion of this sort has had its influ
otence is denounced. I do not believe it: it is not and plummet, and sighted along the upper bar to i ence * n souring our minds against Mr. Lumpkin,”
r6 moved, tutd ar- f ^ f!oul>t not^ tliftt oil reconsidering itj nis former
the genius of the worst men of this country, in the sticks of the same height which are moveiLand ar- : - - - _
worst of times. But I have set my mind at rest, ranged along the field. Once laying off wiil be suf- ■ high respect and regard for Mr. L. will be fully re-
The last end that can happen to any man, never fieient for a great number ofyeaTs, perhaps fore- established—for, though indedependent, waim,
‘ comes too soon, if he falls in support of the law . ver. ^ j and sometimes perhaps too hasty, in las opinions,
and liberty of his country; (for liberty is svnony-; The advantages of horizontal ploughing, with us ' we know him to be generous and just, and t hough
i moas to law and government.) Such a shock, too, are, 1st. It preserves all the water that falls in liable like ourselves and all others—and particular-
which seems to have benumbed them, and bring enables vou to do better work, and 4th: It prevents l ess prompt, magnanimous, and fearless, in the cor
.i 1 ^ i—i. .- —:— . * • . .. ’ , . •> .» , —*:— (iL.uiM t,e still have a
as the immediate expenditures had been reduced
by the termination ot the war; and another act is
now required to reduce the taxes, as the incidental
expenditures will be reduced by the termination of
the war debt. Let Mr. McDuffie and his political
swept away in consequence of shallow ploughing! him, that we would unhesitatingly pledge our lives,, friends bring, to its discussion, as much conoria-
, " . . -* . - o r* -1 U LI. ..... 1 1V1 r* I immL’in in tmn >md birhuavonno no ♦ h oi r nntl a4 4 n Intit n n<i nn 4
upon a hard bed of clay that was impervious to
moisture.
There are some soils and situations, where it is
utterly, vain to attempt to retain all the water that
falls, and prevent a break. As, 1. Where the lull is
is very steep when the highest furrow that could be
thrown would only bring the surface to a level in
capable of holding water; and this difficulty is in
creased in the extent of the declivity. 2. Where
there exists inequality of surface in consequence
of former washes and" breaks; and 3. When com
bined with either of the loregoing, the soil, from its
own nature, or the absence of vegetable fibre, is de
ficient in powers of cohesion.
A remedy lor these evils has beee provided by
Mr. Skipwith, who merits and cultivates the exten
sive and well improved estate of the late Sir Pey
ton Skipwith, on the left bank of the Roanoke. It
is to carry along at certain distances from j30 to 50
or 100 yards asunder, ditches of very moderate de
clination to some lateral drain. The furrows cor
respond with these ditches if the hill is very steep
and other circumstances are unfavorable, but if ad
missible, the furrows are level. Thi3 is found very
efficient, and the process is simple and inexpen
sive.
T ull, every where distinguished by his splash of
common sense, (as Dr. Johnson would term it,) in
his remarks upon the dilffos 'ty of having plans exe
cuted according to order, notices the odds between
saying to the laborers, ‘go you, and do it,’ and
‘come, let us do it.’ It is hard to prevail on those
who are resolved not to be convinced; a,nd what is
met the Russians in the field but as flies, and though j not sanct j onef j t >v precedent, or the judgement of,
smoe the partition of their land m 1791, there had j t j ie operator, wili be illy performed. In a country
been a lew years of peace, yet that could not oblit-
. - D , j like this, where every thing is quietly submitted to
erate the mementos of five centuries—and the Poles ! i*i
, . . . . , . .. , seer to Albemarle, to examine Bnd report upon this
being made acqu^nted with the views of the latter, i - - - - - *— y
,.-l . i r * Li- L- T» I,- • I new and much talked of practice. He might as
which went the length of establishing a Republic m I we|| haye sen , his h(>r8e g There is „ 8ta g, and
Russia, the Poles conceived a just contempt for the condition of ig noronC efirmly setaoainst the intro-
plot and plotters and as it is now satd, resolved to >ductionof ^ n e W idea - ., ncre 3 ulitv .> say3 the
have nothing further to do with the busmess-but. 0 , d b 4 ^ lyit of fo(lV Toll exmrienc-
nevertheless, they made no revealment. j ed a |j theS(1 difficil | t i cs fit introducing his drill Ints-
• bandry. ’A gentleman’ says he, ’who consults his
| bailiff about entering upon a new scheme of hus-
The circumstance which aggravated the sore
ness felt by the Poles, and which mav be said to
have led ultimately to the late revolution, was the , islikely toTfave about the same encourage-
appomtment ol Constantine as commander in chief; ment as a p a pi s t, | ing a mind to turn protestant,
ol their army. This appointment bv A exander, j wou ](j have, by asking the opinion of his confessor.’
