Newspaper Page Text
24$11011
A new question. But I then regard
iho con- I Bui the Senator next tells us that there is so long as they are i ni ed, those frequent vieissi-
_ ti ZolZ'n tiiK liiivtmi'ite 11T "a ntl "t 11 e hanks 1 t'oeo hund.ed m l ions of banking capital in the Hides of contractions and expansions, to which
ESub.e in-1 acquiesced in a stale of things j Union, and 'ha: it is real bona fid •, solid capital, bank circulation is so subject and winch » ra
hn-Te.,u'j'iio cS mid which l considered as notch so as the plantation, of the South— | HU bringing it ...to discredit, must continue to
* ‘ iUth iiscd The Government was then re- I This is certainly news to me. 1 hu(f%upposed I nc ease in fiequencv and in-ensi y, ti . it sn.i
•eivitm the notes of 1:011 specie paying banks in j that this vast amount was little more than a fie- borne as completely discredited as continent:
fog dues to its own discredit and heavy loss to its ! tiiious massol credit piled <*n credit, in theerec-
rcdiiors. The only prac tical alternative was j tian of which but little ap- cte or real capital
t that period between a league of State banks j was used; and that when a new bank was ere-
s, as the fiscal | ah d, the wheelbarrow was put in motion to roll
the specie from the old to tl e new nistituiipn
ti l it got fully under way, when it was roJ,k:d
back again. But, it seems that all tins is a mis-
tnke; that the whole capita! is actually paid in
cash, and is as solid as tera firma iistdi. This
certanlv is a bold assertion, in the f.ce o' facts
da lv occurring. There have be n. it I mis^dtc
n n, four or five iccei.t bank explosions in tire
Senator’s own town, in which '.he wi oh: vanish
ed into the air, leaving nothing behind but nfi«v
and desolation. What has be om« 1 I V 1 P or "
iion of Ins sill d capital? Hid the Senator ever
[To le concluded in cut next.]
State Rigfcts'and I'nitcd States’ Rights.
•t dial pi
and a Bank ol the United btat
agent of die Government. ! preferred ihen, as
1 now do, the iailer to ihe former, as more tdli-
cient and not a whit m oe unconstitutional; and,
ifl now were a^ain placed in the samo state ol
things that I then was, with all my present feel
ings and views, 1 could hardly have acted till-
ferenily from what 1 then did.
Senator grout y mistakes, in supposing
that l feel any disposition to repudiate or retract
what I then said. So far imm it, l have, 1 think
just cause to be proud ol the renifl'ks l math* on
tlie occasion. It put the question of the bank, . ,
for the first lime, on its true basis, so far as this j hear of a plantation thus exploding and vanish
Government is concerned, and the one on wl.ich j i"g? And 1 would he glad to know howla.g. inTTnv
it has ever since stood; which is no small com- j a portion of Ins three hundred mi lues or so!id ^ f { A L U i\ 1 U IN .
,,|j,nent to one ihen .so inexperienced as myself capital will finally escape in the -same way? AT
All l iu-ist on is, dial the report contains but fiw years may enable us to answer this qui s
i mere outl.nc, as the lion.
• very hasty sketch
reporter him.se!I says—ol my remarks, in which
four-fifths is omitted, and tiial it would be deiog
me great injustice to regard il as containing a
fall exposition of tny views. But, as brief
as it is, what is reported cannot be read, in
a spirit of fairness, without seeing that 1 re.
gardod live question Ht the tune as a mere
practical one, to be decided under ail the cb-
cuinslanees of the case, without involving the
higher questions which now, that the connection
between the Government and die banks is bro.
k«e-cii M w* "'r*i“*f ,j lly int,* discussion- At that
time the only question, as 1 expressly sta
t«d, was not whether we should be con-
necied with the bank, for that was existing in
full force, but whether it was i-most advisable,
admitting t!ie existence of the connection, that
the United Suites, as well as the s-parate States,
should exercise the power of banking. I have
made these remarks, not that I regard theques.
tion ofc insistency, alter so great a change of
circumstances, of much importance, but because
I desire to staii I wi,ere truth and justice place
me on this great question.
The last argument of the Senator on the ques
tion at issue was draw i fiom tha provision oft he
Constitution which gives to Congress the right
to regulate commerce, and which he says in
volves the right and obligation to furnish a sound
circulating medium The train of his reason-
ing, as faV ns I could comprehend it, was, that,
without a currency, comm -rce could not exist,
at least to any considerable extent, and, of course
there would b■■ nothing to regulate; and, there
fore, unless Congress furnished a currency, its
power of regula'ing coinm rce would become a
mere nullity; and from which lie inferred the
right and obligation to furnish not only n cur
rency, hut a bank currency ! Whatever may
be said o! the soundness of the reasoning, ail
must admit that his mode of constructing the
Constitution is veiy bold and novel. To what
could it lead ? The same clause, in that instru
ment, which gives Congress the light to coin
money and regulate the value thereof, gives il
also the kindred right to fix the standard of
weight and measures. They are just as essen
tial to the existence of Congress as the currency
itself. The yard and the bushel a.e not less im-
poitant in the exchange of commodities, than the
dollar and the eagle; and the very train of rea
soning which would make it the right atid duty
of the Government to furnish the one, would
make it equally so to furnish the other. Again !
commerce cannot exist without ships and oilier
means of transportation. Is the Government also
bound to furnish them ? Nor without article*,
or commcdiiies, to bo exchanged, cotton, rice,
tobacco, and the various’pioducts of agriculture
and manufac:uies. Is it a s i bound to furnish
them? Nor these in turn, uithnut labor; and
must that, too, be furnished ? If not, I ask the
Senator tomakeihe distinction. Where will he
draw the line, an I on what principles ? Does he
not see that, accordingto this mode of construe
tion, the higher powers granted in the C-mstitu
tion would carry all the inferior, and that this
would become a Government of unlimited pow
ers ?-—Tube, for instance, the war power, and
apply the same mode of construction toil, and
what power there be that Congress could not
exercise—nay, he bound to exercise ? inielii-
grace, morals, wealth, numbers, currency, all
■re important elements of power, and may be
co ne si to the defence of the Un'oo and safely
of the country; and, uccording to the Senator’s
reasoning,the Government would have the right
and would be in duty bound to take charge o
the schools, the pulpits, the industry, the popu
lation, as well as the currency of the country:
and these would comprehend the entire circle of
legislation, and leave the State Governments as
useless appendages .of the svstem.
