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CONOBE88.
RELATIONS WITH ENGLAND.
[House of Representatives, Feb. 13.]
Mr. Pickens, from the committee on foreigu
affairs, made the following report, which was
ordered to be printed:
The committee on foreign affairs, to whom
was referred the message of the President,
transmitting a correspondence with the British
Minister in relation to the burning of the
steamboat Caroline, and the demand made for
the liberation of Mr. Alexander McLeod, res
pectfully report:
It appears that the steamboat “Caroline”
was seized and destroyed in the month of De
cember, 1S37. The committee are induced to
believe that the facts of the case are as follows:
The boat was owned by, and in possession of
a citizen of New York. She was cleared from
the city of Buffalo, and on the 29th December,
1837, left the port of Buffalo, bound for Schlos-
ser, upon the American side of the Niagara
river, and within the territory of the United
States. The original intention seemed to be,
to run the boat between Buffalo and Sclilosscr,
or, perhaps, from Black Rock dam to Schios-
ser, and, should it seem profitable, it was in
tended to run her also to Navy Island, and
touch at Grand Island and Tonawanda. Her
owner was Mr. Wells, said to be a respectable
citizen of Buffalo, and it is obvious, bis inten
tion of putting up the boat, was one of specu
lation and profit entirely. The excitement
upon that portion of the frontier, at this period,
had collected a great many in the neighbor
hood—some from curiosity—some from idle
ness—and others from taking an interest in the
unusual and extraordinary collection of ad
venturous men gathered together at that time
on Navy Island. Navy Island was “nominal
ly” in the British “territory.”
The owner in the Caroline took advantage
of these circumstances to make some money,
with his boat, by running her, as a ferry boat,
over to Navy Island. All these facts appear
from testimony regularly taken, (see H. R.
Doc. No. 302, page 46 and 39, 2nd session,
25tli Congress,) and the committee know of
no legal evidence to contradict them. There
is no proof that any arms or munitions of war
were carried in the boat, except, perhaps, one
small six-pounder field piece belonging to a
passenger. The principal object was to run the
boatas aferry boat from Schlosser, on the Amer
ican side, to Navy Island, on the British side.
It is believed, that even in war, a neutral pow
er has the right to trade in contraband articles,
subject of course, to seizure and confiscation
if taken within the jurisdiction of either of the
contending parties. What is contraband of
war is not always certain. Treaty stipulations
frequently include some articles, and exclude
others recognised in the law of nations. Tra
ding in contraband articles is no excuse for in
vading the territory and soil of a neutral and
may entrro UJ >u.. w■ -mU...«—o citizens
In this instance there were no two foreign
powers engaged in war; but all concerned in
the outbreak or excitement within the British
jurisdiction, claimed to be British subjects, in
resistance of the authorities of Canada, a pro
vince of the British empire. Even admitting,
then, that the Caroline was engaged in contra
band trade, yet it was with citizens who claim
ed to be subjects of the same empire with those
who w ere styled the legitimate officers of the
province. Abstractly speaking, how was a
private citizen to decide who were right and
who wrong in these local disputes ? And
which portion of citizens of the same province
must our citizens refuse to have any commu
nication with? But the boat was merely used
for one day as a ferry boat; and on the night of
the day she commenced running, she was seiz
ed while moored at the wharf in Schlosser,
and burned; several men were assassinated;
certainly one, who fell dead upon the deck.—
Now the insinuation of the British Minister,
that oChlUSSUl %va» UUUJlliallj M nlililu Ilic iv*
ritory of the United States, may well be retort
ed, as we can with equal truth say that Navy
Island was “nominally” within the territory of
the British Government; for at the period to
which we allude, the people collected there
had as effectually defied Canada authorities as
any portion of our people had disregarded
ours. Yet British authority thought proper
to pass by Navy Islaud, then in its ‘nominal’
territory, and in the plentitude of its power, to
cast the aegis of British jurisdiction over Amer
ican soil. This was truly extending over us
that kind guardianship which they had not the
ability at that time to extend to a portion of
their own territory, and which recommends it
self to us, full as much from its assumption as
from its love of right or law.
The British Minister is pleased also to call
the Caroline a “piratical steamboat.” The
loose epithets of any one, no matter how high
in place, cannot make that piracy which the
law of nations docs not recognize. Pirates
are freebooters, enemies of the human race;
and eminent jurists describe them as ravaging
every sea and coast with no flag and no home.
Piracy comes under the concurrent jurisdic
tion of all nations. Even in the worst point of
view that it can be considered, those connect
ed with the steamboat Caroline were but aid
ers and abetters of others engaged in rebellion.
And the committee are totally at a loss to know
upon what authority rebellion is recognized
as piracy. Such confounding of terms is rest
ing the case upon epithets, instead of sound
law or facts. But even supposing it to be a
“piratical boat,” as the Minister asserts it to
be; yet th® moment it touched our soil it fell
under our sovereignty, and no power on earth
could rightfully invade it.
There is no doctrine more consecrated in
English history, than that every human being,
who touches the soil of Great Britain, is imme
diately covered by British law. Suppose one
of her vessels were cut from the banks of the
Thames and burnt by Frenchmen, and British
citizens were assassinated at night, and the
French Minister were to avow that they acted
under the .orders of uis government, and that
the vessel was “piratical,” and the citizens
murdered were outlaws—then there is not an
Englishman whose heart would not beat high
to avenge the wrong, and vindicate the rights
of his country. The law there is the law
here. And there is no international law con
sistent with the separate independence of na
tions, that sanctions the pursuits of even pi
rates to murder and arson over the soil aud ju
risdiction of one of the states of this confede
racy.
No greater wrong can be done to a coun
try than invasion of soil. If it can be done
with impunity at one point, and on one occa
sion, it ean at another, and the nation that sub
mits to it finally sinks down into drivelling im
becility. If a representation of the state of
things at Schlosser, and the conduct of those
who had the control of the Caroline, had first
been made to the proper authorities of New
York, or of the United States, there would
have been some show at least of respect for
our sovereignty and independence, and a dis
position to treat us an equal. But in this case,
as if to treat our authorities with contempt,
there was no preliminary demand or repre
sentation made.
It was hoped that the outrage was perpetra
ted by a party in sudden heat and excitement,
upon their own responsibility. But the Brit
ish Minister now avows that “the act was the
public act of persons obeying the constituted
authorities of her Majesty’s Province,” and
again affirms that “it was a public act of per
sons in her Majesty’s service, obeying the or
ders of their superior authorities.”
