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were to assert the cause of Poland and her wrongs,
and to draw the sword, in company with our free
and liberal neighbour, there could be littie doubt o!
the result. It would, at least, be a consolation to
find that the sword would not be drawn in this in
stance, as it had been in 1815 ; when we had only
perserved ourselves from the disgrace our a.lies in
curred, by not sharing in the spoils of other inde
pendent States of Europe.
Mr. O'Connel said, he was almost afraid to trust
himself in the expression of his sentiments upon a
subject which naturally must induce one to adopt
language unbecoming the character of these de
liberations. He could not conceal from the House
the sentiments of disgust and abhorrence with
which he had heard the details of the cruel
ties practised by order of the Russian Autocrat
upon this generous and brave nation. He had
heard talk to night of the rights conferred on Po
land by ihe Treaty of Vienna. Rights! Had
she no rights antecedent to that treaty? Had not
that Congress proved they were themselves rob
bers and partners in guilt ? Poland had taken no
part in the antecedent struggle. France and
Russia had both run o'ver her, it was true. But
Poland had rights antecedent to the infamous and
iniquitous spoliations of 177-2 and 1791. That
spoliation had rendered unsafe and insecure those
very Thrones, which looked with delight on the
unjust territorial acquisitions that political iniquity
had procured them. There were two distinguish
ing and prominent features in the case of the brave
Poles—their great merits and their great wrongs.
Untouched, with admiration for the one, or pity
fur t he other, the miscreant conqueror had gone
trampling on the-prostrate people of that country
—violating every institution they respected—wan
tonly wounding the better feelings of both sexes—
nay, with a barbarity unheard of in all history,
tearing from their parents the little children to
transplant them to the wild wastes of Siberia.—
Gracious God ! what must have been 'he feelings
of a Polish mother, at this sacrifice of tier loved
oilspring ? Then a lady, the wife of a Polish
General, within tin's fortnight, had been announced
as-haying plunged a knife into the bosmn of her
iittluAhildrcn, rather than suffer them to be torn
from her arms, and banished at the inhuman man
date of the tyrant. He heard with sorrow and
regret, a Noble Lord, avowing the respect he per
sonally entertained for the Sovereign alluded to.—
He should be ashamed to know, in private life, a
man who had been guilty of only one hundredth
part, of those enormities, which rendered it posi
tively a disgrace to he his acquaintance. Was the
load of guilt removed from such a man because he
wore a crown ?. He would not hesitate to say that
such was his'erasping and lawless ambition, that
it he could oniv arrange his finances and his trea
sure, so that, lor a couple of campaigns he could
maintain 200,000 of his barbarous hordes in the
heart of Europe, nothing would save the civilized
world from his designs, short of all Europe rising
to check the barbaric irruption—[loud cheering tin-
some time.] Had not the Treaty of Vienna been
violated from its commencement? Excess of in
sult and oppression had roused the Poles to resis
tance, hut that*was no palliation to the cruelties
and oppression heaped on them bv this modern
• »>»th, who, like Attiia, might with justice assume
.; •) equal title to that which he delighted in,—“ the
scourge of God"'—[hear, hear.] Great as had
’’ n their sufferings, this noble people had never
.•■e 1772, despaired of the issue when things
could he ripe. Nor did he despair for them—
though at the crisis of their fate we were too much
:pied with the Reform Bill; now that was set-
■ :t would be seen that the people of this coun-
■vere actuated by the most lively sympathy for
V people of Poland. Despite of the apathy
v- men characterized our’conduct formerly, and
spite of the indifference of Louis Philip, whom
■ regarded as'an equal traitor to the cause with
. v v other Sovereign in Europe, these two great
.* .'ions would never he induced tamely to look on
.1 see Poland, ouce-the barrier of Christian Eu-
repet against the infidel Ottoman, swept from the
tin* map of Europe, and blotted from the list of
:■ '.•pendent nations. .No country had ever do-
.. , d so well of Europe, and no country had ever
L ;i worse treated. lie hoped, however, that
nationality of Poland would soon be restored.
Mr. Schonswar said, that the Poles had been
* o longjtrampledj under foot, oppressed, and de
graded. He trusted, however, that the people of
F gland, hacked by the House, would interpose
and preserve the people from extinction.
Col Evans relied upon (he declaration of Lord
I- nerston, that this country had a right to call
a. ii the Emperor of Russia for explanation.—
T - >st honorable members, who had spoken, had
.• rank from the mention of war; but if war was
the only alternative to be expected from the nego
tiations, it ought not to he regretted. With very
little expense, the commerce and maritime interest
uf Russia might be completely at the mercy of
England and France, and her possessions in Asia
and on the coast of the Black Sea were equally
i.ahle to successful attacks.
Mr. Gaily Right attributed many of the disasters
i f Poland to the war party in France, who had
urged ou the insurrection. This party hail much
i. i answer for. Poland had been basely deprived
< f her existence as a nation, blotted out from the
snap of Europe, and extinguished iu the provinces
>f the usurper. It became die duty of England io
. ee that that treaty, which had been so strictly ad
hered to in rivetring the chains of Italy, should also
he as si rietky adhered to in preserving the nation-
dity of Poland. As England had been at that
■ mie the arbitress of nations, she was bound to see
the treaty enforced. He was satisfied that not all
the power of Russia would ever be able to Russi
anize Poland.