Having now, I trust, taken down to the ground
the little centre building, with its four apait-
ments, nothing remains ol the entire stiuctur--
but the huge portico in front, and on winch I
shall next commence the work of demolition.
The Senator opened Ids discourse on credits and
banks, by asserting that bank credit was, in
truth and reality, so much capital actually
added to the community. 1 waive the objection,
that neither credit, nor the hanking system, is
involved in the ques ion; and that those who are
opposed to the union of the political and money
power oppose that union with other rca-ons, on
the ground that is unfavorable to a full develop-
went of the credit system, and dangerous .o the
banks themselves, which they b-lieve can onlv
bo saved from entire destru lion by the separa
tion; and it follows, of course, till that lie said in
relation to them is either a begging of the ques
tion, or irrelevant. But, assuming what he
said to be applicable, I shall show that it isei'her
unfounded in fact, or crroti -ous in conclusion.
So far from agreeing with the Senator, that
what he calls bank credit is so much real capital
added to tlie country, 1 hold the opposite—that
banks do not add a cent of capital, or credit.—
Regarded strictly, the cred t of banks is limited
to the capital actually paid in. Tiiis usually is
the only sum for which the stockholders a;e lia
ble; and, without what is called banking piivi
ligus, they would not have a cem of credit be
yond that amount. But the capita! subscribed
•nd paid is not created by the banks. It is
drawn out of the general fund of the country.—
Now, I a^k, what constitutes its credit brv< nd
its capital? In the first place, an I mainly, it is
derived from the fact that both Gene ai and
State Governments receive and treat bank notes
its cash, and thereby, to tlie extent of their fis.
cal action, virtually give them the use of their
credit. It is an existing credit, belonging to them
exclusively, and is neither created, nor incrcas-
cd, by permitting the banks to use it. In the
uexi place, the deposites with the banks, both
public and private, add a large amount to their
crodit; but this again is either the property or
cred-t of the Government and individuals, which
they nre permitted to use, and which thev
neither create nor increase. Finally, nit sand
tmnds, or other credits discounted by the banks,
make up their credit, which are neidier more
nor less than the credit of the drawers and < n
dorsers on which the banks do business. .They
lake in the paper or credit of others, payable at
m given day, deduct the interest in advance, and
give nut their own credit or notes, payable on de-
Oiand, without interest; that is, the credit of their
own paper rests on the credit of the paper dis
counted, e; taken in exchange, which credit
they neither create nor increase. In a word,
•II their credit beyond the capital actually paid
in, is but tlie credit of the Public, or individuals,
/m which by what is called banking privileges,
they ere permitted to do business and make
profit; and so far from creating credit or capi
tal, they in fact add not n cent of capita) or
Credit to that which previously existed.
•"Tisthe Ur siion^I'.-d lainnor, oh,Ion? may it wave,
O’er tneUiul otthc free and the hoin» of the brave,'*
MikhkfttlEVILtiE, Jl'Xfc 19, IS38.
Union Democratic Republican Ticket,
FOB COKURESS.
D. C. CAM?BULL £«? of fiibb,
GUN. II. GRAVES of Newton,
JUNIUS III I.I.VESt I'-sq. of Clark,
HON. ALFRED IVERSON of Muscogee,
DJC. J. G. MOVIIORTER »J Ri. hmond,
gen. CHARLES il. NELSON of Cherokee,
ROBERT \V. POOLER of Chatham,
COL. J. S. PATTERSON of Early.
Thomas D. Harris has been appointed
Book-keeper lor the Brunei] Bunk of Da
rien in this City, and .Notary Public for
the county of Baldwin.
CHEROKEE AFFAIRS.
The documents and correspondence re
lating to the Cherokee controversy, and
the speech of Mr. Lumpkin, explaining
some of the reasons for his course, and
which influenced the Administration to
adopt the plan proposed for the removal
of the Cherokces occupy tlie most of out
columns.
These documents will no doubt attract
the attention of our readers. They speak
fir themselves; and with an enlightened
cotnmun’ty, the facts developed must suf
fice for them to judge correctly, and to re
flect their censure upon such as have of-
etuled against their rights and the dignity
of the country.
CHEROKEE AFFAIRS.
[From the Washington Gluhe. of the ~tli inst ]
lu the Senate to-day, the b;|! for the suppres
sion of Indian hostilities was taken up, and Mr.
Preston, without knowing any tiling of the sub-
jeci on whififc he inveighed, went to work alter
the fashion of the letter-writing tribe, to manu
facture something to answer party purposes
Gov. Lumpkin,of Georgia, made shoit shrift
for Mr. Pieston. by pr seating a clear narrative
of recorded facts b lore t e Senate. Mr. Pres
ton insisted that the course of the administration
in proposing to conciliate the malcontent Che.
rokees, by holding out inducements to volunta
ry emigration, was altogether wrong, mid had
given the Stales interested just cause. f otl'ence.
The Governor of G -orgi.i was alluded to, as
weil as General Scott, as being badly treated
by the course ot the Department, which, ii was
pretended, disappointed all tueir expectations.
Upon this Governor Lumpkin rose and read the
The Senator n r xt, by wav of illu-tration, un-
dm took to draw a di-tinetii*n b-tween bank cre
dit and Government ciedit. or public socks in
which he was not verv successful. It would
b- no difficult task to prove that they both rest
subitantiul y on debt, and that the G .vernment
stock may be, and is to a great uxtent, actually
applied in the same inode, as bank credit in the
use of exchanges a d business. It in tact
constitut-'s, to a great extent, the very basis ol
banking operation; hut, after having occupied
the Sena11 so long, it would be unreasonable to
consume their lime on what was introduced as
a more illusiration.
The Senator next undertook to prove the im
mense advantage of banking m-tru i ms. He
asked wliat would be done wth the surplus cap
ital of the country, if it could not he invested
iu bank stocks? In this new and growing coun
try, with millions on millions of lauds, of the
best quality, still lying unimproved; with vast
schemes of improvements, constantly requiring
capita'; with the immense demand for labor for
every branch ol business, the last question 1
ever expected to hear asked is that propounded
bv the Senator. I had supposed the great diffi-
c ilty was to find capital, and now Ikjw to dis
pose of it, and that this difficulty had been one
of the main reasons assigned in favor of the
banking system.