If this had been the first and only point of
collusion with Great Britain, it might not have
‘excited such interest, but there is an assump
tion in most of our intercourse with that great
S ower, revolting to the pride and spirit of in-
ependence in a free people. If it be her de
sire to preserve peace, her true policy would
be to do justice, and show courtesy to equals,
which she has always demanded from others.
The committee do not desire to press views
on this part of the subject, particularly as a de
mand has been made by our government upon
the government of Great Britain for explana
tion as to the outrage committed, tlie answer
to which it is hoped will prove satisfactory.
As to the other points presented in the de
mand made by the British Minister for the
“liberation” of Alexander McLeod, the com
mittee believe the facts of the case to be, that
the steamboat was seized and burnt as stated
before, and that a citizen or citizens of New
York were murdered in the affray. And there
were reasons to induce a belief that McLeod
was particeps criminis. He was at first arrest
ed, and upon various testimony being taken,
was then discharged. He was afterwards ar
rested a second time. Upon the evidence then
presented, he was imprisoned to await his tri
al. There was no invasion of British territo-
an ambition that knows no bounds. And
wherever she has a conflict of interest, she
has rarely yielded to any power.
At this moment she presents to the civilized
world the spectacle of the greatest military
and commercial power in combination, ever
known.
From her vast prossessions in every quarter
of the globe, and ber peculiar commercial
system, she has been made the reservoir of
the wealth of nations.
Her internal resources, skill, labor, and
machinery with her capital, are beyond cal
culation. Her natural position, being about
midway the coast, of Europe, gives her great
control over the outlets and currents of com
merce.
Her military occupation of Gibraltar, Malta,
the Ionian islands, and recently St. Jean d’
Acre, give her ascendancy on the Mediterran
ean and the Levant, whiie St. Helena aud the
Cape of Good Hope give her possession over
the currents of trade along those extensive
coasts. Then Bombay, Calcutta, and her im
mense possessions in the East Indies, together
with her recent movements in the China seas
and islands, enable ber to extend her power
ry to seize or take him. But upon his being over those vast regions that have slumbered
voluntarily within our territory, he was arrest
ed as any citizen of the United States, charged
with a similar offence, might have been. We
know of no law of nations that would exempt
a man from arrest and imprisonment for offen
ces charged to be committed against the “peace
and dignity” of a stale, because he is a subject
of Great Britain, or because he committed a
crime at the instigation or under the authority
of British Provincial officers; much less do we
know of any law that would justify the Presi-
for ages in solitary and enervated magnificence.
She possesses Falkland island but to con
trol the commerce that passes around Cape
Horn—while Trinidad gives her all she desir
es in the Caribbean sea. Halifax at one point
and Bermuda at another stand out in great
force over our own coast from one extremity
to the other.
Her positions all over the world are at this
moment in a military point of view, equal to
a million of men under arms. Her continual
dent to deliver him up without trial, at the de- j conflicts in the mighty regions of the East,
mand and upon the assertion as to facts, or any i only enable her officers to become skilful and
agent of the British Government. to improve in the art of war, while her great
If we had been at open war with Great Bri- ! armies and extensive fleets draw their support
tain, and McLeod had committed the offences from the immense countries seized and occu-
cliarged, then he might have fallen under the
rules and regulations of war, and been treated
as a prisoner of the United States Govern
ment, and would have been subject to the laws
of nations in war. But as the alleged criminal
acts, in which McLeod is charged to be implica
ted, were committed in profouud peace, it is a
crime, as far as he may be concerned, solely
against the “peace and dignity” of the State of
New York, and her criminal jurisdiction is
complete and exclusive. If the crimes com
mitted be such as to make a man host is humani
genus—an outlaw—a pirate, in the legal accep
tation of the term, then underthe law of na
tions, the United States couits and tribunals
would have jurisdiction. But the offence charg
ed in this case, committed as it was in time of
peace, so far as this individual was concerned,
pied. In the presents juncture of affairs, no
statesman can overlook these things.—Steam
power has recently brought us so near togeth
er, that in the event of any future conflict, tear
with its effects will be precipitated upon us with
much more rapidity than formerly.
Avarice and ambition are the.ruling pas
sions of modern times, and it is vain to shut
our eyes to the state of things around us. It
remains to be seen what effect steam power is
to have upon changing and modifying the
whole art of defence and war. It may be a
great engine for again levelling mankind, and
reducing every thing to a contest of mere
physical force. In that event it might be dif
ficult to conjecture what system of national de
fence will stand the test of time and experience.
We have a deep stake in peace, and fondly
was one purely against the lex loci, and coming i hope the repose of the world will not be dis
exclusively within the criminal jurisdiction of
the tribunals of New York.
The Minister, in his letter of the 13th De
cember, v 1840, says: “ It is quite notorious that
Mr. M’Leod was not one of the party engaged
and maUitiirptum.pf the Steamboat Caroline ;
has l>eeij imprisoned vests only upon't\Ye''per
jured testimony of certain Canadians, outlaws
aud abettors”, &c. This may perchance all be
so; but it would be asking a great deal to
require an American court to yield jurisdic
tion, and surrender up a prisoner charged with
offences against the Jaw, upon the mere ipse
dixit of any man, no matter how high in au
thority. Whether McLeod he guilty or not
guilty, is the very point upon which an Ameri
can jury alone have a right to decide. Juris
diction in State tribunals over criminal cases,
and trial by a jury of the venue, are essential
points in American jurisprudence. And it is
a total misapprehension as to the nature of our
system, to suppose that there is any right in
the Federal Executive to arrest the verdict of
the one, or to athwart the jurisdiction of the
other.
If such a power existed, and were exercis
ed, it would effectually overthrow, and upon a
vital noint. the senarate sovereiirntv and inde
pendence of these States, rner ecrerai exe
cutive might be clothed with power to deliver
up fugitives from justice for offences commit
ted against a foreign State, but even then it
might not be obligatory to do so, unless it were
made matter of treaty stipulation. This duty
and right in an Executive has generally been
considered as dormant, until made binding by
treaty arrangement. But wlien the matter is
reversed, and demand is made, not of fugitives
from justice for offences committed against a
foreign power, but for the liberation of a man
charged with offences against the peace and
dignity of one of our own States, then it is,
that the demand becomes preposterous in tlic
extreme. The fact that the offences were
committed under the sanction of provincial
authorities does not alter the case, unless it
were in a state of war.