Mr. l’igott expressed his strong concurrence in
the well merited reprobation cast upon the Emper
or of Russia, and hoped that the treaty would be
laid upon the table, by which England pledged
herself to pay the Ivralif a sum of money.
Sir li. IL.Inglis expressed his surprise that His
Ma jesty \s Ministers had sull'ered such language as
had been used in the House, without notice, and
that they had said nothing in defence of a Govern
ment with which they had recommended His Ma-
*siv to continue upon the same terms as before.—
ton.
DEATH IN THE POT?
ISO
UPON THE TABLE'.!
A correspondent begs leave to observe lhat
since the corporation of New York so wisely pro
hibited the sale of green corn, cucumbers, apples,
pears, melons, cabbage, peas, beans, and all other
fruits and vegetables, being brought to the New
York Market, there has been a gradual diminution
of new cases and deaths in that city. So it would
be hero, if ora councils would in their xeisdom also
pass a similar resolution. Indeed, I do not believe
that in one week afterwards, there would be ten
new cases in a day.
DEMONSTRATION.
A gentleman took pains to watch the market
baskets of the poor and inconsiderate, as they were
returning from market, and nine out of ten in every
instance, had green corn, cucumbers, apples, &<;.
—These poor inconsiderate persons do not know,
that the very essence of Cholera is in this green
trash, and that they are carrying home actual poi
son to administer to their familes, and that death
must inevitably ensue! 'Philadelphia Advertiser.
had had occasion to observe in that House great - mg where there is foui feet ot water and as Mr.
tenderness towards the most questionable sove-; Lauder’s experience will carry him forward at the
reigns of Europe. He was sorry to have heard j time when the Niger is swollen by the rains, there
sentiments expressed in that House which would j is great reason to hope that lie will surmount every
seem, if not to sanction, at least greatly lo palliate ! difficulty of falls, currents, and flat*, and reach the
the acts<4 oppressive rulers. famous 'limbuctoo in his iron shallop. H est Bri-
Mr. Baring concurred with the Hon. Member for
Oxford in protesting against the use of language
which, if not cheeked or noticed by the Govern
ment, was more likelv than any thing else to dis
turb the peace of Europe, and io involve this
country in all the embarrassments of war. He
fell that it would be impossible to preserve this
country from constant difficulty and peril, if, on
every occasion when a grievance of any kind oc
curred—whether in Poland or Prussia, or the Pen
insula of Italy—we were to sally forth and adopt
the quarrel as our own. At the same time he felt
it was quite right tliat this country should endeav
or, under the treaty of Vienna to obtain a more
just and humane treatment of the Polish nation.
In that respect lie relied fully upon thc^emper and
discretion, as well a.-i the firmness of the Noble
Lord who had been delegated for that purpose;
and he hoped he would not adopt the tone which
had,been recommended in that House to night.—
He could not help remarking upon the wanton dis
posal of 5,000,000/. ol‘ public money, which, he
contended, there was n«4 a tittle of obligation upon
this country to supply—(hear, hear.) Flourishes
in favor of Poland might do very well for election
speeches—although he did not mean to doubt the
sincerity of the speeches which had been delivered
to-night—but he thought that the countenancing
so profuse and uncalled-for an expenditure was a
much more just index of the feelings of Gentle
men with regard to the rights of their oivu coun
try—(hear.)
Mr. Sliiel said the Member for Thetford would
have us
“ Mince o\ir words,
“ And mollify damnation with a phrase.”
He is right—hut he should make all allowance for
others who has sometimes occasion for indulgence
towards his own vocabulary, and In! should consid
er a man as pardonable tor speaking of a miscre-
anton a throne as for speaking of hiu fellow citizens
(a part of the English people) as “ blackguards in
the streets”—(hear.) For his [Mr. Shiel’s] part
he would not call Nicholas a miscreant, because
wh-u he saw a man delegating l.is brother, in
whom the spirit of Nero must have transmigrated,
if there be metempsychosis among tyrants, to
tread the heart of Poland out—whin we see him
betrapping a nation of heroesjnto submission, and
then transporting them to Siberia, shaving off the
grey Lair of Nobles with the blood of Europe’s
saviors in their veins, degrading and enslaving wo
men, sparing neither age nor sex, and thrusting
the hand of a ruthless and Herod-like infanticide
into the cradle of Polish childhood—when we see
him ac ting thus, and leaving himself nothing to add
to “ damnation,” we should not call him “miscre
ant,” but exclaim, “Oh! thou art worse than
words can give thee out.”—(cheers.)
Sir Robert Peel said it was very w.fll for honor-
aqle members to say that now was th<j time to go
to war, and that France and England should com
pel Russia to act justly towards Poland ; but if
ever there existed a moral obligation upon any
country, to weigh well the justice of enteringupon
war, as well as the probability of its success, it ex
isted at the present moment upon Gi eat Britain.
