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FEDERAL UNION.
ron and six or seven other persons, vs Iking neat
the President’s gate, whence it was concluded they
Usd retired tor the night, in company with somej
others who had been privy to the scenes ol the day,]
thouifh perhaps not actors in them. A pari ol
their conversation was overheard, which may here
On the following day I tuush
after be imparted. —*• -■ -7=* ,
ol my visits, in order to h ave the city on W euncs-
div morning, as I had appointed, in answer to a let
ter written by vour committee a week lit*lore.
Sometime on Tuesday evening the same men,|
viz: Eaton and Randolph, (and it is believed Over
1 >n was also with them) pissed and re passed my
door frequently, looking impertinently into the win
dows, and exhibiting other signs ol the gasconadel
theydiad K jen practising. I found a high degre
of excitement prevailing in the city, am
FEDERAL UNION.
MILLEDGEVILLE, JULY ^l, I83f
* way-lay|of his own «Ny, likeJefferson and .idams, he M*.- |)ro ,li™iitv”-a fmm . that .. ‘ umion'-itfi “ .1
MONROE sleeps with his Fathers! On the day
xasious. at Gilmer’s.—Lumpkin’s object, in making reserves, man in power, like the King of England, “can do
Like a small warrior of old, lie seem3 to feel safe * was to improve our roads and educate the poor—* no wrong.” What means the Recorder in saying
behind the shield which he cannot handle. But in ; Gilmer’s reasons for. reserving all the gold mines, is* that it is “a ridiculous notion thai those who retl
this instance, we behold the mighty shield—we see;, to prevent poor men from becoming “suddenly”! for a governor, should be the special objects of hh
the little Teucer behind it. But in vain do we look’ricli. It will encourage prodigality—idleness &c.|iavor and patronage?” Could John Q, Adams tie-
for the immortal Ajax, with his giant frame and- Sic. See our remarks on his Message in anotherasire better federalism than this?
brawny arm, to wield it. Alter remarking that thenar tisie.
surplus money ought to remain in the hands of the? On this subject, to quiet our opponents, we an
people, his Excellency says, “It has always beenrauthorised to say, that Mr. Lumpkin is opposed, t
more difficult to restrain improper expenditures, a -^exempting the gold mines from disposition by Lott
As dor the Recorder, we should never pretend to
give him any name. Like the chameleon, he taken
rising from a full Treasury; than to obtain, th rougher*/.
, the®
the powers which belong to the government,
means which may be really required lor public pur
poses.” In reading this extract, one would suj
pose, that his Excellency had fallen suddenly anc
ed a lean Treasury to a State, in the same light
BACKING OUT.—It seems that the senior ed
itor of the Recorder left Georgia tor New'-York in tion tow ards office and the money it bring?,
liu June 1824, and did not return till November fol
lowing. This he affects to think a sufficient apol-
ance of preparation had been discovered to way-iay ■oinis own g-'^y* Vv' p E“prodigaiitv”—a salvation from that “corruption
me on the road to Baltimore. I therefore prepar-iadieu to the scenes \ Jof “mSafe? which attends “riches suddenly oh
for that even.,, bu, met tajr «i a< ^ine^that a eompa ra .ive ly small S ,m, in
“etyr«^e™a“bi^g *»« - He ^ a- -■"> nr j»l». the dav dearly *» *• demands upon the
his color from surrounding objects. “He hasboxed
the political compass.” It we should tell you, he is
at the South pole—you might find him at tlie North,
He possesses one principle, however, common to
all inert bodies—-gravitation—a continual gravita-
- hi
this article, he has plummed the track of the Fed
eral doctrines by a line. He has endorsed for Gil-
jogy lor ell the abuse heaped by his paper upon mer, that it is “ridiculous” to regard the voices of
those who “votedfor him.”
The Recorder and his patrons have happened^
from the same gravitation towards office, to be
subject distinctly before the notice of the President,
and I addressed' him a letter to that effect. My en
gagements were such, that I could not remain to be
-present at the investigation he might direct, nor
was it necessary. 1 was not a witness to t he acts I
stated to him, 1 hough I believed them, and still i>e-
to die. He died on the 4th of July, the day dear-g™*" 1 ' Ai ™T t 7 UIB ™* us . u P on jne government
est to the bosom of every American. He hadf lH '‘ ds - thal the eurplus ougbt to te distributed a-
seen the darkest hour of Ins country’s trial paA"‘ 01l S„ thc ^P le to be-moreusefuUyexpene.,1 b;j
away before the light offreedom and'thc beams of f“« ira P TO '™S aml “nclung the country-
truth. lie mourned amSl her sorrows, and rejoic- ' ha , t " ,1S 13 to prevent prodigality in tlie
ed in her jov. He had devoted an unblemiShed dlsbursMiientsof the public treasures, and that cor-
life in supporting the principles of the Revolution. ™JP'“ n ««"™W ®« of them. In a word, that aj
tw, tme II' there had been any diHi- Then came tlie days of his’own trial—then camd hdl 'Iieasiiry wasapi , . . .