In such cases as the present, the power to
deliver up could not be conferred upon the
Federal Executive by treaty stipulation. It
could only be conferred iu those cases over
which jurisdiction is clearly delegated by the
Federal Constitution. Such, for instance, as
treason, which is an offence against the con
joined sovereignty of the States, as defined in
the Constitution. Over all cases except those
defined in the constitution, and those coming
clearly under the laws of nations, the States
have exclusive jurisdiction, and the trial and
punishment for offences against them, are in
cident to their separate sovereignty. It is not
pretended in this case that there is any treaty
stipulation under which the demand is made ;
and the Federal Executive, under our system,
has no power but what is conferred by the Con
stitution, or by special law of Congress. In
the former it is declared that “the Executive
power is vested in a President of the United
States'” and that power is then to be pointed
out and defined by special laws passed from
time to time, imposing such duties as are
thought proper and expedient by Congress.
Your committee deem it dangerous for the
Executive to exercise any power over a subject
matter not conferred by treaty or by law; and
to exercise it in my case in conflict with state
jurisdiction, would be worse than dangerous;
it would be usurpation.
But your committee forbear to press these
points further at presents, and they would uot
have said as much on such clear questions of
international law, but that in this case, the
demand for liberation lias been made by the
accredited agent of a great power, and under
circumstances of peculiar aggravation and ex
citement.
We have other points of difference with
Great Britain, which add interest to every
question that arises between us at present.—
Neither our northeastern or northwestern
boundaries are yet settled with her, and the
subject is not entirely free from difficulty.—
She has recently seized our vessels and exer
cised a power inrolrtng the right of search
under the pretext of suppressing the foreign
slave trade, which, if persevered in, will
sweep our commerce from the coast of Africa,
and which is incompatible with our rights as
a maritime power. She has recently, in her
intercourse with us. refused indemnity and
denied our rights of property, on a subject
matter vital to near one half the states of this
confederacy, and which, considering her mili
tary position at Bermuda and her growing
power in the West Indies, is of the last im
portance to our national independence.
All these subjects make every question be
tween us, at this peculiar, juncture, of the
deepest interest.
Besides this, we are both permanently des
tined to have, perhaps, the most extensive
commerce of modem nations. Our flags float
side by side, over every sea, and bay, and inlet
of the known globe.
She moves steadily upon her objects with
turbed. We have certainly not the least de
sire for any rupture. Firmness and a wise
preparation, will long preserve us from such
a catastrophe. But while no temptation should
ever prompt us to do injustice on the one
hand, so no consideration, on the other hand,
d ever induce us to submit to permanent
w tong iiom power on earui, bo mou^.
what the consequences may be.
\ our committee would conclude by expres
sing a firm belie! that all our points of dif
ficulty may be honorably and amicably adjust
ed, and that harmony may long be preserved
by both governments pursuing a liberal and
generous policy, congenial to the interests and
feelings of both people, and compatible with
the spirit and genius of an enlightened age.
Remarhs of JIr. COOPER of Georgia, on
tlie motion to strike out the appropriation for
the Branch Mint at DaJdoncga, Lumpkin
county, Ga. the general appropriation bill
being under consideration.
Mr. Cooper of Georg.a, said that he would add a few
remarks to those made by his colleague from Habersham
county.
I find, Mr. Chairman, (said Mr. C.) the establishment
of these branch mints to have been a part of your policy
for several years. The motion to strike out involves a
change. To justify this change, it should be shown or
creating' foienT
have failed to operate. What were those reasons ? The
gentleman from Vermont has intimated to yon, as he did
last session, that one reason was to protect the laboring
classes in the gold region. This I do not agree to ; for,
with equal propriety, the same might be assigned as a
reason for establishing the principal Mint at Philadelphia,
which was established before the discovery of gold in
.North Carolina and Georgia.
Again: foreign gold is not taxed by this law to en
hance the value of our gold, but competes fairly at the
Mint with the domestic. Therefore, the idea ol protec
tion is misapplied here. The presumption is that the ob
jects of tlie law were to diffuse a metallic currency a-
mongst the mass of the people, and to give to those
States which produced the gold the full benefits of that
product, free of the taxation incident to an exportation to
a foreign market. This, sir, is carrying out the princi
ples of free trade on terms of equality.
But establish your Mint exclusively at Philadelphia,
and what is the effect f The entire product of gold ill
Georgia, North Carolina, Alabama, aud Tennessee, wiH
be shipped to Philadelphia, just as cotton, rice, or tobac-
-ftotwithatatiding they daily handled tbs precious metals. I
they were compelled to give itiorp^ter, asif paper was 1
really the thing of value.
Since the operation of the mi— r die fold is need as
com, being convertible without cost And -even last
summer, in the midst of suspension, that part of Georgia
was supplied with specie change.
But tins reform will be from bed to worse in practice,
too—since, to rid yourself of these branch mints and
their officers, all of whom you have presumed would be
corrupted, you will throw your funds on deposite in
some vast reservoir—a bank vault for instance, (1 be
lieve the mover of this is for repealing the Sub-Treasu
ry, for creating a United States Bank, and for restoring
the deposites,) where, by the facility of expansions, one
million may become three, for the benefit of our great
city and its favorite bank—which, with its officers and
dependants, yon nerer suspect of corruption.
This, sir, will be the practical reformation. I would
have Georgians and Georgia Rencqsentatives to look to
it. This product of Georgia will be one item in the bas
is of issue, and the cotton, rice, and tobacco, another.—
In deficiency of these, the State stocks will be invoked
to aid them.
If, sir, tliis argument of “ economy” is to prevail, let
it be examined, and it proves too much or too little. It
proves too much, because you can coin all your gold and
silver cheaper far at Charlotte and Dahlonega, or either,
than at Philadelphia. Therefore, tlie principal Mint
should be abolished. Sell your property at Philadel
phia, give iis the use of the proceeds, and we will do all
-your coinage free of expense.
Again : Coitiage is a dead expense any way yon may
manage, aud does not pay for itself. By the same argu
ment, vou would coin nowhere; since, on a score of dol
lars and cents, von would find it cheaper to let other na
tions or individuals coin.
Again: If you abolish these offices because they are
an rrpcr.se, what will become of the thousand and one
offices, judicial, civil, financial, and military, which bring
you in no money annually 1
Sir, this argumeut will not do. I now proceed to
show that, so far as the policy you set out with is just and
true, instead of being disappointed, you may expect all
vour reasonable hopes to lie realized.
First, then, my colleague who sits on my right [Mr.