Before they lightly determined upon war, and pre
dicted its success, they should consider deeply as
to its probable consequences. He would suggest
to the Hon. Gentleman, (Mr. Fermisoi i) in addi
tion to his motion. As under the Treat y of Vien
na it was said that Poland was to have a Constitu
tion, lie thought a copy of that Constitution ought
to he laid on the table, with the other dttcuments.
He doubted the policy of exciting the .pride and
resentment of the Russians u> such an «j»
to induce Them to rally on the side of the 1 Cm per or,
to protect not only him hut themselves from insult,
(hear, hear.) Such language was calculated to
lower the character of the House and to diminish
its means of rendering assistance to Poland, by
making it possible for Russia to listen to moderate
remonstrances from those who had indulged in
such language, lie would venture to say that the
Poles themselves never indulged in such language
(hear, hear.) It was by pursuing a more dignified !
course that they had excited in their favor the
sympathies of the people of Europe.
Before the house indulged such sympathies to
the extent of risking a war, he thought n clear
case should he made out, not only of obligation, on
the part of this country, to interfere, but also of
probable success in the event of such interference.
(hear, hear.)
Mr. C. Ferguson acceded to the suggestions of
the Right Honorable Baronet, and after shortly re
plying, the motion was agreed to, and ihe address
was ordered to he presented to his Majesty, by such
Members of the House as were members also of
his Majesty’s most Honorable Privy Council.
The orders of the day were then disposed of,
and the House adjourned at half past two.
IS
ffi a treaty, just delivered, it was improper
to describe any person, much less a Sovereign, as a
miscreant.
Mr. Cutiar Fcrgussori denied that he had used
any such language.
Sir Robert Inglis referred to the Hon. Member
for Kerry, whom he did not now see in his place.
Lord Palmerston.—No man regretted more than
I did to hear the expressions which fell from the
honorable and learned Member for Kerry ; hut
not conceiving myself responsible for those expres
sions—[hear, hear.] I should not have been justi
fied in interrupting the honorable and learned
member. Much as I regret the use of such ex
pressions, I do not feel that I am called upon, or
justified, in obtruding myself agaiu upon the House,
upon such a subject.
Mr. Beaumont said, that the Noble Lord would
have acted most injudiciously if he had used sucli
n word ; but he (Mr. B.) was delighted to hear
those words from the Hon. Member for Kerry.—
He repeated the words, “ miscreant conqueror,”
and was sure they were only the echo of tlie voice
of the people of England—[hear, hear.] When
the people of England were called upon to speak,
their language was strong and effective.
Mr. Hume would not only call the Emperor of
Russia a miscreant conquror,” but a monster in
human form.
Sir R. Inglis.—I said that those words ought not
to be made use ot without notiee.
Mr. Hume would repeat the words, and they,
were too weak to express bis detestation of the
barbarities of sucli a tyrant. If the atrocities
which bad. been detailed were untrue, let any mem
ber stand up and deny them; if they were true
v.^anv language too strong to apply* to them ? ’
Mr. Wysc said that this was nbftfte first time he
Frcprrations are already making in Great Britain
for profiting by the late discovery oftb; termination
of the Niger by the landers. This event opens a
communication with the heart of Africa, through a
country, the interior of which is thickly peopled,
fertile, and abounding with various commodities—
a country to which European commerce has never
yet penetrated, and which seemed to be shut up
from the access of European enterprise by a bar
rier of forests, sandy deserts, mountains, a climate
fata! to European constitutions, and tribes of in
hospitable and treacherous natives. Africa has
now its great river heading far into flic depths of
its territory; and it is not to be supposed that Eng
land, anxious as she ever is to extend her commerce,
and to seek a market for the various articles of her
manufacture with which her warehouses are crow*
ded, will lose a moment in availing herself of the
opportunity to introduce them into those countries
in exchange for their gold, ivory, gums and peltry.
An expedition is shortly to leave England with a
vietf of exploring further the Niger, a»d establish
ing a trade with the tribes of the interior. The
application of the Steam Engine to river, naviga
tion, will make this an infinitely less difficult and
hazardous enterprise than it would have been fif
ty years since. TK« hrothers Lander, in their ac
count of their late travels, dilate at some length on
the wonder and awe which the appearance ofa
stamboat in the waters of the Niger, ascending
against the current and threading the most difficult
channels of Ihe river, would strike into the minds
of the natives. The elder of these brothers, Rich
ard, is to be charged with the execution of their
project, the opportunity for which was created by
his own fortitude and perseverance. He is shortly
to embark from England to Africa in a steam ves
sel, furnished with the means of overawing the
the treacherous and rapacious natives of the lower
country, and of exploring the various channels by
which the Niger pours its waters into the sea thro’
Delta like that of the Nile or the Mississippi. An
English pajier mentions the expedition in the fol
lowing terms:
To commence this auspicious work, Richard
Lauder sets out on his 3d voyage to that country,
accompanied by his younger brother; John, we
believe, remaining as his locum tenors in the place
bestowed on him bv Government. The sum of
<£300 has, we are told, been presented already by
Sir John Tobin and the individuals concerned in
the mercantile speculation; and it is hoped that
the Admiralty will lend all the aid it can, even if it
does not send out some competent person to make
scientific observations and surveys which we should
think desirable. The steam vessel in which the
travellers embark, will be attended by a sailing
craft, with fuel, stores, and supplies, so as not to
exhaust the former on her progress to her destina-
lion. She will ascend the rivpr as high as is expe-
dient, an4 become a depot, while a ^mailer steaboat
of shallow draught, will adventure further up the
stream. This is of Sist iron, and is capable ofwo-
Extract of a letter from Boston.