was a great error, who must have een acquam ed ; j men ^ on a j{ this, not by way of discouragement,
with his brother s temper and disposition. on- hut to stimulate to perseverance, by showing the
siantine is a man who has proved himself a oge^ier commonnes8 Q f these difficulties. I have experi-
unfit to rule over a proud and spirited people. \Ve encedihem asvve l] as others. Honest old C^ari
say “rule, adds the Review, because although lie ploughman, protested firmly against my horrid
was nominallv nothing but Generalissimo ot the - & J
for the good faith and honor of Mr. Lumpkin, in
this matter.—Augusta Chronicle
Mr. Lumpkin.—If I am not mistaken in my con
struction of the feelings and real opinions of the
Troup editors from their manner of writing about
this gentleman, they begin to think it is time for
them to set their house in order, as the Constitu
tionalist says—I can see their alarm in their very
boasting—What I write, often partakes of my feel
ings wliile writing, and betrays me in spite of my
self—In this way I come to the conclusion, that the
Journal and Recorder both belive in their hearts,
that Mr. Lumpkin will be the next Governor of
Georgia—For instance, who ever thought that
Mr. Camak could have been brought to tell so poor
hi
a tale on this subject, as he did in his last Journal r
A man must be destitute of a knowledge of human
nature, who does not see despair in the abuse
of Mr. Lumpkin in that paper—What must be
the state of Mr. Camak’s fears, when he can be
driven to the desperation of telling the people, that
Mr. Lumpkin is opposed to the State’s getting the
Indian Land ? That Mr. Lumpkin is opposed to
General Jackson ? That he is combined with
Webster, Sue. These may not be lus words, but
are the substance. Now, as for the poor old Re
corder, it gets mad, stops right short, and tells Mr.
Lumpkin, you are a hypocrite, Sir! I imagine 1
see the Recorder stamping on the ground and, bi
ting its tongue at that, word ! The truth is, the
Troup party had rather see every Clark man in
the State at the bottom of the ocean, than that one
ofthemshold be Governor—I believe heartily, that
seme ofthatjparty, in Milledgedville especially, have
got to think that a Clark man has no right to be
Governor! They writhe at the probability of
such an occurrence: and how they would endure
the reality, I cannot imagine.—Jacksonian.
TOTjh. l$jiuriD£. tfefe; kipglfe reigp, I h»YC ever[caniHu.
Pol is] i army, yet he had, especially since the death
of the Emperor’s Lieutenant, Zavonczekt, in 1726,
monopolized bv degrees the authority of a Viceroy,
interfering capriciously in civil and criminal mat
ters.
The Review proceeds to give a concise state
ment of the Polish grievances, and refers seriatim,
to the various articles of the Constitution of 1815,
which have been infringed atdiflerenl times—name
ly, the Russian Regiments at Warsaw and its vi
cinity have been lodged and supplied with neces
saries at the Expense of the inhabitants, in viola
tion of article 10, of that Constitution. During the
last twelve years a strict censorship of the press has
been established in violation of article 16, which
guarantees the liberty of the press. Articlesjl 8th to
21st confirm the old principle, that individuals
could not be arrested, imprisioned, tried, &c. ex
cept according to law—all of which have been vio
lated. Article twenty-first secured to every Pole
the liberty of travelling and removing his effects
&c. hut of late years this has been denied. Arti
cles 39, 91, 93, relating to the finances, have been
quite disregarded. Articles 47, 43, prescribe the
responsibility of ministers and superior officers of
the state—which have been literally annulled. Ar
ticle 87 says, the Diet ought to be assembled once
every two years, and yet from 1920, to 1825, none
was convoked—and since Nicholas’s accession, on
ly one diet has been assembled. Article 95 de
clares that the debates shall be public. However,
an ordinance dated February 1825, abolished
their publicity. This was the only illegal act that
Alexander signed himself. Articles 110 and 111
limit the nomination of senators or members of the
upper house, to the class of persons paying 2,000
florins—this was violated. Articles 135, and 137,
prescribed the formation of a Municipal Council in
every palatinate or province of the kingdom, for the
purpose of electing the civil officers, controling the
local expenditures, making the electoral lists, &c.—
this of late has been .infringed. Article 153 pro
vides for the formation of a militia, for the internal
security of the country. This force however, was
never organtzed. Such, among others are the
blunder sort of ploughing, as he termed it, and my
overseer condemned the whole quite as positively.
He had never seen such crooked business in old
Virginia, and therefore it must be wrong. I finally
by dint of authority carried my point, hut it requir
ed a firmness little less than that which put down
the Polignac conspiracy. DE RUSTIC A.