The next benefit he attributes to the systen
was the vast amount of lands, which had pass
ed out of the hands of the Public into ihat of
individuals of late, which lie estimated, during
tin: last three years, at thirty-six millions ot
acres, forming a surface equal in extent to Kng
land, and, winch he staled would rise in value
greaily, in consequence of their passing into
private hands. That tiiis immense transfer has
been eliholed by the banks, I admit; bit that it
is to bo considered an advantage to the country,
I certainly never expected to hear uttered any
where, especially on this floor, and by one so
intelligent as the Senator. I had supposed it
was infinitely better for the community at large,
and particularly for those not in affluent circum
stances, that 'lie lands should remain in posses
sion of the Government than of speculators, till
wanted for settlement; and that one of the m«si
decided objections to our banking system is. that
it becomes the instrument of making such im-
iu nse transfers, whenever the currency becomes
excessive. This is a point not without interest,
and I must ask the Senate to bear with me,
while 1 pause lor a few moments to explain it.
The effect of an expanding currency is to
raise prices, and to put speculation in motion
lie who buys in a short time seems to realize
a fortune, and every one is on the look out to i extract of u letter from Governor Gilmer, sug
make successful investments, and thus prices re- ’ gestmg precisely the line of conduct adopted by
ceivea constant upward impulse, with theexcep- ! the Department, itts as follows:
tion of tlie public lands, the price of wh eli is j Kx'ract of a Idler from Gov. Gilmer, doled
fixed at 81 25, excepting such as are sold at j Millkb.ikvillk, Match 5 18:3^.
public auction. The rise of other landed proper- | «, The bl . st ...imined pmsons residing nmoiu
ty soon creates a new demand for the public , the C |, er oboes express the opinion that Ross ca V ,
lands; and speculation commences its giant ope- ! f/ hc ^ rewl0l .„ his p „ ///e at once . To tlc( „ d
to ihe Government, a-d jire
d /troj/erty of our citizens uiid
\ the Indians, which may be sacrificed if the Irea
; ty is executed by force, the Government can well
■ afford l > jniy a very lit eral price tor the vo/un-
Ytary and immediate rtinovai of the Indians. To
1 enable Ro-s and the chiGS to effect this object, I
; beiievc it in be u ‘Cesserv for them first i<> return
: home, see their people, and let them bsatisfied
j that their etTorts to change the treatv have been
houi st, though unavailing. Tne Cher fleet-s are
; so suspicious of their chiefs, that even Ross, as
cnflreiy as he has their confidence, might lose
I nil power io serve them, if lie attempted to
make a contmet with the Government for their
emigration before they were consulted, and heir
: approval of tne measure ob'aiued. If tne Go-
j vernme.it should ascertain, upon Ross’s return
home, that ne imd the pow. r, and was willing to
j unde take the r moval of ids people, the terms
of t ie contract couM tie agreed upon without
ditli.-ulty or delay.
If the pertinacity of Ross should create any
difficulty, it might be obviated by making no
reference m his contract to the treaty.”
How far Mr. Preston’s assertion that the Sec
retary arrested the operations of Gen. Scoit,
and prevented that officer from doing ids duty
in removing the Indians, will he seen from the
following letter, just received thiougli the Go
vernor of Georgia, on that subject:
“ Milledueville, JuneS, I8fl8.
“Sir—Having just arrived from the scene
of operations in the Cherokee country, 1 avail
myself of the honor of communicating to your
Excellency the movements of my Chief, Gen.
Scott, within the limits of Georgia. Upon the
24th ult. he placed the Georgia volunteers un
der the command of Gen. Floyd, in position,
and on the 25tn co-*.monced operations. Gen.
Floyd, in person, commanded the first detach
ment that operated. The promptness and agi
lity of his movement gave to the commanding
General the highest satisfaction, while it pre
sented to the balance of the command a saluta
ry example.
The number of prisoners on Tuesday last
was about 3,000; and by this, I do not think
there is a wandering Indian in the Cherokee
country, within the limits of Gnqrgia. The
captures were made with the utmost kindness
and humanity, and free fioni every stain ol" vi
olence. The deportment of our Georgia citi-
zens resident in the Cherokee counties, has
been maikt-d by a fo bearance and kindness
towards the Indians, that must win for them the
admiration of the philanthropist. Permit me
to conclude with the congratulation of our
rights being so promptly and peace.'ully secur
ed.
With the highest regard,
A. H. KLvNAN, Volunteer
Aid de Camp to General Scott.
His Excellency G. It Gilmer.”
This letter, too, we hope will satisfy Gover-
nor Gilmer that the ground is untenable taken
in the foliowing letter, written bv wa v, we sup
pose, of acknowledging his obligations to the
Secretary at War, for accomplishing the wish
es expressed, not only by himsell, but by men
of distinction in all pails of Georgia, as Gover
nor Lumpkin informed the Senate. VVe annex
this kind requital of Gov. Gilmer for the piomp.
titude with which tlie Secretary entered into
his views of engaging Ross and others actively
in the business of emigration. It will be seen
that his excellency is now disposed to treat the
military force, busily engaged in urging and
aiding the emigration, as a hostile array against
Georgia to defend the Indians; and, in that
view, is prepmed to levy war or. the U. States.
But we give the letter and reply, that the coun
try may judge Governor Gilmer on his own
, JJ , ^ will, IL/llULt
rations nthat quarter, v ast pu-chasesare made , tk real „
,.nd the revenue of the Govarnment increus s sm ° e
in proportion to the increased sales. The pay.
u cat is made in bank notes, and these pass from
the land offices to the deposite banks, and cor.
slitu'e a large surplus for new banking facili
ties and accommodations. Applicants fiom all
quarters press in to partake of the ric i harvest,
and the n A-s repass into the bauds of specula-
tors to bo reinvested in tliu purchase of public
lands. They again pass through the bauds of
ree< ivers, and thence to the banks and again
to the speculators, and every revolution of tlie
wheel incr-asts the swelling liu’e, widen sweeps
awav millions of the choicest acres from the
Governm nt to the monopolizers for bank oo.es
which in the end prove as worthless as the pa
per on which they are written had tuts process
not b en arresied, b\ the il posite ad of 1836,
and had the bunks avoided un explosion, in a
•short lime tlie whole of the pubhc domain,
the precious inheritance of th People of this
l nion and their descendants, would have passed
through the same process with the thiity six
millions of acres winch the Senator so highly
comnvnds. What took place then will again
lake place, at the very n -xt swell of the paper
tide unless, indeed, this biii suould become a
law. which would prove an effectual check a-
gainst its recurrence.