“ Too much praise cannot be given to the muni
cipal authorities of this place for the admirable ar
rangements and timely preparations to meet and
avert the effects of Cholera. The people reposing
unlimited confidence in their vigilance and decis
ion, surrendered every contingent and discretiona
ry power, and reposed in confidence if not security.
No time was lost in placing the city in a position
of defence. The wards were districted and assign
ed to the care of competent persons. Every house
was visited, and ventilation, purification, and the
free use of Chloride rigidly pursued. The streets
are remarkably clean, for the number of drains and
sewers which are indispensible inlarge cities. No
stagnant water can remain on the surface. The
Corporation has authority to remove that part of
the poor population which are crowded in small
tenements, and design if necessary, to erect
shnntvs and pitch tents on ihe heights, supply them
with soup and warm clothing, and thus carry off
the exciting causes of disease; and being surroun
ded with salt water, hopes are confidently cherish
ed that the disease if it makes its appearance, will
pass over the place without fatal consequences.—
These arrangements however are costly; but what
is money compared to public sefety—what is the
expenditure of thousands divided amongst taxable
inhabitants, to the loss oflife and loss ofbusiness?—
Boston has pursued the true plan of economy.
“ The Cholera Hospitals here are objects of
praise and admiration. These are not. dilapidated
buildings—decayed magazines—or deserted store
houses. They arc mansions of the opulent and
charitable, in the heart of the city—splendid houses
with “ folding doors and marble mantels”—rich
furniture—refreshing gardens.
“ In these elegant houses, the rooms are filled
with new cots and mnttrasses, and every conven
ience for the sick. The beaufets and pantries,
which were filled with plate and rich glass, are ap
propriated to drugs and medicines ; nurses and
matrons, neat and kind-hearted, are in attendance;
clean linen nnd flannels are ready in abundance,
and the physicians, like trusty sentinels, are ever
on the k-qkout for the enemy--and who are these
preparations so perfect and so comfortable, made
for? The poor, the twyHp - J J
lt< ii cuariiv—this is true benevolence.
“ It blesseth him that gives
And him that receives.”
No person will be brought to these hospitals in a
state of collapse ; in ten minutes after an attack
the patient will be in safe hands. This good city,
I hope, will be spared the afflictions which follow
this malady.
Polities, although not prohibited, is not in these
times an absorbing subject; yet, from what I can
collect from authentic sources, I have reason to be
lieve that great changes ofopinion are now in pro
gress. A new generation is springing up, power
ful, liberal, and democratic, and a revolution in
opinion is in rapid progress.”—*Y Y. Courier.
POLITICAL.
FROM THE NEW YORE COURIER &. ENQUIRER
STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
The inst itutions of a free people are not exempt
from (lie casualties of human nature and human
passion. The most durable monuments of art or
of greatness are mouldering in dust in the lapse of
ages. Are we to expect that social liberty can al
ways be quiet and safe amidst the contest of men’s
passions—the throes of ambition; or the workings
of avarice ?
It is nmv nearly half a century since the present
government of the United States sprung into exist
ence under the labours of the patriots who fought
and bled in the Revolution. A cluster of separate
and independent colonies, antecedent to the Revo
lution, became, after that event, associated together
as a great and united people, under the limits and
restrictions ofa written constitution. In the lapse of
time ihal has occurred since 1780, this written con
stitution; this charter of union; this social brother
hood, offree people, have been several times in im-
nent danger of disruption, disunion and dissolution.
Light, knowledge and liberty are supposed to
make men wiser—and better am] frcecr. Is it al
ways so? By no means. The passions wf the hu
man heart exist in as great force in a civilized as
in a rude age. We may const ruct checks and bal
ances upon private and political ambition; we may
curb ihe madness of passion; the.exuberance of
nature’s heart—we may put avarice and the pro
pensity to public robbery under a check, but we
cannot and never will eradicate the seeds of all
these excesses, by any human laws or written con
stitutions.
Since the organization of the government, this
country has never been in as critical a situation as
it is at this moment. The contest between the
Federal and Republican parties in 1798-9 &. 1800,
was severe and dangerous. Violent menace, daring
principles and disunion feelings were frequent, but
it was child’s play to the deep passion for revolution
which exists at this day in South Carolina. Even
during the last war, when a party in New Eagland
threatened to break up the Union and dissolve the
confederacy, the country was by no means in so
critical a situation as it is at this time. When for
eign war rages without, there is always within, a
spirit of patriotism strong enough to sustain the
government, constitution and laws. But jt is in a
state of profound peace, in a period of perfect tran
quillity and happiness, that free institutions are
most in danger from the mad and excited passions
of nullifiere and revolutionists. In such a time the
Cataiine propensity of man’s passions are craving
for food peculiar to their appetite. Ambition
prowls about like a roaring lion seeking whom he
may devour, and the peaceful, the enteiprising,
and the industrious, are disturbed in their daily
avocations by the political agitators that spring up
among a free people.