■X m 1 ’ LZiimony a"'to (lie facts, I would the darkness of misfortune, like spots on (he aim’s F«* ,hat W >“ s Excel encys opinion, that then
Z2. f E l mm™ to any fact disk, over Ids own bright o bit. he has just lived evil... riches suddenly and easily acquired by]
slmd This hmveimrTnm C necessary ’ - -- *■=. - i>. » *' al “ able la “^ states. But how is the reader sur-
President has thought proper to call
officers of the Treasury Department
resented as having been in the company
tcipals on that dav, and these officers, though they
Vleny the truth of my statement in general terms,
liave each admitted its truth in every material par-Hto our Lnto/i?
ticular as far as it affected themselves. I have® I lie President has ordered funeral honors to be
i^ated ’ that Eaton and Randolph alternately occu-Bpaid to his memory at all the military posts—the
pied the treasury building in the Treasurer and Re Bofficers to wear crape for six months. Great hon-
gister’s room, with a vie'w to a personal assault up-Bors were paid to his remains in New York.—
•tm me, which I have termed assassination; for, al-§Should we not do something litre in Georgia?
In a
jublic curse. He w T ould sut
Jackson during that period. Are we to un-
this that he disavows the sentiments of
jthe Recorder during that period? Will any body
believe this? Will any one believe that this “most found frequently lieietofore in the Federal track,
potent, grave, and reverend senior,” would engage He and his friends happened, for a series of years,
a person to write his editorial, during his abscence, to oppose the Clark party in their exertions to give-
who differed from him in feeling and sentiment?— the election of Governor to the people. He and his
Preposterous! “Tell it to the marines.” No man friends happened to oppose the exertions of the-
in liis senses will believe it.—But, mark— the “sen- Clark party,, to give the election of Electors to the
ior” does not say that the harsh language applied people. He and his party happened to oppose the
by tlie Recorder to Jackson was not, at that time, Democratic Republican candidate, JacKson, for
President, to prefer Adams, the Federal candidate;
and to be the means of his election over Jackson,
apology!—We have’ ho doubt that he is sorry for the first time. He and his friends happened, at one
it now—and we have as little doubt that he was time, to throw almost the whole patronage of Geor-
lighted with it at. the time of its publication. If
~ -Yor
Heaven to attach us indissolubly to our country—■ V 1 1Z ; * k ^ nes ? re J^e the accumulation °^he peo-g\V e il, we did think there was no American Editor
gia into tlie hands of one man, the Governor. These
things are matters of record—and in all these things,
the Recorder and his friends have been, most spe
cially, Federal!!
Here is the tree and its delicious fruit. Let tbfc
people judge it. They can call ft nothing but the
[of the age of this “senior” in vears and in his em-Bp°i sono tJS Java tree, destroying all around it, and
• , • • , it h
though I had received notice of Eaton’s design, I[
.did not believe that either he or Randolph would
attack me, unless they could get behind by back, or
take some other advantage. I therefore consider
ed the threat as a cover for a dastarly attempt toi
assassinate.
Our correspondents, whose articles will not spoil
y cooling, will pardon us for laying before our rea-l
ers, to their exclusion, such dishes as are only pa
atable while irorm. We shall attend to them all,I
I have not said that the Treasurer,Bso far as their matter is admissible. When our pa-fr u f l 5au1 ’ 011
Now it is admitted by Mr. Eaton, that he was seek
in<* a personal rencontre with meon that dav—and? MR. GILMER’S MESSAGE.—It is to the pub
• . x , , . a . - ./T! V 1 * . .a’ 1 \
qhS exculpatorv statemfints of the olficors named,flic documenUi of the Slate, studied with diligeiictf exciteA,^Ry the_hopec<
Without even the aid of a cross examination, leavefan,! drawn oat at letsure-to the maxims they in J"; ea1 *’ .^; hou * la ^ u I’ „l!i!
tlie mind irresistibly to infer even more than I have
•Seated.