The Senator next attributes our extraordina
ry advance in imp oveinement and prosperity to
th banking sy-tem. He puts down as n tiling
our f:en iusmutious; the security in which the
People enjoy their rights, the vast extent of om
country ; and the fertility of its soil, and tlie en
ergy, industry, and enterprise of the stock from
which we me dr scended. All these, it seems,
are as dust. The banks are every thing, and
without them we would have been bu' little ad
vanced in improvement or prosperity. It is
much more easy to assign our prosperity to the
bunking system than to prove it. That in its
early stages ii contributed to give an impulse to
industry and improvement I do not deny; but
that, in its present excess, it impedes rather than
promotes either, I hold to bo certain. That
we are not indebted to it for our extraordinary
advance and improvements, wholly or mainly,
there is an argument, which I regard as decks-
ive. Piefore tlie Revolution, we had no banks,
and yet our improvement and prosperity, all
tilings considered, were ns great anterior to it,
as since, whether we regard the increase of pop.
illation or wealth. At that time not a bank
note was to be seen, and the whole circulation
consisted either of gold and silver, or the colo
nial paper money, which ah now, and especially
the Senator, cons ders so worthless. Had the
Senator lived dui ing that peiiod, he might with
equal plausibility, have attributed all the im
provement and prosperity of the country to the
old colonial paper money, as he now does to the
banks; and have denounced any attempt to
change or improve it, as an overthrow of the
credit system, as warmly as he now does the sep
aration of the Government from the banks. I
tell the Senator tliat the time is coming, when
his present defence of the banking system, as it
is now organized, will be considered as extraor
dinary as we now would regard a defence of
tlie old and exploded system of colonial paper
money. He.seems not to see that the system
has reached la point, where great changes are
unavoidable; and without which, the whole will
explode. 1 he s'a'c of its manhood and vigor
has passed, and it is now far advanced in that
of decrepitude. The whole system must be re
formed, or it must perish in tlie natural course
of events. The first step toward its renovation
is the measure hc denounces in such unmeasured
terms—the separation from the Government;
and the next a separation between discount and
circulation. The two are incompatible; and
shewing: ,Tho bill was passed to a third read--j
ing by a vole of ayes 4U, noes 0, and would
have finally parsed, but that Mr. Benton inti- j
mated a wisli to speak on it.
From the Governor of Georgia to the Secretary
if War.
Executive Department, Ga.
Milledgevifle, May 28,1638.
Sir—1 have had the honor of receiving from
you the proposals ol tlie Government io John
Russ, and instructions to Gen. Scoit.
The surprise and regiet xcited in myself at
these proceedingsoi the Government, I am sure
will be full by every citizen of the State.
1 can gi- e lotheui no sanction whatever.
The proposals to Ros-. could not be carried
into execution but in violation ol" tlie rights of
or the State. The very making of them must
piove exceedingly injurious to the im rests of
the people.
The Ian s which are in the occupancy of the
Indians in Georgia, are die private property of
its citizens; and the owners are now entitled by
the laws to possession. For the purpose of pre
venting all unnecessary suffering and hardships
on the part of tlie Ciierokees, these proprietors
have been earnestly entreated not to force their
rights at once, hut to wait until tlie Indians
should he removed by the army. They have
been assur'd that tuis would he done by the
President as soon as possible, and in perfect
good faith. Sincere rogiei is felt Ihat the sue-
cess of these efforts in the cause of humanity
has been defeated by the Government.
As soon as tlie proposals to Ross and the in
structs, s to General Scott are known to the
proprietors, they will no longer be restrained
from taking possession of their property. It
becomes necessary, therefore, that I should
know whether the President intends, by the in
structions to General Scott, to require that the
Indians shall be main ained in their occupancy
bv an armed force, m opposition to the rights of
theownersof ihe soil. If such is the intention
of tlie President, a direct collision between the
authorities of the State and the General Go-
verum -lit must ensue. Vly duty will require
that 1 shall prevent any nterference whatever
by the troops with the rights ol the Sia;e and
its citizens. I shall not fail to perform it. To
avoid misunderstanding, permit me to request
that you will communicate to me, and as early
as >ou conveniently can the President’s views
upon this subject.
I have no doubt hut 'he Indians can be re
moved from the State, in the execution of the
treaty, and bv the troops now organized and
stationed in the country with that avowed pur
pose, with more ease aid expedition, ami a rea
dier acq deseence on tie part of tlie Indians,
than bv anv means intlie power of this iSia!*-.
If, however, the ti"vernment consents ihat
Ross and his friendi shad remain two years
longer, the State vvil ie obliged to get rid of the
evils which must necessarily arise from such po
1 icv, bv exert-is ng its own rights of jurisdic
tion, and remove them by the most efficient
means which it can command.
Very respectfully, vours, etc.
GEORGE R. GILMER.
Hon. Joel Poinsett.
From the Secretary of War to the Governor of
Gear ta.
War Department
June 3, 1*:38
Sir—[ have the honor to acknowledge ihe
receipt of your Excellency’s n ply to mv com
munication conveying the prooosals made b\
die Executive to the Cherokee delegation, and
the iusiiuctions to Gen. Boat ; and from -lieie-
nor of v our rernai k-* l cannot but suppose Unit
vour Excellency mini have mi-appr' bended the
true meaning and intent of the Government.