Holt] now suggests to me that, by intelligence received
last night, it appears “ that by very recent discoveries
there are developments making iu the gold region of
Georgia never before anticipated.” This, in part, I wit
nessed last summer. And here I read from the docu
ment of the House, giving a report of the operations of
the mint, to show this committee what it seems nnap-
prized of, to wit: For the three years during which the
branch mints have been operating, the two at Dahlonega
and Charlotte have coined nearly two-thirds of all the
United States gold coined in the Union during that time—
the entire amount of American gold coined being from
$430,000 to $450,000, of which those two branches have
coined about $330,000. And of the $170,000 American
gold coined at Philadelphia last year, ninety odd thousand
was the product of Georgia.
Now, sir, but for the high exchanges produced by
hank suspensions, and the operation of an order at the
Mint forbidding less sums than $100 to he coined at the
branches, $80,000 of that $90,000 would have been
coined at Dahlonega. Add this to what it did coin, say
$126,000, and you would have had over $200,000 coin
ed at that branch.
As to tlie product of gold and its prospects. In 1837,
the year before these branches were iu operation, the
total of United States gold was $283,000. Since that
time the animal average has been near half a million.—
And at Dalilouega in particular, it is decidedly increas-
ing.
Now, sir, I beg to estimate an increase for the next
year, fonnded on the presumption that the banks will not
again suspend, for if they do, bullion will be shipped as
exchanges rise, instead of being coined at home. Here
is the estimate: $135,000 present product. This will
be increased 35 per cent by increase of labor, new deve
lopments, and increased fiiciliies. In round sum,
$31,000. One half of what welt to Philadelphia to be
coined will he eoiued at home, say $45,000, making the
total coinage at Dahlonega $\a)l,OUO in the year next en
suing.
This is liable to he diminishel by the general order
from tlie principal Mint, and the limitation of the current
deposite at Dahlonega to he used to forward the opera
tions there.
A’ow, str, tu itic f.tilure of any of the reasons of your
policy, or with no disappointed hopes, it remains to see
who will abrogate tlie measure. The party which adopt
ed it caunot; and those who have declined to support it
heretofore, I presume, will not now do it.
11 it should be done, I for one will look after the gold
produced in Georgia, till it finds its stopping place in the
vaults of a United States Bank ; and I will then reckon
up the cost of putting and keeping it there, and call on
souie one to tell me who pays the cost and who divides the
profit'.
About the same time too, if in life, I will watch the
course our cotton will take, and inquire into the results
which thereby will fall ou the planters as well as tlie rea
sons that will have governed its course in trade.
[After a few remarks from two orthree other gentlemen
the House agreed to the appropriation, for continuing
the Branch Mint at Dahlonega]
UNION OF BANK AND STATE, ASA MATTER
.OF ECONOMY.
The Evening Post condenses, from a lute report of
the Secretary of tlie Treasury, the results of his calcula
tions in regard to the losses by banks, which ought to set
the people to thinking. VVe see individuals by the thou
sand used up by the facilities of Bank financiering.—
That the Government lias lost more by these facilities
tary’s report. 'Neither tlie uata 'iirfffnf'afififtahoift'Tjr
this report can, we believe, be successfully' controvert
ed.—Globe. v\
Mr. Woodbury's Report—Cost of Banking.—That
bank notes are a grcaFconvenience, is an argument urg
ed by the friends of the banks; that a paper currency
costs more than it is worth, is an argument urged by
their adversaries. It is worth while to reduce this argu
ment to something like clearness and certainty, to ascer
tain how much our banks cost us, what we lose by em
ploying them, and what we pay them for the accommo
dations they render.
We have before us a report from the Secretary of the
Treasury, sent to the Senate of the United States on the
J2th of February, in answer to some enquiries of that
body. It aims to ascertaiu, as far as can he done, how
much the people have lost, and what the people and go
vernment together have paid to tlie banks for the use of
their agency and their notes annually for the last ten
yearn. Mr. Woodbury justly remarks that these enqui
ries involve considerations which cannot be presented iu
the tabular form required by the Senate, auckwliich re-
Ou> Tip’s Nominee.—We begin to think
that the King of the Coons would have done
mope to seenre the succession to his nominee,
had he taken Mr. Clay into the cabinet, and
left Mr. Webster to lead in the Senate. Mr.
Clay, with all his talent and eloquence and
cunning, is not a wise man. His skill in get
ting out of scrapes, a much duller fellow could
not fail to have acquired, who should be so
incessantly getting into them; and amused, as
people often are, at the adroitness, of his es
capades, they are apt to fancy that a man so
good at apology and excuses is good for little
else. In the Cabinet he would have been
less in the way of temptation to exhibit his
unrestrained bitterness under discomfiture, his
coarse and vulgar arrogance and ungenerous
exultation in success, and his bullying swagger
at all times.
His language in the Senate on appointments
to office, and against all naturalized citizens,
will contribute little to strengthen Harrison, or
exalt with intelligent freemen the estimation
of his own head and heart. On the first sub
ject he has betrayed very broadly the spoils
principle on which he and his clique have
faught for Harrison ; and his denunciations
and his threatenings remind one of a terma
gant upstart housekeeper, getting into a new
house and brandishing the broomstick at all
the old servants, to prove her authority.
Charleston Mercury.
TOO GOOD TO BE LOST.
We last week noticed the presentation of a
petition by Mr. Worthington, a Federal mem
ber of the House, signed by 70 colored per
sons of Chillicothe, praying the repeal of all
laws making distinction on account or color,
which was received and referred to the Judi
ciary committee. A few days subsequent, Mr.
Jenkins presented a petition from sundry citi
zens of Chillicothe, (mostly Whigs, we under
stand,) “asking that the House of Represen
tatives grant leave of absence to Gen. James
T. Worthington, to attend the funeral of a
NIGGER who was recently shot in Chillico
the, and whose funeral would take place on
Wednesday, the 20th inst.” On motion of
Elutheros Cook, (who voted for the reeption
of the negro petitions above alluded to,) the
petition was rejected, although signed by
some of the most, respectable citizens of Cliil-
icothe. No petitioners but negroes can here
after expect to receive favor at the hands of
our Federal-Whig-Abolition-coon-skin Legis
lature. The end of the petitioners, however,
was fully gained, and we doubt not the Aboli
tionist Wortliington felt keenly the rebuke.