T. L. Smith, the Register, says lie did not give!
aid or succor to Eaton; but docs not deny knowing]
.Eaton's object in coming to the Treasury depart
ment. W. B. Lewis, the 2d
try would be corrupted—regular industry and eco
inoiujf would cease, &c.—These statements must
[apply to die poor classes of people. For surely,]
fie Governor would not say that rich men would
become prodigal, and dissolute, and corrupt
- *——j —i— - a i .. r |. ^ ^ ‘riches suddenly obtained.” It is the poor people
Atitliinr pottpi ol t/iu 11 iit^ ldil in wc .i . 4.11^ * ij •
Auunor, sa^s , . :„ .i.„«that are to be corrupted by drawing gold mines
jfculcato—the counsels they enjoin, and the direction
Pthey give to public opinion, and the more important!
tactions of the Government—that, we lookjbr those]
[•evidences of matured wisdom, and that knowledge
[of political economy, which determine the true
P 1
pie’s money in tlie public Treasury*. The Gov
ernment should manage them for general and «o?yb;§ployment, who, in 1824, was ignorant of the char* flourishing Hinid
individual auvantage.' Most profound proposition!K;icter and standing of Andrew Jackson! Every
most wonderful, brand-new discovery!!^ His Excei-ghoy in tins countr\®who was ten years old in 1815,
lencv had, but a few sentences before, found it “<&/-Bcould have told him who Andrew Jackson Was
ficult to restrain improper expenditures amb;g/rom#\Ve suppose however, that the Recorder must
\a ftill Treasury!!—But before the ink was fairly dry,B m ean, that he did not have “ the means” ofknow-
jwhicli recorded it, he maintains that the govern-i in g that Jackson would he President. If'he had, he
ment ought to bring whole mines of gold into agwould no doubt have struck a different string on
Treasury already (according to his argument) fooghis political fiddle. But though he Was so well
‘full,” to be managed for that people, who, he hadgpieased with the Adams march, which played John
just said, ought to manage their money for thern-BQ u ffi C y into office—we’* 1 let that pass
who could expend it more usefully ,B What say you, Mr. Senior, to an extract or two
inBfrom your columns, after you had returned from
New-York ? We beg to refresh your memory by
turning to vour file ot December 28th 1924—we
think you will there find the following—“The im
pression seems to gain ground in every part of the
country that Gen. Jackson is to be the President.
Many of his Crawford friends, perhaps a decided
majority of them, will prefer him to Adams. We
have no pariiclity for either; but, in choosing be
tween evils, it is our custom to take the least, and
graph. Mr. Gilmer opposes the lotterying of the
nines, because, he says, “the community would be-
in order that we may clearly shew the
knew ofno “-Miwrarv” He does notsnv that heS ma . v looli 111 vam lor the development of mind in the
knew nothine of Eaton’s design. Mr.-Cam,,liell| a «"* operauons ol the Government Taking
tJ S Treasurer, save he did know that a conflict* thcs . c thcrelore, as the standard by which Mr. Gil
was expected, hut did not believe it would takeS mCTS ™“‘> “ to be measured, let us .ook into a pa
place tliat d
jjnme to the
Aaced rencountre
Jtneiv that Mr. Eaton would contrive to Keep ^ } .
flic way, as actually happened. As to Mr. or be ccV-ected" should we 1
ikilnh he does not deny being m the 1 reasnrv de-fl ustne8s . our or 06 co * eciea > hno,l ! (l " e j
iwrtment on the same dav, and says he only- sawp? t0 ' he Govern '' r , "; e “ x t,la P a, ,‘ c » ce l
Mr. Eaton ten minute. o( o' time, Isitween nine ami our readers, bypiacmg the wnole paragmpn be-,
*forethem. It is that which relates to tlie goldmines,!
and reads thus—
“The tract of land from which the Cherokee? have been!
emoved, by order of the President, is sup]
tain 464, 646 acres and is now subject to be disposed oil
in such manner asyou may thimt expedient. The great;
object to’ be effected by the Stare, iu the appropriation,
of its, lands, is the increase of its population, andl
the excitement of its people to industry, and the ac-]
by “riches suddenly obtained.” In the very
sentence, he informs us, that, “in most instances
ven the successful owners of the rich prizes wouldBp^e.j to be penitent, we will not press the saddle
the ravages it has occasioned.
THE CHEROKEES.—It Is rumoured, that
the Georgia guard have practised undue and un*
lawful severities over the Cherokees, and others re
siding on the Cherokee soil: that the officers and
soldiers (with some honorable exceptions,) are in
tlie habit of violating those private rights of tlie
Cherokees, which we ail bold sacred: and tliat pri
soners are treated by them with undue severity.