The question of prolonging the time of thc
removal of the Cherokees is expressly referred
to the ales by this D | a tineni, and such ex
tension was not intended to embrace a longer
period than tluit which might benqaiied by a
du ■ regard to the common dictates of humanity;
it being express!V stated t at tlie Cherokees
wt re to be removed as speedily as was consis
ted with toeir health and comfort. Gen.iScott
is, moreover, instructed to continue the prosecu
tion of the measures hc has adopted to r< niov •
the Indians, and whether their removal is to be
effected by compulsion or by voluntary emigra
tion under their own agents, so to conduct h s
operations as to place the proprietors ol ill •
lands there, iu | os-a-ssion of their property ,vv 11
as little delay as possible. Tuese instructio *s
certanlv do not warrant the supposition that
tlie Government consents that Ross and his
fri's .'s shall r; main two yeirs longer; on the
cent-ary, tlie orde s of ihe G'.vernineut^aro
most pO'itive that the Indians a<e to b<* remov.
ed fiom G oigia first, and from the other States
as soon as piacticable; and your Excellency
may be assured, fiom the character of theotii
cer entrusted wiih their i xecu’un, hat these
orders will bo carried into effect without any
unnecessary delay. Tne Department cannot,
therefore, perceive any cause for the apprehen
sion your Excellency seems to entertain of a
coll sion between the authorities of the State
and ihe General Government.
I fully concur with your Excellency in opin
ion, “ that tin. Indians can be removed from tlie
State in the execution of the t.eatv. and by the
troops now organized and stationed in the coun
try with that avowed purpose, with more ease
and expedition, and a readier acquiescence on
the part of the Ind mis, than by any means in
the power of this State,” (meaning Georgia,)
and I beg leave to reiteiate to your Excellency
the assurance that the troops will be employed,
notin opposing, but in vindicating, the rights of
tlie States in eresh d in the fulfilment of the
treaty, and in establishing without unnecessary
delay their citizens in the possession of the'r
property in the Cherokee country. All parties
must desire that t >is may be etF cied rather by
the voluntary emigration of the Indians than by
the apnliealion of force, a iesori t<> which the
Government desires most earnestly to avoid, if
possible.
Very respectfully,
Your most obedient servant,
J. R. POINSETT.
His Excellency George R. Gilmer,
Governor of Georgia, Milledgevifle, Ga.
T 1
IN SENATE.
On motion of Mr. YVRIGtiT. the Senate pro
ceeded to consider the House hill making ap
propriations for the preveuti'-n and suppiession
of Indian hostilities lor 1838, and for the pay
ment of arrearages in 1837.
On ordering ilns bill to iis fluid reading, Mr.
WEBSTER addressed the Senate, and was an
s we red by Mr. WRIGHT, when Mr. PRES
TON spoke at lengih, reflecting generally on
tht: war and its causes, which lie attributed io the
fault of the Adminisir.ition.
Mr. LUMPKIN aridressed the Senate as fol
lows :
Mr. President: I had indulged the hope,
and still indulge ii, that the Senate would be per
mitted to act promptly on this appropriation bill,
without bringing into its discussion the exciting
topics of the Fionda and Cherokee treaties, and
tlie Florida war. The service of the country
and the character of the Government are at tiiis
time suffering for the want of the passage of this
biil. Drabs amounting to hundreds olAhousands
of dollars are at this moment press* upon the
Treasury of the country, and cannot be dis
charged nil we pass this ill. The citizens of
the country, who have given full and fair consi
deration for offici. I and legal drafts on your
Treasury, ought not to be delayed in receiving
their just dues.
Il is, therefore, with extreme reluctance that
I feel myself called upon to take some notice of
the remarks of tlie Senator Irom Souiit Caroli
na, [Mr. Pkeston.] I shall not, however, fol
low iliegentlttfnan in the wide range lie has ta
ken in regard to the Florida campaign, or the
merit or demerit of the distinguished officers
wiio have bad command in Florida. For the
present I leave alt these gentlemen (with my
kind, regard) to thejustice of tliat public opin
ion, to whom we, asjiublic men, are all amena
ble. There is but one point connected with the
Florida war to which the gentleman has nd-
vi-red, which 1 feel myself called upon to no-
lice.
The gentleman, with his usual eloquence, has
eulogised the savage chief Oseola, apparently
Ibrueiful of the many horrid de-tls which led to
thecata-itruphenfthisextraordinaryman. Wben
1 hear Oseola eulogised oil the floor of this Se.
nate, 1 can but remember the treachery o! this
much indulged man to his friend and benefactor,
the lamented General Wiley Thompson of Geor
gia, with whom I was long associa'ed in public
life, and who whs long a respected member of
the other branch ofCumrress. Yes this blood
thirsty Oseola, not only murdered General
Thompson, but was, and has been, ihe principal
organ of all Ate horrors of the Florida war, in
discriminately levelled ng inst every age and
sex. Sir, if 1 fail to express my sympathy in
strains ofequal eloquence with the Senator from
South Carolina foi the sufferings of the deser
ving portion of the native race, I will net yield
to the gentleman my claims to feelings as refi
ned, enlarged, and sympathetic for suflering
humanity, even when a savage is the victim. I
avow myself tlie friend and defender of the just
rights and true interest of the native race. But
1 am far, very far, from being tlie eulogist, or
apologist of Oseola. I can but think ofhis name
witn horror and disgust.
But, sir, m v anxiety (or the speeo’y passage of
tiiis bill would have induced me to vote in si
lence, after all the remarks of the gentleman
upon the Florida pari of the subject, if the gen
tleman had stopped there. But sir, be has come
nearer home to me; and I led b"Und to defend
my own premises. The gentleman has given
tis a history of his support and defence of the
Cherokee treaty of 1835, and has manifested
marked zeal in the defence of mv own State,
and a portion ol'its public functionaries. I thank
him kindly for all tins voluntary service. It is
a free will offering, which I feel assured will be
duly appreciated by the friends of the treaty
and of the State.
But,sir, we find mingled with all this sup
port of the treaty, and zeal to have ii faithfully
and speedily executed, a spirit and bearing in
tlieremaiks of the gentleman, which, to mv
mind, is calculated m do gnat injustice to tlie
Administration w r.icli made and lias sustained
tiiis iieaiy ; as well as the friends of the Ad
ministration, who have borne tlie lieai and biii-
den of the day, iu bringing our Indian relations
to their present aliunde.
The gentlemen reminds me of vvltat I have
often seen m tuc course of a life not now a ve
ry snort one, thut is: persons vociferous in a
cause after the victory was achieved, and per
sons, too, who stood aloof wiiiie the battle ra-
^ td ;.