Norwalk (Ohio) Experiment.
co is to New York or Europe, before it will become a- i" quire long and careful research. The present report
vuilable as money. This involves tlie cost of discounts, > however, gives such information as is at present in the
commissions, insurance, and freight; so that a man in- ;i " ' '
Georgia, after possessing himself of the specific metnV I
will not be permitted to count it out as monr*. until he
shall submit to all these items of cost. This, too, will be-
by the operation of your laws And to what end ?—
Why, sir, that your Government agents at Philadelphia
may tiave the benefit of the deposite and coinage of his J
money—a benefit which heretofore has been worth to y
hank agencies hundreds of thousands.
your 1
possession of the Secretary, and such as is capable of
being digested in the form of tables.
The loss sustained by the Federal Government by the
depreciation nfbwk „«»«. the year 1837, was five
millions and a half; the loss by employing banks u de
positories, was nine hundred thousand dollars ; tlie loss
m the same period on hank notes taken and not redeem
ed, was eighty thousand. Since 1837, tlie Government
has lost one hundred thousand dollars by using the hanks
stowed.
Y r ou will prreieve, therefore, that the reference of tffis
motiou to a United States Bonk policy, by the gentleman;
from North Carolina, [Mr. Bynum,] is exceedingly ap
propriate. Ail the active operations of that institution
were, and will he, ou Government funds aud private 4k-
posites. The former are of specie, (Georgia and North:
Carolina gold, for instance,) or hank notes cnmmandiug:
specie. The amount involved in tlie operations of the:
branch mints is worth contending for, being from half to
a million of dollars annually in United States gold, be
sides foreign coin. This will form an important item in
the specie exhibit of your Bank.
Another basis of the active operations of such a Bank
has been, and will he, cotton, rice, and tobacco. By
these it lias controlled, and will control, the foreign ex
changes. By the gold products and other deposites of
yonr Government, it will control yoHr domestic exchan
ges, and realize thereon wiuit profits it may deem pru
dent.
So far, then, as profits arc to he derived from the na
tural products, whether of cotton, rice, tobacco or gold,
as a medium of exchanges, foreign or domestic, it is, by
tlie policy of this law, held lo he just and fair that those
prohts should fall into the hands of the laborers, mer
chants, or monicalinstitiitions of that people whose soil
and climate, work and labor, care and diligence, produce
those commodities. This is the principle of tlie existing
law, and yet gentlemen say this is protection. Yes, sir,
it is protection—protection to free trade and equal rights ;
that is all; aud for that only your Government was form
ed.
Another item of expense, sir, I would here mention,
by no means tlie least, which would be visited on those
hardy yeomanry who dig gold, if you dispense with yonr
branch mints. It is the exchange of pure gold for hank
bills which wear out, or hum up, or prove worthless by
bank suspensions or hunk breakages. A great safeguard
and facility to the inhabitants where gold is produced, a-
ri.-iug from its coinage in their vicinity, is an easy, cheap,
and certain and soft currency for domestic use.
And now, as the location of your coinage brings ad
vantages and facilities to those amongst whom it takes
place, in realising it in money free of cost, in the facilities
of currency, &c. it becomes a question not of protection
but of altcrnalire right and choice, in whose fiivor you
will decide—the people who dig the "old, or the bankers,
brokers, and merchants of Philadelphia. By establish
ing your branch mints, yon have determined, according
to equity and justice, to distribute a portion of these ben
efits to the gold diggers ; and now the proposition is to
reastime the little you have yielded, and that before you
have fairly tested yonr policy of giving up. And why?
It is answered : 1st For economy. 3d. For reform in
Executive patronage, to diminish the chances of corrup
tion. I, sir, am for reform, whenever it can be effected.
But what will be the nature of the reform in this case T
As I have shown, it will be from had to worse, both in
principle and in practice. In principle, because it will
require the producer of gold, at the price of taxation, to
convert it into paper money which will be less sound and
safe because of this very act of taking his gold to depos
ite in a bank in Philadelphia, instead of permiting it to
circulate in his own neighborhood.
Experience proves this, sir ; for, prior to establishing
your branch mints, the people in that part of my State
were confined to paper currency almost entirely ; and,
The cost of a branch mint, therefore, of $6,000 a year, : j as depositories, and forty thousand by bank notes taken
is a tax for protection, (you say,) though the man whrn'{ and not redeemed—making in all an amount of six mil-
buys pays no more for the coin; and yet the tax whiclt.r lions two hundred and twenty thousand, which, with in-
would be paid by the producer of the gold, for the Item.- terest, computed at $8,882,000, makes an aggregate of
fit of your Philadelphia agencies, by which he rcceir m :i $15,492,000. To these losses might be added those sus-
less, is no protection to your great city and its United!: tallied by the Government from loans made to tlie Gov-
States Bank. This, sir, is a fair specimen of Bank log*, . i : emment in depreciated paper and redeemed by funds
aud is based on tlie universal assumption that whatever j; equivalent to specie. The committee of Ways and
is given, or loaned, or paid to the Bauk, is rightfully 8b-!. Means of the House of Representatives made a report
in 1830, in which they estimated tlie loss which the Gov
ernment had sustained by depreciated bank notes previ
ous to 1817, at $311,000,000. They probably included
the losses incurred by these loans which Mr. Woodbury
merely alludes to in a note.
The losses sustained by the people are made the sub
ject of tables and statements, of which the following is
a summary :
]. Losses by Bank failures $108,885,721
2. Losses by suspension of specie pay
ments by Banks, and consequent depre
ciation on their notes 95,000,000
3. Losses by destruction of Bonk notes by
accidents 7,121,332
4. Losses by counterfeit bank notes, be
yond losses by coin 4,444,444
5. Losses by fluctuations in Bank currency
affecting prices, extravagance in living,
sacrifices of property, and by only a part
of the other incidents to the banking sys
tem, not computed above, at least 150,000,000
Aggregate, computed $365,451,497
This is an enormous aggregate, bnt this, us the report
observes, is not all. The losses by fictitious banks and
their notes—operations of mere swindling, are very con
siderable, and they are justly chargeable to our system
of paper currency. Besides, there are frauds, robberies,
aud defalcations connected with the banks, which might
be properly set down under this head—but these are not
easy to compute.
The amount paid by the conntry to the banks during
tlie last ten years, for the use of their agency', and their
notes, after deducting six per cent, interest for the use of
bank capital and the reasonable expenses of managing
the banks, is computed at $94,000,1100
Being auntial sum of. 9.400,000
Of tlie aggregate losses sustained by the community
since 1789, Mr. Woodbury computes that there must
have happened within the last ten years, an amount
of $200,000,000
Which is at the annua] rate of 20,000,000
This report deserves to take a high rank among the
very useful statistical papers which have been prepared
by the Treasury Department since Mr. Woodbury was
at its head, and is worthy to be studied by aH who would
understand the currency question.—N. Y. Ev. Post.
wTfo governs ?