This guard is stationed so far from the authorities,
to winch they are amenable, that they may have
been guilty of some abuses, not sanctioned bv the
government. It is tlie intention of Georgia, firmly
to maintain her right: the Cherokees must yield:
an inevitable fate, i destiny which no human pow
er can controul, will constrain the aborigines to re
cede before the advancing flood of the white popu
lation. A stem necessity requires the Cherokees to
abandon their present soil: and their best policy,
their true interests, will be advanced by the ex
change, wlych the government offers to them. If
Mr. Eaton ten minutes at a time, lie tween nine and
three. With such equivocations and admissions in
prepared statements, what might not be expected
from a cross examination of all these persons, and ot
Ml the persons about the building? I have only to
add, that I complain of no injury inflicted on me—I
do not, therefore, present myself as a prosecutor.
I believed that a department of the government,
which ought to have been regarded as a sanctuary
not be really benefitted.” Why? Because rich spe
culators would cheat them out of them.—The ideas,
>f his Excellency are not very logically arranged.!
He has only “put tlie cart before the horse”—hut
[this is the plain meaning. Properly arranged, tliej
[would read thus—“in most instances, the successfu
[owners of the rich prizes would not be really bene
fitted”—because, “the spirit of speculation whichl
the disposition of the lands by lottery is calculated]
too hard upon a tender place. We have several!
;j tunts to take with you during the summer.
ect will receive the early attention of the State aut
horities.
OUR PATIENT.—We begin to think ourselves
prettv good physicians. When we administered
bur first dose to the Recorder, it had a very fine
snetic effect—just such as we anticipated and desir-
bringing off a great deal of the atra-biliarv,
d
to excite,” and which the gold mines would increaseBand no small portion of ill humor: The second dost
—would throw all tlie poor “owners of the rich§jproduced a gentle purgation—relaxed the system
: oeeii regimen a* <i I'nuciuaiy j me excitement ot its peoj
lawless violence of U. States < cumulation of wealth.—Ti
at least against the
officers, had been violated for purposes of blood,
he lottery system which lire
ibeen hitherto adopted, is believed to have been better cai-S
[culated to attain these ends than the disposition by pub-|
and. that the majestv of the law had been offended ^culated to attar
under the eve of the chief magistrate. In this a spectre sale. In an .unimproved country, where capital
pnzes" into the power of rich speculators, whc>
would defraud them—those who ure already riel:
would become richer, and the poor drawers of pri
zes would remain poor. How then, we ask, is the
[ioor man to become thus “corrupted,” by “riches
[suddenly obtained,” when his Excellency' says*]
they “would not be really benefitted”—that is, they]
would not lie made “suddenly” rich?—The tiling is
[utterly beyond our comprehension.
somewhat, and brought it to the “ha! ha! ha!” point
—designed for a hearty laugh. Bat, as the old wo-
[man said, it was nothing but a “gashly” grin—as
he delirium seems not to be entirely off. We hope
now, by a prudent application of ionics, to patch
aim up during the dog days. As the disease is too
[deep-rooted for a thorough cure, we feel apprehen
Y.ve, that on the return of cool weather, say, about
the first Monday in October—there will be a sud-
FOREIGN NEWS.—By some late arrivals,
we have London dates to the Slst May, and Paris
to the 27th. The Poles have gained fresh victo
ries over the Russians under the brave Central
Chrzanowski—a general battle was daily exptcfejk
We have not room for the details.
1 communicated to the President a sketch of what
reason for making that communication to the Pres- J t d iu thu pub
hjent. Mr. Evans, a clerk in the Register’s office, fmore difficult.
scarce, interest high, and every trade und employment
demand lal>or and wealth, tiic surplus money in the pc
.ended mere usefully by;
otherwise adding to the!
try, iian it drawn from them to be plac-fihis
lie Treasury. It has always been founlSjvlohlg so.
to restrain improper expenditures arisiit
So much for Mr. Gilmer’s habits of -close think-gden and fatal relapse. As however, it is tlie duty
ing, and his lucid arrangement of polical apotheins!!*of faithful physicians, to postpone the crisis of an
If ins friends arc willing to measure the length, andBincurablc malady, we feel it our duty to put our pa-
breadth, and depth of his mind, by this message,Etient on his guard against his long-standing disease.
opponents certainly have no objection to then
But one thing we must protest against,!