Sir, I will never permit tlie Senator f r oni
South Carolina, uncontested, to step in at tiiis
line day and carry of whan ver meed of praise
may be due to those who have struggled so long
to lelieve mv beloved Stale from an Indian po-
ulalion. 1 truly thank Inin for all his kind
feelings and services to iny State, and her citi
zens, whether pi ivate or public men. But all
this k mines a d ze A fur my State and her dis
tmguisi e : citizens, shall not induce me silently
to acq i.esce in direct or indirect censure, when
impioj.eriy cast Upon me, or tlie Administration
ol t..e Federal Government which i support.
My position in relation to tiiis matter shall uot
be misunderstood or misrepresent, d withoui the
proper curreciiou. I ain lolly appr Zed of tin
i’.iot, that the late couiinuuic.iiiou of the I’re-i
di nt ol the United States to Cougiess, emhia-
cing the letter of the Secretary of Wai to Jo n
Ross, is at this lime a most fruitful subject for
excitement and misrepresentation. I, there
fore. deem ii mv duly to go into a history of tins
transaction, sustained by such facts as cannot be
controvert** , and as will do justice to myself,
and the xecuuve Government.
The Cnorokee tieaty of 1835, alter all that
lias been said to disparage the Government and
die Indians w ho formed it, 1 repeat, as I have
often done before, it is a monument of the mag
nanunity of tin* Government on one side, and a
standing record of tin* honesty and pure paui-
0 ism ol the Cherokees who negotiated it on tin*
other side.
1 was invited, at an early day, to aid as a
commissioner in the execution ol tins tieaty.
and have been lainiliur with every important
transaction since, up to the present day. The
Executive Government has u ilormiy, and at
all times, express d an unwavering determina
tion to carry out and execute the treaty, without
iulringoment or change of its provisions. It
has as uniformly, co stanfly, mid sincerely ex
pressed a desire to discharge this duty iu a spi
nt of tne utmost kindness and liberality towaids
the t herokee people. In all this I have con
curred and co-operated with the Government.
But it is nevertheless true, that from tlie time I
entered upon the duties of the appointment of
commissioner until 1 took my seat in tiiis Sen-
ute, yes,sir, and up to, the present day, some
difference of opinion between the Executive
Government and myself has existed, on some
po uts touching the best mode of accomplislung
the object which we all ha I in view. I united
m the views of the Government, in using every
effort within my official range to reconcile the
opposing part of the Ciierokees to this trea
ty ; and have, to a considerable extent, sue
ceeded.
But I have uniformly dissented, as all my of
ficial letters will show while acting as cominis,
siouer, to that part of the policy of the Govern
nieut w hich has permitted John Ross and his
followers, while constantly protesting against
the validity ol tlie treaty, receiving the coun
tenance and courtesy which they have done
fiom the Government. 1 have uniformly be
lieved, and still believe, thai the best and safes;
way to have executed this treaty would have
been, Imm tlie first, kindly, but firmly, to have
used the imperative language to Ross and Ins
followers—to have said the argument is exhaust
ed in reguid lo the treaty—It must be executed.
1 believe that no propositions I rom Ross should
ever have been entertained, without being ac
companied by a pledge t<> cease from all oppo
sition to the removal of the Cherokees. But l
believe this difference of opi ion originated
from no difference in object. It was the desire
of all toe*x> cute the tieaty in that manner which
might be best for all the partu s in interest.—
From my knowledge of the character of Ross,
I had no confidence that he could bo conciliated
by concessions. Grant one demand, and ano
ther would immediately be made. Tlie strong
desire of tile Government to conciliate Ross
and his party has been constantly strengthened
b> the opinions of many of tlie officers and
agents o| the .Government, as well as by the
opinions of highly respectable citizens of vari
ous .States, communicated in the Executive Gov
ernment— that the treaty could never be execu
led peaceablv, without the assent and aid of
the op|K>smg party of tlie Ciierokees, flierefore,
to avoid the evils of an Indian war, which must
terminate in the destruction ol tlie Ciierokees,
as well as some loss ol white inhabitants. The
Government lias, with a patience and forbear
ance unparalleled, kepi an open ear to the un
tiring perseverance of Ross.
On taking my sea' iu the Senate, J found Ross
and his delegation still here, memorializing Con
gress, and making propositions to the Executive
Government, my mode and manner of meeting
winch is known to the Senate and to the coun
try. Id the month of March, 1 found, from in
formation derived from different sources, that
the Executive Government he e was still urged
by gentlemen in high official stations, to die poli
cy of conciliating Row by increased liberality
in money. Amongst others I will read an ex
tract from a letter of Governor Gilmer of Geor
gia, to die Secretary of War, dated March 5,
1638. The Governor says: “The best infor
med persons residing among the Cherokees ex
press the opinion that Ross can, if he will, re
move his people at once. To avoid the great
expense to the Government, and to preserve the
lives and property of our eitizens, and the In
dians which may be sacrificed if the treaty is
executed by-force, the Government can well af
ford to pay a very liberal price for the volun
tary and immediate removal of the Indians.—
To enable Ross and the chiefs to effect this ob
ject, l believe it to be necessary for them first
to return home, see their people, and let them
be satisfied that their efforts to change the^ trea
ty hufce been honest though unavailing. The
Cherokees are so suspicious of their chiefs, that
even Ross, as entirely as he has their confidence,
might lose all power to serve them if he attempt
ed to make a contract with tlie Government,
for the r emigration, before they were consult
ed,and their approval of the measure obtained.
If the Government should ascertain upon Ross’s
return home, dim he had the power, and was
willing to undertake the removal of his people,
the terms of contract could be agreed upon
withoui difficulty or delay.” “If the pertina
city of Ross should grt ate any difficulty, it might
be obviated in making no reference iu his con
tract to the treaty.”
Very many letters from other persons of high
respectab iity and official standing, to the same
purport of Gov. Gilmer’s, may be found on the
flies of the War Department. Indeed 1 have
always myself anticipated mischief growing out
of die execu ion of this treaty, unless the influ
ence of Ross was neutralized by force or pur
chase. Under this aspect ol the subject, and
after both branches oi Congress had given suffi
cient evidence of a determination toexecutethe
treaty regardless of the remonstrances of Ross,
and the silly petitions of persons wholly ig
norant of the subject upon which they were pe
titioning, I came lo the conclusion, that Ross
might possibly be in a situation to yield to the
true interest ofhis people, and let them emigrate
to the West in peace.