On the 22<! instill when General Harrison was run
ning about in Virginia, and, according to the Richmond
YVhig, making no secret of his determination to call an
extra session as early as May, Bennet writes from Wash
ington, what we understand is really determined on by
those who are the actual managers of affairs:—“ TAe ex
tra session has been postponed till October, so that the extra
and the regular session will run into one."
The first caucus had determined that the extra should
begin in May, and General Harrison was sent off under
that impression. In his absence, it is determined other
wise ; and he is left to gabble on about doing, wbat it is
determined he shall not do.—Globe.
The Lard Lamp.—The secret of the Lamp recently
invented in Michigan to bum lard, consists, it is said, in
using a copper tube to conduct the wick. The copper
conducts heat enough to keep tire lard always in a liquid
Elate.
CORRECTLY ANSWERED.
A sound democratic paper published at
Concord, N.H., asks a very important question,
and gives the true answers, as follows:
HOW HAVE THEY DONE IT?
We copy the following from Hill’s New
Hampshire Patriot:
The wliigs have met the democracy of the
country; and for the first time for many years,
they have conquered. But how have they
done it? Has it been by fair discussion? Has
it been by a candid exposition of their princi
ples? Or have they labored through the whole
to keep their real designs out of sight, to
drown out every attempt at rational inquiry by
noise and and excitement, and every where to
mislead and corrupt the people?
To the hanker they have promised greater
profits and more perfect impunity, in flooding
the country with paper promises, to he paid
only when he finds it convenient to pay them.
To the poor man they have promised higher
prices for labor, and a sounder currency.
To the South they have promised the “pro
tection of Southern rights,” including the
right of holding slaves at its own sovereign
pleasure.
To the North they have held out the hypo
critical idea, that the election of Gen. Harri
son would result in the abolition of slavery.
to be op -
To the North, on the other hand, they have
pretended to be in favor of a bight tariff, like
that of 1828.
In all quarters they stand pledged to a vast
reduction of the expenditures. Many of their
leading men have expressed the opinion, that,
in the event of Harrison’s election, the whole
expenses of the Government would not ex
ceed $10,000,000 per annum.
On tlie other hand, they have lavished their
promises of improvement in harbofs, of canals
and rail roads, and national roads to every sec
tion of the country. If they keep their pro
mises, every river must he intersected with
national thoroughfares, and rail road cars will
clatter at a thousand points at once, at the ex
pense of the General Government.
It is by such insane and confflciting preten
sions as these that the wliigs have won thou
sands of these unreflecting but honest men to
support their cause. We may pass over the
false charges—tlie “standing army,” “gold
spoons,” “British coach,” and “Cuba blood
hound” humbugs, which they have used
against the present administration. We may
forget the infamous fraud proven upon them,
by which they have added thousands to their
nominal popular vote. In this one fact alone,
that the whigs have made hundreds of promis
es to the people which they cannot fulfil, and
did not expect to fulfil when they made them,
reposes their certain ruin. Move which way
they will, they must tread on their own bro
ken promises, and convert into decided ene
mies thousands of those who have been their
most active friends. Wc regret, deeply re
gret, the result of the late election; and yet
we fear not the ultimate result. Federalism
ha3 gathered around it, in a moment of ex
citement, thousands of pure hearted men,
who have no attachment for its real principles,
no friendship for its real leaders. Federalism
has started like a frozen mass of ice and
snow, from the hills of Massachusetts and
Connecticut, and whirled along from State to
State, every where gaining strength from the
storm which set it in motion, till the avalanche
has at lenth covered the valley of the Missis
sippi, and scattered itself over the sunny plains
of the South. The suns of two summers will
dissolve it into the original nothingness whence
it sprung.
Q^*The following excellent hit at the
magniticent promises of Tip and Ty, is from
the Poughkeepsie Telegraph:
“A PLEDGE OF BETTER TIMES. This is a
part of the swaggering announcement in the
Evening Journal, that the federalists had car
ried the State. We take them at their word
—and, democratic reader, although they have
beaten us, we will come in for a full share of
their “better times.” We will all go along
lovingly together enjoying them. The old
cominou fashion of getting through the world
by persevering industry and commendable
economy, will be out of date. We begin on
a new era with the election of Tip and Ty.
Now the mau who sets down at home and
smokes his cigar for the whole day, will make
ten dollars by the operation. The farmer
who has wheat to sell will get two dollars a
bushel for it, while to the consumer, flour will
be a drug at four dollars a barrel. The em
ployer can hire his mfen at 50 cents a day,
while they will get two dollars for every ten
hours. We expect to have 50,000 subscrib
ers, to every one of whom the Telegraph will
come gratis, and who will be happy for a week
in enjoying its contents, while we shall get
five dollars per annum for every one of them
cash in advance!
The ladies too—kind, dear souls—especial
ly those who have been foremost in getting up
Tippecanoe pic nics, and working Harrison
banners—to them, washing day will come but
once a year, and then all wreathed in smiles:
if they cast their eyes upon labor saving soap,
their clothes will be clean and their ironing
d one for a twelvemonth to come! Their cbil-
dren which have squalled and cried for the
pa st, will do so no more, but will now—follow
ing the example of the grown up children for
some months past—they will make Tippecanoe
melody from morn till night!
That young man with his silk dress, his
satin beaver hat, his gold safety chain, his ci
gar in his hand—that young roan is a most
useful citizen, and will make a thousand dol
lars a day, providing he can speculate right in
village lots!
That young lady too, at the piano, who has
been brought up in happy ignorance of the
duties of domestic life—who cannot boil a
pudding, darn a stocking, or sweep out a room,
will make a valuable wife for an industrious,
prudent young man!
These he some of the fruits of Harrison
and ‘better times?’ There are many others,
‘too numerous to mention,’ which must follow
the late extraordinary contest! You and 1
good reader, must come in for a share of them,
and he number one!”
THE FREE BANKING LAW.
It would seem by the following article from
the Georgia Jeffersonian, that we are to have
another Bank under the Free Banking Law,
and perhaps two.
We publish on the first page of to-day’s pa
per, the act establishing the Free Banking sys
tem in this State. The interest which the
people begin to feel in this system of hanking,
and the much greater security it holds out to
the hill-holder over the old one, induces us to
furnish them with whatever information we
possess on the subject.
We observe that two new hanks upon this
system are projected, and may he expected
shortly to go into operation ; one at Greenville,
in Meriwether county, and the other at Cuth-
bert, in Randolph county.