4 ~, o * o JVi
In attempting io answer the charge of partiality 1^7
„ , . namely—this attempt to withhold the benefits of
is a brother-in-law of Mr. Eaton s, declared jfrom a full Treasury, than to obtain through the power*f our public lands from poor men, who constitute tin
iclyin the hearing ot*a number of persons, that,] |which belong to theGovcirmenbthe means which mayj^. eat mass of tj)e pe0 ple—wlio bear their full share
of the burdens of tlie Government. We protest
against al! this gold being thrown into the Centralj
Bank
xyno
were in MrTEaton’s place, he would assassi-J’f really required for public purposes. It is reporte'dj
it ut, « |.| < 1 ■ m pvpto 2« f iat iltei« are vaiuatile gmd mines m the lands to be dis-!
Hate me, and the Pr s i c *. . . , •. ,) S^josed of. The public interest requires that the lots of
qut of office, who took my pai in 11s usines.>. contain gold, should be exempted from dix-
Afr. Barry had expressed himsell in terms ot atribution i>y lottery. The spirit of speculation which the’
greatest bitterness towards me. lhese anil other J^Us position of the lands by lottery is calculated to excite.!
tbets of which I was very credibly informed, satisfi-Alias always been the grrtftest objection to that system, 1
[upon Mr. Gilmer, contrary to his official and open]
[declaration of impartiality, tlie Recorder has ap-[
[proved of that partiality, instead of offering some
thing that might pass as an apology for it. The
Recorder wfill knew that it was unanswerable. And
(though it would have sent Mr. Gilmer to New-j
[Holland, beiore it would have supported his formerj
[election—yet, as he has been true to his party, and]
forgetful of his voluntary pledges—as he has so
COL. CASS, Governor of Michigan Territory
has been appointed Secretary at war.
TO THE EDITORS OF THE FEDERAL UNION.
Gentlemen—The substance of the following conversat
ion was actually held not long since, between two of niy
.eiehbours—Beueving tliat the conclusionsut which they
arrived were ju6t und accurate—1 send it to you tor pub
lication. Both the gentlemen were friendly to Mr. Tionp,
»nd have generally supported tlie party bearing his i:axnc.
Mr. R.—I suppose that Mr. Lumpkin is u candidate
for Governor—what do you think of it.
Mr. M.—You know that I have ever been friendly to
Gov. Troup, and have usually voted for his friends; yc.l
on this occasion, I cannot support Gov. Gilmer.
Mr. R—I regret to hear it; what are your objections to
worthy men. I therefore determined to bring the
subject to the notice of the President and of the pub
lic at the same time. I have said nothing lightly,j
which I do not believe could he proved by witness-.
03 of unquestionabe character; but alter the men- |
arc of Mr. Evans, they would require an assurance]
rjf protection, before they could be expected togivej
voluntary statements. All the means for a.?cei taifi~|
fog the truth, are at the President’s command. The’
statement I communicated to him, was shewn to
several persdhs who were on the spot and witness-
nessed the excited feeling and great anxiety which
pervaded the most sober minded people pf the city.]
was deemed by all who saw it, a temperate State-,
jnent of the facts. I am aware that it will be diffi 1
Mr. M.—I have several that I consider good—though
!I will give you them and leave you to judge for yourself
”irst, I think he acted very unwisely in convening tins
■egislature as early as he did last fall; thereby running
the State to the great and unnecessary expense of some
thing near twelve thousand dollars. Secondly, I never
pan consent that the Indians shall be witness against me,
in any case—and at this time particularly. The extreme
[ignorance of some—the hostility and prejudices which
others have toward tlie citizens of Georgia, is such thar.
1 should consider my life—liberty or property, in great
clanger, if suspended upon the frail and doubtful thread of
Indian Testimony. Governor Gilmer’s recommending
tiie repeal of the law, by wliich they are prohibited from
being witnesses in onr Courts of justice, constitutes my
second objection to him. No man who is willing to plaed
me upon a footing wiih the Indians can get my vote.