And hence my assent was given to the views
suggested in the extract of Gov. Gilmer’s letter
w .ich I have read. An I while f have uniform
ly protested against any movement which might
in the sligh'est degree retard the removal of
the Cherokees. I have, nevertheless, uniformly
and freely expressed die opinion, diat the mo
mi-lit when ail opposition to the treaty bv Russ
and iiis party should be yielded up, and n dis
position) manifested tot migrate with reasonable
despatch, from that moment the Indians would
be secured from any unreasonable pressure on
the part of the people of Georgia. I repudiate
the idea that my constituents would, under such
circumstances, act with inhumanity towards the
suffe ing Indians, or refuse to grant every indul
gence which the true interest of the Indians
and humanity may require. No Senator on
this floor is better acquainted w.th his constitu
ents than I am with mine. They are generous,
just.au liberal. Their mncnammi'y cannot be
appealed to in vaie. But, sir, they never can be
forced into slavish submission, or withdraw from
a | ending coutioversy.
But, Mr. Presid nt, I now come to the impor.
taut object which I had in view', in addressing
the Benate. I tun fully apprised of the greal
excitement which has been produced in my own
>t te. ami elsewhere, ansinc out of the projio-
sitious of die Secretary of War to John Ross,
lately submitted to Congress. I am not onlv
apprised of die exetement, but of the misappre
»<-iisi• >n wh c t seems to exist ou this sub-
s -hjeci. 1 perceive from tlie newspap'rs of
Gemgia and oilier Suites, as well as f om the
e'ters which i receive liom my constituents,
that an impress on has been made upon die pub
lie mind that die Government was desirous, and
ha t piop"Sed unnecessarily, ti delay tlie end
a ration oldie Cherokees ibr two years. Tins I
know to be an entire m sapprehension. The
extension proposed to the States by the Go vern
al nt, and that iu the imi-t delicate and ra sp ci-
fal manner, was never ntended io embrace a
longer period than that which might be required
by a due regard to the common dictates of hu
manity, it b ing expiessly suited that the ('hero
lu es were to be removed as speedily as was con-
s stent with nealh and comlbit. General Scott
i-, moreover, instiucted to continue the prose
cution of the measures he lias adopted to remove
the Indians, and whether their removal is to
bn effected i>y compulsion, or voluntary emigra
tion under thuirown agents,so to conduct his op.
erat oris as to place the proprietors of the lands
there in p issess on of their property with as lit
tle delay as possible. TheseJnstructions cer
tainly do not warrant the supposition that the
Government consents that Ross and his friends
shall remain wo years longer.
On the contrary, the orders of the Govern
ment are most positive, that tlie Indians are to
be removed from Georgia first, and from the
other States as speedily as practicable. Tiiis is
the plain meaning of the letter of tlie Secretary
of War to John Ross, as intended, understood,
and interpreted by the author hims If. I admit
that the propositions made to John Ross, by the
Secretary of War, might have been put in a form
less liable lo misapprehension. But I am utter
ly at a loss to account for the wide-spread misap
prehension upon this subject, except it be from
tlie fact that it took its rise in boih houses of
Congress, and thus rapidly spread to the four
quarters of the Union. I know positively that
the exposition given by the Secretary of War,
ofhis letter to Ross, is perfectly consistent with
the views which he expressed to me before rnak
ing his propositions to Ross. Tiie Secretary had
ample grounds to believe that Congress en
tertained the most liberal feelings towards ihe
Cherokees, and would willingly soothe them, as
far as tliat could reasonable be done, by addition,
al appropriations of money to be applied to their
comfort. He had just cause to believe, and did
believe that the high-minded, generous Stales of
Georgia,Tennessee, Alabama, and North Caro
lina, would act with becoming humanity and in
dulgence towards t'ie poodeluded Cherokees;
and the people ol those States will not fail to do
the present Administration justice on this subject,
when the misapprehension and excitement o!
tne present inomen 1 shall have passed awav.
The position of the Federal Administration of
the Government has, upon this Indian subject,
for many yours past, been most delica'e and pe.
culmr. Especially since the comnu ncement of
General Jackson’s administration, and his mani
fested determination to relieve the Southern
Stales fn mi tl ed sad vantages of an Indiai>j|>opula-
tion. His untiring vigilance and preservance on
this subject is now a part of the history of the Go',
vernment. In all his exertions to relieve Geor
gia from her Indians, and do justice to her claims
upon the Federal Government, I was noi onlv a
faithful co-operator, but sometimes in advance of
the President himself. His successor has faith,
fully adhered to the policy of his predecessor in
carrying out these measures.
But ai every step a most formidable and pe
culiar opposition has embarrassed the Govern-
merit in die prosecution of its Indian policy.
Tiie administration has not only had to en-
counter the combined and regularly organized
opposition, which wi re known as open and a-
vowed opponents, but many of the friends of
the administration, especially amongst the less
tuformed, have been used as opponents to the
Indian policy of the Government. Ev»*n in the
Slutes most d cply interested, we have some
times seen the stri ng feelings of self-interest,
waived to acco modatc party spirit and parly
interest. At any rate. I have always fflund the
measvres of General Jackson and myse I, even
in Georgia, discountenanced by some of our
political opjionents. as far as public opinion
would tolerate an expression-of disapprobation
The newspapers of tlie day will show that I
was lor years censured for the determined and
straightlorward course which I pursued in Dar
ing the way jo insure the speedy removal of the
Indians from Georgia. Yes, sir, I and mv
friends have borne the heat and burden of t h»
day on tins subject. And n-.w, iu the moment
oi success, in u.e day *.f triumph and victory
what is the exhibition winch wa witness on this
floor? Why, sir, we see the honorable 8ena
tor from South Carolina, with his characteristic
zeai and eloquence, rise in-his place, and ad
d'es-. this Si nute in a mode and manner ealcu*
luted to produce the impression abroad that the
Executive officers of the Government and my U
seif had, all at once, suddenL and without*
rhyme or reason, abandoned our lon^-ci.eris 1 -
ed policy, and gone over to the enemy* mid that
loo, after we Itad fairly achieved die victory of
a hard and long fought battle. Sir, can the'So.
nator believe that lie can thus far mislead the
pubhc mind ? Sir, he is a stranger to my Cou .
stiiuenis, if he believes any man living can
make-them believe that I have proved recrean*
tor their interest on this Indian subject. They
too well know my toils and my labors, my per.
severance, mv constancy, upon this most im
portant subject connected with my public life*
No, sir : the Senator cannot make my constiiol
eats in Georgia believe that l have abandoned
their rights or interests. In Georgia, nt this
time, we have but one party on this subject.