At this moment there is a powerful, talented and
intelligent party in the South, hurling menaces a*
gainst the union of these states; and here we are,
either idling away our moments in sloth, orengag*
ed in the contemptible scramble for office, or the
hope of public plunder. By one of the most sin
gular fatalities of human affairs, the very law
which was supposed would cut up by the roots,
nullification &. revolution, has only given an addi
tional strength and force to its existence. The
Tariff lawof 1832 was expected to conciliate South
Carolina. It has only widened the wound—in
creased the exasperation. The leading and talent
ed men of the Sou.l;, are urged onward i
cause of disunion by accelerated impulses.
ihe
Mr.
Hayne in two eloquent harangues—one in Colum
bia, the other in Charleston—has openly and une
quivocally advised nullification. Mr. M’Duffie,
whose name is a host; made one of his powerful
addresses in favor of the same cause. In Georgia,
where we had reason to hope that revolution never
would find a foothold, a serious movement lias
been made with a view ofleading to the same dan
gerous gulph. Judge C’ayton of th>t state has un-
disguisedlv adopted the revolutionary doctrine and
begun the revolutionary movement. In South
Carolina there is a little skirmishing about the cause
and consequences of the late Tariff law—but the
tone and spirit of their leading orators and speakers
are—Separation of the States—dissolution of the
Union.
There is no equivocation—no disguise about this
matter. It Is a deep and settled feeling, pervading
large masses of society—all ranks and ages—ail
sexes and conditions. The very boys at schools,
as we are told, proudly avow themselves “nullifi-
ers,” and are determined to fight for what they
call their liberties. They compare and assimilate
the contest between the South and Congress to
that between the thirteen Colonies anil England in
1776. W arm and energetic appeals are made to
the pride of their glorious ancestry—to the deeds of
the revolution—to ihe glory of dying for iibertv—
to the fame that follows brilliant deeds in arms.
The General Government is assailed by every op
probrious epithet—is called tyrant, plunderer, mur
derer—is represented as the destroyer of the pros
perity of the South—the task master of the Caro'.i-
nas—the autocrat of the fair fields that formerly
smiled with plenty; but which now are desolated
and deserted. However erroneous, false and pre
posterous all this declamation may be, it acts as a
charm upon a large and rapidly growing party in
the South. One of their principal leaders, R. J.
Turnbull, in his last oration not only objects to the
tariff laws, but. to the Constitution itself, and to the
whole current of legislation under it, since 1789.
Now what is to be done in this state of things'
Can we reason with such men? They are beyond
the reach of argument. They are filled with en
thusiasm and hero’sm for their own peculiar views
and ultimate purposes. Is it not time for the whole
union to take the case of South Carolina into their
serious consideration? Is this fair fabric of gov
ernment—this happy country, to be plunged into
civii war and bloodshed, bv the passions ofa small
section ol’the Union? The leading men around us
are busy with the most conte mp'ible affairs of state
or county or city politics, when the Union itself is
in danger. Conventions and counter conventions
are held almost every other week for the purpose
of putting up one sort of office seekers, or pulling
down another—hut the disorder, the radical disease
which threatens the wide expanse of the republic
with the most dreadful evils, is left to work its way
to the very vitals of tlie Union. Until every mon
ument of the revolution is efiaced-every stone that
tells its deeds to posterity is thrown down—every
memorial of our glorious ancestors is annihilated—
until the whole is reduced to ope dark, solitary, in
hospitable waste, the black banner of nullification
and revolution never ought to find a congenial field
to float over—or a country that will own it as its
national symbol.
MOVEMENTS IN GEORGIA AND SOUTH-
CAROL1NA.
W egave in our last paper a Summary of the re
cent transactions which have taken place in Geor
gia. They have filled our readers with astonish
ment and concern. We have not met with a citi
zen of Virginia, (let him belong to whatever party
he might!) who did not censure the proceedings at
Athens a"' 1 T "-'-rs*--! «« ■usti, passionate, and cal
culated to .strike at the tranquility, if not at the in
tegrity, of the Union. Virginia has never skulked,
and she never will skuik, in the great cause of State
Rights. She has stood by them, while she had not
an ally to aid or to countenance her. She has been
a'so the ardent and disinterested friend of the rights
of Georgia, through good and through evil report.—
She vindicated her cause against the mad measures
of Adams and ol Clay. She took up, and gallanilv
supported, one ofher most distinguished citizens for
the Presidency—while Mr. Calhoun and his com
peers were sparing no efforts to crush him. We
have been the friends of Georgia—and we are now
sincerely her friends. This much may we say,
without boasting or pretension, on the part of Vir
ginia. It is with toolings, therefore, of unfeigned
concern, that the citizens of Virginia are watch ng
the movements ofGeorgia. It is with great regret,
that she differs with her on any question of such vi
tal importance as the one which is now on the tapis.