Thirdly, I am most decidedly opposed to reserving tha
■. Gii
fo be loaned out to rich men. If the poor
man’s name goes into the lottery wheel, it is as apt
to come out to a gold mine, as the ricli man’s. It
the same poor man and his rich neighbonr go to theEfaithfully stuck to his party, to reinstate himself in-
li their notes, certificates must be examin-gto their good graces— the Recorder now thinks him
rummaged—the poor man’s liotegthe very “pink of purity” He has done all things
and his rich reighbour get tbetwell. ’Though ihe Clark party elected him, he has
gold mines are reserved, the goldPgiven them but one appointment, and that a very
runtion, trim rhe lemprauon which wr.uld be held nut bv inK> ^ Cen , tr f t l Bank—then we may stare atgpaltry one! This is the essence of republicanism
law, to tlie commission of innumerable frauds. Regulucp Governor Gilmer s improper expenditures armnglwith the Recorder. All the offices, and ail the mo-
ndusiry and ecvu<my would for ..ine i>e sus TJ ended| frem afulllreasujy'. —then we may see the march|ney in Georgia, belong to the Troup party. Theta^w n u nes - and consider Gov. Gilmer, not only justly
»y restless idleness, and imaginary, as well as real, amidol corruption, Iron) the head quarters of monledgClark party have no right to any thing; though censurable for recommending their reservation- hut hici'.
mnecessary.expenditures In most instances, even d c^influence!—We say, give every man the same pri-Sthey constitute half, at least, of the people, thevSly censurable for the particular reason which he has aJ
•.uccessful owners of uic rich prizes would not be rcalit isvileges—and let tlie poor man have a “white man'^have no rights, no talents, no qualifications. Ohlfisigned why tl-ey ought to be reserved—That reason waj
Prodigal.-y is tlie usual residt ot riches, wju-getowee*” fthey are all “tag, rag, and bobtail” This is Mr.Sdds, that it was apt lo make a man “profligateand ex,
j L.nesaie i\«. accui,i ' • ,i * EGilfner’s and the Recorder’s republicanism! |»*ravngant for him to acquire a fortune “suddenly”—Ta-
Tiie Journal and Recorder seem to think thevB The Recorder thinks lie has driven his arrowB, n f, t , Governor therefore upon his own ground, in*
avc lpund a {Kiwerful argument against Mr. Luinp-ffdeefl into us bv calling us the “Federal-Clark par-B;^ 1 ' ‘f 1 /® had no o i]ccuons to a Lottery of the gold
kin, a t last! in rummaging over someojd documeiitslty.’ He thinks it such a very smart hit, that hdL; ,b e h« X richX'^hy-«^i ho .Mucl'^.
tney t;ave found a letter v.-ntten by hun ten yearsgrepea s i in aln.ost eveiy semerte-viilfiMv & gajpjriy to be dnt.n from his opinions as lie has advanced
ago, to Gen. Clark, m which he expresses an opm-lhciously leaving out a word. He ought to call uslthcm—that because a roan is so unfortunate as to be bora
ion that reserves ought to have been made in thegthe Federal-Union-Chrk party. But we must for-]
^ him this weakness t as an inherent propensity-
lenefitted.
lenly and easily obtained
:«,n of tiie ]icople’smr>ney in the public Treasury. Tl
Tovei'iimeiit should nvuiagc tliem for general and not
for individual advantage. If they should prove exceed-!
ugly profitable, die State would thereby be enabled t
eheve the people tV- in raxation, impr >ve all the re ad
enderits rivers navigable, and exierni tlie advantages ol‘
duciti.<n r eveiy cias-i ofsoci
The attentive reader will
vill obsen*e that, in thisy Land Lottery of 1821, for tlie purposes of Internalggive hi
oult to believe, that a person so closely connected iuBshort extract, his Excellency has sta u-;l several pro-i Improvement and free schools. Our enemies niusi tor misrepresentation is a part of* his disease. If lie]
feeling with the President of the United State?, couldffpoaitious, in political economy, directly at variancegindeed be hard pressed for objections, when they abused Jackson, we must expect him to abuse
bare been permitted to lie in wait, armed with s word, Ewith each other. We cite onr readers to them in£pick up such poor ones as this. Have not reserves Jackson’s old friends—if lie once adopted tlie sen
enne, and pistols, in the rooms of one of the publicBjtheir proper order. After stating the quantity of^been made in every Land Lottery? Havenotsuc-
buildings, lor the purpose, of a rencountre with theBland in the Cherokee Territory, and the object to* cessive Legislatures, and the people themselves,
head ofa department. Such a transaction is tooBbe effected by its distribution, he lavs down hissapproved ol them? But, let it be remembered, that
f ross to be realized by the American people, andByir.if proposition, to-w it: That, “tlie surplus money,gthe nature and extent of these reserves are weli
ence they will disincline to give it their belief, butSfo the possession of the people, can be more usefub-%known—that they, are limited in extent and can be
41 is impossible to resist the force ot truth. It an im-B/y expended by them, in improving the lands, anda ascertained pretty correctly in their value. Let it
_L_n otherwise adding to the riches of the country, than: ?be further remembered, that Mr. Lumpkin stated
•partial investigation of this transact ion shall ever
be made, much more than I have said, will be fully
.proved, and whenever such an investigation shall]
be instituted, if my presence should be deemed ne
cessary, I will, without hesitation,-attend at the-seal
flf government for that purpose.