A correspondent of one of the New York papers
communicates the following key to the pronuncia
tion of Polish words:
“To put an end to the general complaint of the
impossibility, or, at least, the difficulty, of pronoun
cing some Polish names, I will make the following
brief remarks. >y
“As we have learned from a French paply : the
name of the brave Skrzynecki to he pronounced
Skrejinetski, I will only add that this, expressed
complaints of the -violation of the eharter, as stated
bv the
« poles themselves. Even making allowance
for some exaggeration, it is evident that there were
sufficient grounds for dissatisfaction.—JNC Y.Jtfsr-
most Polish polysyllables, on the penultimate.
“In a similar manner pronounce the c in all Po
lish names like^ts in English (as Ploek, read Plotsk;)
the Polish sz like English sh (as Kalisz, read Kal-
ish;) and lastly, the Polish cz like ch in church (as,
Lovicz, read Loyich or Lovitch.)
“This is all that is chiefly to be noticed about
pronouncing Polish names.’
with English characters, would he written Skerz- _ o
hinetski, or Skershinetski, the accent resting, as in difacturers themselves are desirous for ?Tjudicious
From die Hn>ed Suites Telegraph.
SOUTH CAROLINA. '
We have read with much regret, in the Charles
ton Mercury, an account of the proceedings at a
dinner given to Mr. McDuffie. We are among
those who admire the pre-eminent talents, and con
fide in the unwavering patriotism of this accom
plished statesman and orator; but we cannot sul>-
scribe to his errors of opinion, or approve of the
untimely agitation of the exciting questions, said
to have been discussed by him. Mr. McDuffie is
a hard student, and, mingling but little with socie
ty, draws his opinions from the independent re
sources of his own. mind. No one is more tena
cious of his own opinion, or less influenced by those
of other men. He is too refined to be practical.
Uncompromising himself, he arrives at the opin
ions of others, as he would have them to arrive at
his, by their acts—and hence, he draws an argu
ment fzom the proceedings of the late Congress,
that all hope from a returning justice of the ma
jority is utterly delusive—and urges South Caroli
na to put herself on her doctrines!!! Cui bono ?
No one knows better than Mr. McDuffie that
the tariff of 1828 was the result of a political con
flict, and alike unpalatable to both parties. Mr.
Adams and General Jackson have both recommend-*
ed modifications; and we will, we trust, be excused
for the opinion, that the apprehension that too
much time would be consumed by the discussion,
and a desire to press other questions, of more im
mediate personal interest, induced many to vote
against the propositions made at the last session,
who, under other circumstances, would be decided
ly in favor of a change.
We have had much conversation and some cor
respondence on this subject, and we can assure our
Southern Triends, that many of the intelligent man-
tion and forbearance, as they will of talent and pat
riotism, and the bona fide manufacturers themselves
will, next winter, as they did in 1816, throw them
selves upon the protection of South Carolina.
The Maysville Eagle, speaking of Mr. Van Bu-
ren’s mission to England, says:
“All the information we have on the Bisect,
makes it extremely probable, that Van Buren is to
be sent to England. Will his appointment be con
firmed by the Senate? Certainly not without the
votes of some of the Senators w r ho have heretofore
opposed the Administration. Much stress has been
laid on Mr. Van Buren’s magnanimity in resigning
his late office. If he is sent to England, his magnan
imity will consist in exchanging $6,000, for tlie.next
year, for $18,000. But it»is childish to talk about
magnanimity. Who believes it? It was an adroit
manceuvre; though perhaps somewhat urged by ne
cessity.
We do not thinJ^Mr. Van Buren’s confirmation
hy the senate a matter he need feel much anxiety
about—he is a prominent inhividual standing be
fore the tribunal of the nation—and he must abide
by the nation’s decision—not by ti secret conclave
of twenty-four Senators, whom various combina
tions may bring to act together, or whom personal
enmity may bring to act against him. We are not
certain, indeed, that his rejection would not operate
to his advantage—that it might not awaken in his
behalf, public sympathy—that it might not he re
garded, like a long imprisonment before trial, as a
part of the Dunishment the nation may doom him
Wi
to suffer.
te recollect
the indignation we felt
when good men were rejected bv the Senate during
Mr. Adams’ administration. The Senate has hut
rarely been an index to public sentiment. But
enough of those contradictory reflections.”
Remarks.—We make no pretensions toprophe*
cv; hut, judging froth the facts within our knowl
edge, we incline to the opinion, that M -. Van Bu
ren’s nomination wiil be rejected by the -enate.
Certain we are that it w r iH be, if the ’part wh cl he
has acted since he came to Washington, is fully exa
mined. His rejection, under such circumstances,
can excite no sympathy, and will consign him to
lasting retirement. Indeed, we have our doubts
whether he wili not yet affirm his ow n condemna
tion, by declining the miss or., and thus escape the'
severe ordeal.— U.S. Tel.