Butshe will not believe, without the most conclusive
evidence, that Georgia is throwing herself into the
arms of S. Carolina—and that she will advocate the
cause of Nullification. She will wait with great
anxiety to hear the course which the great body of
her citizei s will coolly take—not being very willing
to take as the standard of her faith, the declarations
of one ofher sons, who is a soured and ambitions
politician—and of another, who changes his “ prin
ciples with his clime”—one day.in Virginia declar
ing that we ought to submit to the law, and that he
only desires its “ speedy repeal”■—and a few days af
ter in S. Carolina, declaring for Nullification, and
denouncing every man who dallies as a dastard;
and every onp who doubts as damned. From the
passions of such men, we appeal lo the judgement
of the people of Georgia.
The last Georgia Mails bring us only a few ad
ditional statements of the late proceedings. The
Georgia Gazette of the 3d states, that the first no
tice which was set up for the Meeting at Athens
was put up by the decided friends to ihe re-election
of Andrew Jackson.—Richmond Enquirer.
THE TARIFF. *
It is we believe the sincere wish ofall, except “
American System” men and “ nullifiers” that there
should be a modification of the tariff' the present
session. Neither Mr. Clay nor Mr. Calhoun wisii
any thing done on this exciting question. They
have no desire to allay public feeling. A storm, a
tempest, and irritation of feeling are there desire
and object. Acting together in the senate and
house, though professed ultras in principle, can the
country expect any goad at their hands? What
has Mr. Clay done since lit entered the senate? has
he promoted tranquillity, or occasioned ansrry con
tentions and embittered feelings? Is there any one
who believes that this “ American system”, cham
pion lias done any thing for the 'manufacturers?—,
On the contrary by attempting to identity them
and their interests with his political fortunes, he
has inflicted a serious injury.
We repeat, it is the wish of all, except the poli
tical tariffites and the political anti-tariffites, for
there arc political motives on both sides without
reference to flic general weal, to meet in a spirit of
compromise. The threats of the nullifiers deserve
to be despised ; for whatever may be said of their
earnestness, their intention to resist, we have for
them no sympathy or pity. If there is any one
thing that could reconcile us to an adjournment of
Congress without something being done, it would
be the humbling of those gasconading bullies. We
have not patience to dwell on this subject, and can-
only express our regret that their threats should
have been seriously treated in any respectable print.
Much should be done for those who are honestly
opposed, and who are not of the Calhoun nullifica
tion school.— U S. Telegraph.
FEDERAL UNION.
MILI.EDGEVILLE, Al t.*. SO, 1832.
FDR PRESIDENT,
ANDREW JACKSOS.
CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS.
FOR JACKSON AVD THE UNION.
JOHN COFFEE, of Cherokee,
THOMAS W. HARRIS, of Walton,
DANIEL NEWNAN, of Henry,
GEORGE W. OWENS, of Chatham,
WILLIAM SCHLEY, of Richmond,
DANIEL M. STEWART, of Glynn,
JAMES C. TERRELL, of Franklin,
JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee.
Shall the convention give a solemn pledm.
which will hind the state to re ,ist, with a
-force, the executive administration of the f e( l er h
government, or to withdraw from the Union
should congress fail, within a given time
make an acceptable modification of the tariff •
Are the grievances which the state suffers
a protective tariff, so ruinous; that, in order i
throw off'this oppression, she will sacrifice a’i
tlie benefits which she derives from the Union'
These questions, it is probable, will be .$u'n
mitted to the meeting. They are of momentous
import: on tlieir solution depend consequents
ofincalculable interest to the lovers of rational
liberty. Let them be examined with a spirit of
calm and virtuous deliberation: and may in
decision of our fellow citizens be guided bv a
pure, disinterested, and enlightened patriotism'
TROrP TICKET.
HENRY BRANHAM, of Putnam,
AUGUSTIN S. CLAYTON, of Clark,
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Greene,
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe,
CHARLES E. HAYNES, of.Hancock/
SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee,
JAMES M. WAYNE, of Chatham,
RICHARD H. WILDE, of Richmond.
DF.ATH OF THOMAS W. MURRAY.
It is our melancholy duty, to announce the
deal h of Thomas W. Murray, Esq., late of Lincoln
countv. He was one of our most virtuous and
talented citizens; and was equally distinguished,
for the mildness ol his temper, ihe modesty ot his
deportment, and the'integrity *of his heart. In this
mournlul bereavement, the state has suffered a se
vere loss.
We have received the very able and patriotic
communication of Union, and will give i1_in our
next—also There are others that will be attended
to:—particularly the patriotic proceedings of the
anti-tariff meeting in Jones—all crowded out by
matter previously organized for the press.
“Georgian,” under advisement and unavoida
bly postponed.
GFORGIA—DeKalb county.
W HEREAS Oliver Clark, makes application
for letters of Administration upon tlie estate of
Gideon Smith, deceased:
These.are therefore to cite and admonish all and sin
gular the kindred and creditors of said deceased, to be
mid apj>ear at my office, within the time prescribed by
law, to shew cause, if any they have, why said letters
should not be granted.
Given under my hand this 7iU day of August, 1832.