I have remarked that the note of Mr. Ea ton in ]
Seated a predetermination for a quarrel. This is
pearly proved by his seizing, as a pretext for it,
“newspaper statement of a fact which had been nt
torious in the city of Washington for two years past,
viz: that my family had refused to visit his. This
fiict he well knew I could not disavow. He
, - ... - , . . * „ w- 6 kiuuicimih8«i uie nen anu»-eanny—ana the<ieuuct.aa»
letter written by him ten yearsirepea s it m almost eveiy sentcrce-vuifo.iy & ma-| feiriy to ^ flrawn from his opinio J 8 mhe has advancet »
i opm-fliciously Irving out^a \vord. rle^ougat to cail^ uslthcm—that because a man is so unfortunate as to fctboru
3r, that tlie rich are to enjoy privileges tliat they aru
lot. My own observation and reflection convince mu
|*li-at tl e poor man can sustain himself much better upon
“sudden” exaltation and affiuencc than the rich mail
can under degradation and poverty. For the purpose ti
exhibiting more fully the gross injustice and great absurdi
ty of the position which Governor Gilmer I as taken, a
Fill state this case—You have en Unde of irmr.ent.e for*
|» une, and you are the only person tliat can inherit hi*
aroperty if he should die without a will. It is your mis
fortune to he poor—yet you are industrious, frugal, tem
perate, correct and honorable, in all vour walks arid deal-
You have rendered your uncle signal services, ami
if drawn from them to be placed in the public Trea~. Jthe specific object for which lie recommended the
“ Tl "
reserves, and that the Legislature and the people
have approved of these objects, and carried them
c a ,, into effeet. On tha other hand, Mr. Gilmer has re- which is emphatically called the Federal Constitu- jjjeat estate.
reasoning, however, we encounter, at every siicces-^ commended a large region of country to be exempt tion. At the present day, it means something quite n<a
Afferent from this—all now pretend to love and to wil
cherish the Constitution and the “Federal Union.” fy by stepping into the inheritance of so large a fortune,
\sury." This seems to be a very reasonable propo-j
Bsition. And in perusing what follows, we should ex-|
jpect some reasoning to support it. Instead of this!
j»t even allege that I had said any thing to the dis-j
jparagement of his family; and I could not have disa
vowed tlie feet upon which he had predicated hi:
menace, unless I would have consented ^to beEtions of their trappings—:
’bullied into a statement which every body knew! between them—and place
toward
second proposition, at swords' points with tlieflexpress act of the Legislature, since he has been
[foregoing—in which second one, he says, “MmesSin office. In 1829, the Legislature repealed that
lare like the accumulation of the peopled money irjfportion of the act of 1825, which reserved mines,
the public, Trt usury-—The Government should man-*ores, &,c. to the State. It seems, then, that Mr.
age them for general and not for individual advan-? G
to be false. My reply to his menace was neither]
wore nor less than an unequivocal refusal to disavow!
the fact that my family had refused to visit his.:
The guilt or innocence of his wife never was in con-j
froversy between Mr. Eaton and myself. He nev-!
jgf ev<en complained that I had made any charges
jggainsi her. She liad been charged, by others, with!
•offences against society, which had excluded herj
from it, long before I went to Washington; and the!
attempt was, to compel me and my family to asso
•mate with a woman, whom the respectable societi
*>f that city had deemed unworthy of such counte
nance. I resisted this attempt, and this is the com-]
’ jflt tfMr- for which he sought ny fife^
timent tliat, “John Quincy Adams” was, “undt
Providence, the Rock of Salvation to our Republic,”j
(See Recorder of January 4th, 1S25,) we must ex^
pect him to slash away at us, without mercy, andj
without remorse. We shall soon see who are the!
Georgia Federalists—We “judge tlie tree bv i
fruit.” -
What is federalism? In the days when Mr. Ma-i
lison and others wrote the “Federalist,” it. meant]
all those who advocate our excellent Constitution,
‘ngs.