Of the latter we can only say, that the pre
liminary measures for calling a meeting have
just been taken, and the institution is yet in its
incipient state.
That at Greenville is further advanced.—
Tlie Bank has been fully determined upon,
and fifteen hundred shares of the Stock taken.
It will go into operation about the first of May.
OFFICERS.
Henry Harris, President.
Wiley P. Burke, Cashier.
Thomas Leslie, Book-Keeper.
DIRECTORS.
Henry Hams, James A. Perdue,
Thos. E. Hardway, Francis Jeter,
Robert Hamilton, B. H. Gates,
Wiley P. Burks, Thomas Leslie,
. Nathan Truit.
We know not where we could point to a
better investment of unincumbered property,
at this time, than to those institutions. In fact,
it is a mere pledge of property, (of which yoil
still continue in possession, and have the en
tire use,) for the faithful administration ol the
affairs of the hank, and the ultimate redem
ption of its bills. For this pledge you are en
titled to rateable dividends of the profits of
the hank, at the same time that you are in
full possession of your property, to make what
ever you can out of it in any other way.
We understand that the books at Greenville
are still open, and we have no hesitancy in
recommending to our friends an investment of
their property in this way.
DEATH OF JUDGE BARBOUR.
[From the National Intel!igcticcr of Feb. 26.]
The whole city was shocked yesterday morn
ing, by the information of the sudden demise
of the Hon. Philip P. Barbour. of Virginia,
one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme
Court. He was in usual health, and even
more than usually cheerful at the time of re-
tireing to bed at 10 o’clock on Wednesday
night, and the next morning was found in his
V»0<1 Q liToloon nAr»wo I
Judge Barbour entered Congress, in the
House of Representatives, in the year 1S14,
and soon signalized hiinself by considerable
ability in debate. He remained in Congress
for a number of years, during a part of which
time he filled the honorable office of Speaker
of the House. Since retiring from Congress,
his life has been devoted, with assiduity, to the
judicial duties which he had been called to
perform.
Common Curriers.—The Louisville (Ky.)
Adveriiser says: The Court in Bank, (the
Court of last resort in Ohio,) have decided
that proprietors of stage coaches are common
carriers—that, as such, they are responsible
for the safe conveyance of passengers and bag
gage—that their giving notice to the contrary
cannot release them from liability—that a
watch is a customary article of baggage, and
the trunk of a traveller the proper place for
its deposite—that the stage proprietor will
be charged if it be lost. We very often obser
ve in the advertisement of stage proprietors,
“a/l baggage at the risk of the owner!" There
have been numerous decisions of late upon
this point, in different States of the Union, all
of which coincide that such notice avails noth
ing. Stage proprietors (steamboasts, &c., the
same) are common carriers in fact and in con
templation of law, and cannot avail them
selves of the advantages of that character
without incurring the responsibilities which
attach to it. This has become a settled prin
ciple of law. There have been adopted many
ingenious modes of evading it, but they have
met with little favor from the courts. Strong
safeguards are deemed necessary to protect
the millions of lives and property which are
dependant constantly upon the vigilance and
honesty of common carriers.
quantity; and if I had what is a little plateful!
I should never think of keeping an account of
such a trifling affair; I declare, I have a great
mind never to borrow any thing of that mean
creature again as long as I live.”
“ WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR."
The opinion seems to be prevalent in gome nans nf
our country, that a war with England ia not imprSbab ”
For ourself, we have had no Mich fear. Wesay fear
but we’do nag wish it to be understood that we hate an v
fear of a just war-e war which the United States miaht
be forced to enter into to sustain her national honor or
to defend her soil against foreign aggression. Some of
the effects of war are horrible, indeed, to contemplate:
but national honor, and freedom and independence, some-
times make it necessary, nay, indispensable, that the
plough should be turned into the sword—the pruning
lioOri into the spear—and the roar of the cannon and the
groans of the dying be heard in the land. We preferan
honorable war to a dishonorable peace. War with Eng
land ! It would be as destructive to ber interests as ours.
And for what shall we fight I
There is a dispute about the Maine boundary ; onr
government aud Maine are unquestionably in the right,
yet the British have taken possession of onr territory.
There is trouble on the Northern frontier; the burning
of the steamboat Carolina is admitted to have been done
by the order of tlie British authorities—and great excite
ment prevails at the present time, in the Northern part
of the State of Ncw-Vork, on the subject of McLeod’s
confinement, or rather release. He is, however, still
confined in prison on the charge of being engaged in
that affair, and on an indictment, recently found, it is
said, for the ninrcer of an American citizen. The tone
of the Canadiau papers is war-like, and tlie conduct of
the British Minister at Washington is said to be scarcely
less than insulting to the American people.
These are some of the exciting causes that may lead
to, orseern to indicate that this country may be involved
in a war with Great Britain. To those should be added,
the tone of the British papers in relation to the State
Stocks that are held in tngland. By some of them it is
boldly asserted that the federal government should be
forced to pay the British holders of these securities.—
The threats which have been thrown out from that quar
ter, have not been few nor small. The British govern
ment at home have adopted the most active and energet
ic defensive aud offensive measures; the establishment of
steam navigation betw een this country and England, is
among tlie most suspicious ; and although now pacific,
may be made an important engine of destruction in case
of war. The Canadas are being put in a state of de
fence ; troops to a large number have been or are living
raised, and preparations for war seem to be going ou,
not only in the neighborhood of our frontier, but even
on American ground.
The question, then, very naturally arises : Shall we
have war? We do not believe iL And yet it cannot,
onght not be disguised, that war may come. Are we
prepared ? Is onr coast and onr frontier in a proper
state of defence ? Would it not have been better for the
country to have expended the millions, which were di
vided among the States, in increasing our navv, and in
fortifying our seaboard and frontier ? But it is too late
for this. Shall nothing, then, be done ? Far be it from
the heart of any American, to harbor such an opinion.
We do not seek war ; but let us be prepared for the
worst. Thrice is he armed, who hath his quarrel just.—
But a just war cannot be prosecuted without means—
cannot be made successful without proper precaution,
aud careful and adequate preparation.
That England is desirons of a war with the United
States, wc cannot believe. She has something to lose,
n9 well as we. Aud onr government thus far is decided
ly right in relation to the Maine Boundary and the Caro
line affair. We, therefore, ought not to yield one jot of
onr territory, or compromise one tittle of our rights,
come what may. This, we believe, is the general feeling
which prevails among the great majority of tlie people
of the United States, of both parties. Yvith this feeling,
then, and the speedy adoption of vigorous measures of
defence, all will be well—well iu peace, well in war.—
The British Lion may pounce upon the American Eagle,
but he will soar aloft, defying its attacks, and not only
sustaining the freedom and independence of the States,
but carrying the spirit of liberty into the Canadas, and
even into the heart of the British empire.