E. B. REYNOLDS, c. c. o.
August 10 ' 6—at
Anti-Tariff Meeting in Milledgeviixe.
—We invite the special attention of our readers
in Baldwin, to the call for a public meeting to
be held in Milledgeville, on Saturday, the first
of September. Every citizen should attend this
meeting ; for every citizen is deeply interested
in the subjects, which will be submitted to its
consideration. Every citizen should be ready,
by lfis consels, to aid in maturing and adopt
ing those measures, which he shall believe to be
most beneficial to his country.
It is perhaps unnecessary, but we deem it pru
dent, to remind our fellow citizens that such
meetings should be conducted with as much de
corum, and good order, as our courts ot justice,
or legislative assemblies. Public meetings of
the people are a mere mockery of liberty, unless
perfect freedom of dcbate.be preserved. Eve
ry citizen who may address the assembly, should
receive a respectful hearing,
What are the questions to be submitted to the
meeting ? That the revenues of the federal go
vernment ought to be reduced to the standard
of its proper expenditures : that the duties on
imports ought to be .so arranged, as to bear with
equal pressure, on the different parts of the Un
ion ; will scarce admit of a question, among the
citizens ot Baldwin. Nor will it require argu
ment to convince the people of Baldwin, that
the duties imposed by congress, for tlie protect
ion of manufactures, operate unequally, and un
justly, on the agricultural, the commercial, and
a large part ofthe mechanic interests of the coun
try ; and that these duties ought to be so modi
fied, as to distribute, in equal ratios, the benefits,
and tlie burthens of government. We are con
fident,'that on these points,.the meeting will be
unanimous.
In order to effect this purpose, shall there be
a state convention 1 Of the propriety of depart
ing, on this occasion, from the regular and con
stitutional forms of our state government, judi
cious and patriotic men in other counties, have
entertained doubts. The legislature, vvfiich will
convene on the first Monday in November, will
be composed ofthe immediate representatives of
the people, then recently elected ; they will
bring to the discharge of theft high duties, the
feelings, the wishes, the opinions, and the prin
ciples, of the people, by whom they will have
been chosen ; and they will be guided and con-
trouled, in their deliberations and decisions, by
the fixed and salutary principles of the constitu
tion of the state. We see no reason to believe
that they will be wanting, in the intelligence, the
virtue, and the patriotism, which are necessary
to constitute them, the safe guardians of the
rights and interests of the people. There is one
wide difference, between the power of a consti
tutionnl legislature, and the power of a conven
tion, which may account for the preference giv
en to the latter. Tlie legislature, created by
the constitution of the state, is not clothed, bv
that instrument, with power to withdraw the
state from the Union; but delegates assembled
in convention, unless expressly restrained by in
structions from the people, have an authority
paramount to the constitution; they are clothed
with all the powers that belong to the people
themselves : they m«y change the government
of the state: they may dissolve the connection
between the state and the federal government.
While we detest, from the inmost recesses of our
souls, the policy which, it seems to us, has led to
the preference of a convention, while the warm
est feelings of our hearts are arrayed in support
of the Union, we have no objection to a conven
tion of delegated from the people. We look to
the people, as the legitimate source of power :
and they are the. true friends of the country.
For a season, they may be deceived and misled
by crafty politicians ; but their interests are in
separably connected with the prosperity of the
country; and those interests they will never
knowingly sacrifice. W'e are willing to refer
disunionists, under w hatever name they may as
sume, to the people : and to meet them before
the people.
Will the meeting adopt any resolutions, which
may operate as instructions to their delegates in
convention ? Shall the convention adopt nullifi
cation, as its “measure and mode of redress,”
against the evils of an unjust system of taxation?
Shall it confide the safety of the State, to the
conservative care of a doctrine, which is absurd
in theory, and ruinous in practice ? We do not
believe, that this wild and dangerous infatuation
will sicze upon the public mind.
MR. BERRIEN.—In our paper of the lGt’,
instant, we felt it our duty to call public attention
to the course this distinguished gentleman has been
pursuing in relation to Gen. Jackson. We thee
shewed, that while he openly professed to be iff
advocate of the President’s re-election, he wp.j
pursuing a train of secret operations against bin;.
Whenever we strike the true string, we soon know
it, trom the alarm it excites among the enemy-.
W e are apt to writhe when the shoe pinches.
For our attentions to Mr. Berrien, we have in.
curred. the sore displeasure of the Macon Messen
ger. The vials of its wroth have been poured
upon us with an unsparing hand. The Editors of
that respectable paper are high minded and honor
able gentlemen, with whom, in the private re’.a-
j tions of lilt*, and the more animated associations of
the bar, we enjoy the most pleasant and courteous
j companionship. While ’heretbre, we pardon
j their hasty ebullitions, we shall not. imitate them,
by suffering ourselves, while in the pursuit of high
er game, lo deal out angry personalities aguiK
them. Perhaps however, a passing admonition
may be of service to them in future life, as they
are yet young in their editorial profession.
From the fiery temper of tlie article against nq
we think we know from whose particular forge it
emanated—and/or his oum sake, we think it is t<>
he regietted, that lie had not dipt it in the “slack
trough” of calm reflection, before it left the shop.