During the last session of the Legislature, the Re
corder seemed desperately in love with the word
suddenly” become “prodigal,” and wasteful—the whole
of your Uncle’s property must revert and be “reserved*
Federal.” The term “MitinaJ,” though often used# 0 S u tate * ^owwilfyou shew me t he difference be-
— * * tween tlie cases. The poor man has at the hour of need
k., ~i~. .i u* iwcen uie cases, l ne poor man ims uie nuur ui neeu
by Washington, almost threw him into hysterics. and ^ exposed ta his country* defence, and it
What, call the United States a J\atiGn.. At the i s he to whom she must again look upon alike necessity.
... , , _ _ ^ iluietpiYe John Quincy Adams,Lsnottobe “palsied present day, the word Federal, is used as a term ol«v e t lest he should become “prodigal:” and extravagant,
tage.” What a strange contradiction for the Gov-Sfcy the will of his constituents. Our neighbours Oi reproach. It implies the very sentiments express- he must according to Gov. Gilmer, bedeprived of a chance
eruor of Georgia! Let us strip these two prqposi-g the Recorder and Journal have been liberal in ap- ed by the Recorder, in the article under considera- to draw a gold mine. You now have my objections La
strikeout what intervenesr’plying the term, Federalist, to us and our patrons, tion. It means, that all power is vested in irres£ the Governor, and for myself I deem them abundant,
them side by side—and^-But^vhere will they find, in all the acts of the Clark ponsible hands—it implies that the representatives Mr. R. I can but think you are mistaken; I have it is
W will they vend? First. The “surplus mon« A ”| party, one winch comes sadirectly up to the federal of the people and public officers, are to follow the Ln ^ . heartJ something of this,
in the people’s hands, can be more usefully empfov-f scnool doctrines, as this doctrine of Mr. Gilmer— dictates of their own views and feelings, regardless no,1 . llng more Umn an eiectlc,1<
ed by theiri; and therefore ought not to be placedi tliat the voice of the people, and the will of theLe- of the wishes and opinions of their constituents—it ne ^,’ Have von notread the Governor’s
in the Treasury. Second. T.ie surplus money; m^gisiature, aie to he disregarded. But more of this means that a majority, however small, may oppress [flam not mistaken you take tlie “Recorder,” and
the mines, ought to be p.acea in rae Treasury to be^anon.^ a m i nor ity, however large; as tlie Recorder and its think the message was published in tliat paper.
managed by the government, and not be distribu-*! W hen Mr. Lumpkin wrote his letter it was not adv r ocates have uniformly done, when in power— Mr. R—I do receive the “Reorder,” and it is possible
ted among the people, though it can be more useful-;.; known that our lands possessed the precious metals, it means that all the influence and resources of the that tlie message* was published in it—but you know l
ly employed b;. them. We disapprove of verbal. How therefore can our opponents pretend that government are to be used for the enriching of this was out ot the State, when the Legislature convened and
criticism upon public documents. But such absurfey there is a parallel in the two cases? How can they majority, and the oppression of this minority: as for seme time after. M
propositions, and fundamental contradictions, us~- pretend, that what he said ten years a<m about re-** 1 -' 1 j— i. papers that came while
these, are legitimate subjects fin* animadversion. § serves, and which the people and the Legislature]
The foregoing is not the only inconsistency ini have sanctioned, can apply to tlie gold mines? Who’
sthe paragraph. His Excellency seems to have aLtl'en knew any thing about the gold mines?
pvontferi ttl attachment lor tna& nns- Me eudeavoyi’Sg Rut let ua look Qt Lumpkin’s reasons, and
irnor Gilmer can do as he pleases with the offices
t one time, you rescued his life at the hazzard of voui
twn, from a band of robbers, who were attempting to
utter him for his money. He feels grateful to you foe
ii this, and is determined to make you sole heir to hi*
But it is possible, nay probable, tliat h»
*y be called from time to eternity, without making hi*
ill. Yet because you are poor and might by possmilif
but I have considered it
ectioneering story of our oppo*?
family did not preserve Aiepe*
,h l!?T r fr’ 8 T rty “'"ih-' 8 d " n ?- I . t ™? n8 > on'olh“mobjection,I.ould bare-
what the Recorder means m this article, that Gov-ff. ^ i • ..<■
’F”# that his proclamation and a fair calculation of
tne extra cost, I consider conclusive evidence. The Gov* |
(and emoluments of the-State—that he is not to be^ernor’s Message sustains the second and third objects!*?
[“palsied by ths will .of hiS constituents”—that thelitis a pubtindpcusttHt to what
rhaelt woeaa ^8 twfla*