Tlie whole people anxiously desire the speedy
execu;ion of Ihe treaty.
And, sir, the opponents of this administration
are greatly decei ved, if they put so low an esti
mate upon the intelligence o the people of
Georgia, as to suppose they will find special fa-
vor with them for their loud cries of victory in
the Indian battle, when they Imvo only enterw
the field of labor io the eleventh hour. | am
willing tliat lh«se.new comers should receive
their penny; but 1 cannot consent to the with
holding a just and equal reward to those faith-
ful laborers who have borne the heat and bur-
then of the d.r..
Sir, 1 thank the gentleman again for the zeai
which he exhibits in behalf of the interests of
the people of Geergia, and for the high compli-
merit he has paid the Governor of my State.
I comli d'! to the Governor of Georgia good
intentions, in regard to his views and efforts tw
conciliate John Ross, and have yielded soma-
thing of my own opinions in order that I might
co-operate with his views and wishes,ns well as
those of the Executive officers of tlie Federal
Go. eminent. I shah always do the Chief Ms.
gislra'.e of my S ate ample ju tice, whatever
political difference i f opinion may happen to
exist. I do, however, most solemnly protesta-
gainst the justice ot the effort of the Senator
fioin South Carolina toca-i cei.s ue and blame
upon ihe President and Secretary of War, as
weil as myself, for yielding something to the
plainly expressed wishes of Governor Gilmer
and many of his political frit-nJs, especially hi*
no them Whig friends. If there be anv e Tar
m this matter, the sin lies at ihe door ef the op.
ponentsof the administration, an I yet the Sena-
tor from South Carolina [Mr. Pits on] as the
organ of the Southern wing of the opj oiitien,
upbraids the admit.istraiion and its friends with
throwing weighty responsibilities on tiie Gove .
n> of Georgia. Sir, I would enquire w int i*
the great responsibility thrown upon the Govsr-
uors of the four S ales interes'ed in this matter,
even under the misapprehension indulged, that
the States had been applied to for two year*
more time for the emigration of ilie Cherokee*?
Why, air, tlie only responsibility is to giva an
answer in accordance with the known wishes of
tiie whole people over whom they presid*.
Where is tlie Governor who need bo distress^
or embarrassed at such responsibility as this ?
Moreover, the Senator from South Carolina
(Mr. Preston) contends and u ges that the pro-
posals of the Secretary of War to Join Rosa,
amounts io u new treaty, and to an infrintremenl
of tiie treaty of 1835. 1 am nut able mysft
io put anv such cons: ruction on the proposal*
of tiie Secretary. I know that such war rot
his intention. The President amJ Secrrmry of
War have uniformly and firml, .issued Russ
and his friends that the treaty of New Echo's
would be executed wi bout infringement er
change.
Tlie Secretary, in his proposals to Ross, fa
the very first seot'-nce, disclaims all right on the
part of the Federal Goveri m nt toeuter into
anv treaty -ispulations which might aifeo ihn
rights of the States. And we find a reiteration
of tlie same sentiments, and sacred rt ga d to
the rights of tiie States, throughout tiie docu
ment under consideration. I cull myself an un
wavering Slate Rigli s mat:; but 1 see not tie
slightest grounds to complain of this dm u en’
on that score. The present administration of
the Federal Government belongs to the go od
old Republican school of 1798, and therelureis
not disposed to infringe upon tiie rights of the
States.
That temporary mischief ii s grown out ef
the misapprehensions which have sp ead over
the country in relation to this subject, 1 am ful
ly aware. But from the nature of things, I
trust that the excitement will soon abate, ftm
constant and daily movements and operations ot
the Government must surely coriect, without
delay, any mistaken impressions which may
have existed. The Government is moving for
ward in the discharge of its duty. General
Scott’s instructions remain unchanged. Hi*
character is a sufficient guarantee that his duty
will be discharged with fidelity and ability.
From various accounts which 1 have received
Horn the scene of action so far, the prepara
tions and movements connected with the Chero
kee emigration is going-on harmoniously, and
with all the promptitude which the Mature of
the service will allow.
In conclusion, I would beg leave to request
the Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Piesion)
to be assured of my fidelity to my constituents,
especially upon this Indian snhj'Ct. 1 can ns
sure tlie honorable Senator that he is wholly
mistaken, if he supposes that the bearing ol lus
remarks will even induce the Southern w ngo
his own partv to believe that I have no inme
sell-love than to give a victorv to my opponent*,
which lias been achieved by my Irietidsan
myself. No, sir, the Senator misapprehends my
relation to ihis subject, as much as he does tho
communication of the Secretary of \ ar v»
John Ross; or lie would never have pennitte
himsell to get in tlie lead ol my friends anu
m\si*if, in zeal lor the faithful and speedy exe
cution of the Cherokee treatv.
Mr. LUMPKIN was followed by
CLAY ot Alabama, STRANGE, S0L1 “;
ARD, and WHITE, when the bill was ordered
to be engrossed, b. a unanimous vote.
The bill was about to pass by unanimous con
sent, when .-j
Mr. HUBBARD stated that Mr. Benton hau
expressed to him a desire to address the *- eoa
on its third reading; and,
On motion of Mr. WEBSTER,
Tlie Senate adjourned.
WESLEY MANUAL LABOR SCHOOL*
The Committee who were appointee W
prepare an address to the public, in re e
.ence to this institution, beg leave to otter
the following statement oi facts, " 11L ^
they hope will afford convincing evidence
to the public that this seminary oi learn
ing will soon he in successful operation.
This institution is located in Houston
county, Georgia, near Fort A alley? *-
healthy section of country, the g r() '' 1 1 .
which is pine, interspersed with oak an
hickory; the soil is of the most fertile
kind. Five hundred acres of lan
been purchased, upon which the trus
design to commence operations. - 1
tion of this land has been run off intoU,
fourteen of which have been so 1 •
houses for the institution are
nearly com*