Fjom the Albany (JY. Y.) Deity Advertiser.
The New York Standard follow s in the coerseof
the Argus, and endeavors to draw public attention
from the conduct of the Mechanics’ and Farmers’
Bank of Albany, in relation to their exertions to
procure stock of other hanks, by talking about the
United States’ Bank, which is as usual made a
Wesleyan University.—Asour readers are alrea
dy aware, this university has been established at
Middletown, and we learn, under very favorable
auspecies. It wall occupy the buildings and the site
formerly used by Captain Partridge for his military
Academy, and is to be managed by the Methodists,
a large, thriving and highly respectable sect of
Christians, wrho have already subscribed nearly
$100,000 towards completing the establishment.—
We understand that the Faculty will consist of the
Rev. Wilbur Fisk, D. D. President, and the Rev.
Stephen Olin, Rev. Frederick Huber, Augustus W.
Smith, A. M. and Thomas M. Drake, M. D. Pro
fessors.—.V. E. Review.
Despatch hy the Railway.—A dealer in Manchester
was lately in want of a particular lot of sugar.—
He wrote to a correspondent in Liverpool, .by the
twro o’clock train, with the necessary orders, and
{ sugars wore at Maaeh&tgr tb? s&apeYedqg*
revision of the tariff; and it is our decided opinion,
formed upon better information than Mr. McDuffie
can possess, that a conciliatory tone, on the part of
their public men and public presses, will secure an
amicable adjustment of this question, upon terms
that will be mutually advantageous. The argu
ments put forth in some of the public speeches,
and in many of the newspaper paragraphs, are
calculated to defeat the object which they profess
to advocate. As for instance, it is assumed that the
tariff' of 1823 is a Western measure, and that the
West are interested in oppressing the South!! Is
tliis true ? Who does not know that Kentucky is
as much interested in the prosperity of the South,
as the South itself? It - is known that there is a
scarecrow hi frighten women and children. From
the Standard, which professed so much alarm at
the existence of an institution so extensive as the
United States’ Bank, we expected better things
We did hope that it would join in just reprehen
sion of a knot of moneyed dictators, which is using
every means to get a control of country hanks.
We did hope that that paper w ould sound the toc
sin of alarm, and caution the public, of the serious
consequences which would result, if these greedy
and gormandizing monopolists should effect the ob
jects which they have been so industriously striv
ing to accomplish. If the Mechanics’ and Far
mers Bank should extend its influence much mere
in this State, it would become, united as it is w ith
the leading men of the Regency party, a power
dangerous beyond compare with any th'ng that has
be depre-
ever been among us, and which should ...
cated as a force eminently calculated to give aristo
crats a controlling sway inlhe government, and to
deprive the people of the full enjoyment of their li
berties. Let the Standard ponder on this matter;
and let its practice accord with its professions.
The New York Standard exults, because Lot
Clark appeared at Binghamton with his $240,000
certificates of deposit in the Machanics’ and Far
mers’ Bank, and secured a majority of the stock.
Its pretence for rejoicing is, because the “opposi
tion” were defeated. Without inquiring as to the
propriety and virtue of this pretence, we call on the
Standard, as we have before on the Argus, to noinr
out who where the persons of the “opposition’ 5 thafc
appeared there and endeavored to obtain a control
of the Binghampton hank.
strong anti-tariff interest in New England; and
>d<
who does not see that the argument, that-the tariff
gumt
is an Eastern measure, enriching the East at the
expense of the South, is a direct appeal to the in
terest of the East, which, by conceiting it to be a
question of local, instead of general prosperity,
arms the the political tariff men with an irresisti
ble argument, confirming their local influence, and
preventing opposition to a system which all are in
terested in correcting. The East are taught to be
lieve, that the South are opposed to any tariff, and
the South to look to resistance, as the only remedy
against Eastern oppression.
The surest remedy is wisdom, moderation, and
We hail apropoeitfon, made in the
IN HABERSHAM SUPERIOR < OURi>
. ,’ APRIL TERM, lS3i.
lelding Hill and Frances Keith, j
Complainants, J
vs.
Albriton M’Daniel, Nathan Cook
Thomas Haynes, Jolm Fountain,
Williams Rutherford, Patrick J.
Robertson, and John Potts.
BILL for diseorn^/,
relief and uyuucti&.
r ' appearing to the Court, that the defendants in the
ai — -
above bill reside oat of the county of Haber*ham*r-
It is therefore ordered, that they appear and plead de
mur, or answer to the >4ad hill at the next Superior Cour t
of said county, or the bill will be taken pro confeno, and
that a copy of this rule be published in one of the pub! -:,
gazettes of this State in terms of the law in such case pro
vided. A true extract, from the minutes
Superior Court, April Term, 1931.
'J
(May 24—m3m]
JOHN T. HARTER, CI’L
*