Young Vuleans are apt to burn their iron. Hud
he taken some little time for reflection, we do him
tlie justice to believe, that those courteous and
magnanimous feelings which we have ever been
willing to award to him, would have suggested a
milder and more dignified course. “ Misrepresen-
tion, falsehood and calumny”—a “ public press
abandoned to a sense of its own dignity and char
acter”—“ no honorable man in Georgia ever coun
tenanced”—personal pique and private malice”—
are very strong words, but remarkably weak argu
ments. We are confident, that could our honorable
brother recall tills harsh invective, lie would blush,
ilia! he could ever have derived even a momentary
gratification from its utterance.
But the “crimsoned steel” of our Brutus, all
gory as it is, reeks not in the blood of its imagin
ed victim. It has missed its object. He attributes
the offensive article to the senior Editor of the
Federal Union, who happened not to have read it
till it appeared in print. We merely mention th>.
to shew how easily his cob house is demolished—
and how entirely he has missed his mark, in attri
buting that article to “ personal pique and private
malice,” growing out of the transactions of the
M aeon Meeting. The writer of that article was
not present at that meeting—nor did he hold any
consultation with the Senior Editor of the Federal
Union, as to the matter which commposed the ar
ticle, or the subject which he had chosen. They
were entirely the reflections of his own mind, ami
such as were suggested by the public- conduct of
Judge Berrien.
Tlie Messenger charges us with attacking Judge
Berrien’s private character. This is erroneous.
There is nothing in the article that warrants it—
and nothing was further front our intention. That
pa£er does not attempt to answer the chargesn-
gainst Judge Berrien. It seems satisfied with cal
ling them “ most infamous and detestable caiuiii-
nies”—“ stale and contemptible calumny” &.C.—
Now these sweeping assertions and imgry epithets
may gratify the vitiated taste of a few readers, but
they can never convince any man of their null.',
nor our error—nor can they add to the “ dignity
and character’’ of the Messenger. That paper,'by
this vituperation against us, has strengthened our
positions, hv shewing that that they cannot be .suc
cessfully attacked. If they could have been, why
did not the Editors refute the alleged caiumuy, in
stead of abusing us? But they say, they do not
design to “ defend Judge Berrien.” Did these
worthy gentlemen! wish merely to show, with whit
grace they could “ score tke Federal Union.”
The Messenger asserts, that this alleged calum
ny “ originated with a servile press beyond the
State.” We presume it refers to the Glebe, the
official organ of President Jackson. This only
proves that the Globe understood Mr. Berrien s
movements at Washington, and confirms our
charge. We would ask the Messenger, if its Edi
tors are uniting with Judge Berrien in his crusade
against Gen. Jackson ? Or if they call the Globe,
a “ servile press,” because it is so ably and zeal
ously devoted to the cause of Jackson ? Is the
nullification of the Messenger already' making
head way against Jackson?. We ask, lor informa
tion.
As the course of fhe Senior Editor of tlie Fed
eral Union at the Macon Meeting has been the
subject of some very illiberal remarks by two of
the papers of that piace, he will take some leisure
moment from more important duties, to say a word
on that subject. He will barely remark at this
time, that the Editors of the Messenger do not
seem to understand the public sentiment ofthe;:
own town and county, which is decidedly with the
Senior Editor.of the Federal Union—Judge Ber
rien’s “ cut and dried” speech, to the contrary
notwithstanding.
“ Csed up” and “ demolishedas the Messen
ger pretends-tlm the Editor’s arguments were, at
that meeting, it seems that the secretary ej the
meeting took his remarks very touch to heart—kept
his eye upon all his movements, and thought it it.
matter of “ urgent necessity,” that even the great
Jud e Berrien should reply to them. The Judg
no doubt went there to make his speech—and, made
his speech. “ Every intelligent man in the assem
bly” knew what it would be, before he uttered it—
and we heard it wondered, that the great Berrien,
and Clayton, and Jones had so completely fail/
in leading the good people of Bibb by the nose
It was hinted too, that if they could not make a
bet ter shew than that, they had better stay away
Will the Messenger be pleased to inform us h° u ’
many new nullifiers these new lights made in Ma -
con—and whether Judge Berrien is so good ih at
he cannot err, so great that he can overcome
truth—and whether he is not so mysterious, tl> a ’
none can divine his course by his professions?
BERRIEN’S RESOLUTIONS.-r-We have
perused the editorial remarks of the Georgia
Journal, on these resolutions with mingled emo
tions of pleasure and of regret. They breath a
calm and liberal spirit towards our fellow-ciu-
zens of tlie state, by which we could not fail
to be gratified: nor could we fail to be pained, at
perceiving that they support a resolution, whicn
we believe to be ofa most dangerous tendency
—of a tendency the more dangerous, because
the subtilty of a profound casuist* has thrown a
veil over the results, to which, if adopted, it lni^ 1
Iptiri lAllimol 4a ♦Kinlr U’P ^
lead. Tberjournal seems to think, that we hat
mistaken tpi leaning ofthis resolution, in believ
ing that it contemplates an immediate resort tv
force. The resolution is in the following words
Bq it therefore Resolved, That we,"ns