May that day never again come, when tlie Lion and
the Eagle shall be arrayed in bitter hostility, and the thun
ders of war be heard in our peaceful laud. Let no Amer
ican instigate or enter into it, but for the support of our
national honor and the defence of the rights nf the peo
ple. But we repeat—LET US BE PREPARED FOR
THE WORST.—Bay State Democrat.
The Natioual Intelligencer’s New York Correspon
dent says:
“ Stocks still go down, down. United States Bank
IS]. Every other stock fell too.”
Now this wns the fellow who prognosticated that eve -
ry thing would go up. up, up, as Harrison went up.—
We have here “the beginning af the end.”
The Baltimore Patriot boasts that Connecticut has
done a great deal for the new Cabinet. It quotes this as
showing how much Connecticut has “ done for the hon
or and prosperity if the country.”—Globe.
“Francis Granger, who is to be Post Master General,
is the son of Gideon Granger, a native of Sheffield, in
this State. Mr. Badger who is to be Secretary of the
Navv, is a son of a native of Windbam, in this State.
Elislia Whittlesey is said to have been born in Washing
ton, (or New Milford,) in this Stale. Not a bad repre
sentation of the land of good habits.’’’
These worthies are all of the Hartford Convention
rwaiirp. Wv wax: uuq iticicA/i L, . J tliutous.il pall I-
ots as the ultra British Whig of Baltimore should rejoice
to see them at the head of public affairs.—lb.
BORROWING.
“My dear,” said Mrs. Green to her husband
one morning, “the meal which we borrowed
from Mr. Black a few day ago is almost out,
and we must bake to-morrow.”
“Well,” said her husband, “send and bor
row a half a bushel at Mr. White’s lie sent to
tlie mill yesterday.”
“And when it comes shall we return the
peck, we borrowed more than a month ago,
from the widow Grey?”
“No,” said the husband gruffly, she can
send for it when she wants it. John, do you
tro down to Mr. Browns’s and ask him to lend
me his axe, to chop some wood this forenoon;
our’s is dull, and I saw him grind his last
night. And James do go to Mr. Clark, and
ask him to lend me a hammer; and do you
hear? you may as well borrow a few nails,
while you are about it.”
A little boy enters and says, “father sent
me to ask if you had done with his hoe, which
you borrowed a week ago last Wednesday;
he wants to use it.”
“Wants his hoe child? What can he want
with it! I have not done with it yet—but if he
wants it I suppose he must have it. Tell him
to send it back though, as soon as he can spare
it.”
They sat down to breakfast, “Oh mercy!”
exclaims Mrs. Green, “there is not a particle
of butter in the house. James, run over to
Mrs. Notable’s; she always has excellent but
ter in her dairy, aud ask her to lend me a
plateful.”
After a few minutes James returns; “Mrs.
Notable says she has sent you the butter, but
begs you to remember tbat she has already
lent you nine-teen platefuls, which are scored
on the dairy door.”
“Nineteen platefuls” exclaimed the aston
ished Mrs. Green, holding op both hands,
“it is no such thing—I never had half the
FEDERAI. enactment.—The Legislature of Delawrre.
all the members of which are of the Federal party, have
voluntarily suspended that provision of the bank char
ters of that State which made them liable to twelve per
cent, interest on refusal to pay their notes in specie.—
This is one of the fruits of Federalism, and a forerun
ner of “ Harrison better times.”
Harrison Currency.—The hanks of Philadelphia
are about issuing certificates of $5, $10, and $20, as a
temporary substitute for bank notes. Why not manu
facture some millions of adulterated gold and silver coin,
and resume at once? Is it any more illegal to make
worthless specie than worthless notes, net payable on
demand!
Harrison leaves.—The Baltimore and Ohio Rail
Road Company have commenced issuing small notes
under the denomination of one dollar.
A Natio.vel Bank.—The National Intelligencer pub
lishes a communication recommending that a National
Bank be established, with the power ef legally suspending
specie payments, incorporated in its charter !
Extensive swism.iNC business.—Sylvester’s Report
er publishes a list of 152 banks which have failed, and
swindled the cotnmnuity out of at least $38,000,000.
And still another.—A. M Carter, discount clerk
of tlie Farmers and Mechanics’ Bank at Baltimore, is re
ported to have fraudulently walked into the cash of tlie
bank to the tune of seven thousand dollars.
Murder—John W. Gailhouse, of Doyles-
town, Wooster county, Ohio, while attempt
ing to eject his tenant, Clark, by force,
received a blow across the temple from an
iron poker, which rendered him speechless
and caused his death the next morning.
The law of Netcspapers.—We learn from
the Boston Courier that Judge Williams, in
a late case before the Common Pleas, laid
down the law in relation to a question interes
ting to Editors of newspapers, as follows:
1. Where a subscriber to a newspaper or
ders it to he discontinued, and it continues to
be left at his residence, the presumption is, in
the absense of any evidence to the contrary,
that it is left by the subscriber’s orders and
upon a promise to pay for it.
2. If a newspaper is left from day to day for
a person at bis place of business with his
expressed consent: and if he has reason to
believe that it is so left under the expectation
that be is to pay for it; in that case he will be
bound to pay for it unless he gives notice to
discontinue it.
An important Invention.—The London pa
pers have frequent allusions to an extraordi
nary projectile which has been recently inven
ted, and whose explosion is followed by a most
disastrous effects. It is said to be a ball in
the shape of an egg which explodes twice; the
second explosion being more distinctive than
the first. The inventor, who oflered it to the
English Government for <£100,0(10, has since
been oflered <£400,000 by a foreign power.
Tlie tickets for the inauguration Ball of
Gen. Harrison, are said to ho ten dollars each.
This is to ensure the attendance of “whig
log-cabin folks only.
Qualified abuse..—‘I wish to know, sir, if
you called me an ass?’
‘Yes, sir, but I qualified it.’
‘Aha, sir, you qualified it, did you?—The
better for you, sir. And pray how did you
qualify it?’
‘I said you were an ass, sir—ail but the
ears!’
A gentleman the other evening, ended an
oration in favor of the fair sex with these
words: ‘Ah, sir, nothing beats a good wife!’ ‘I
beg your pardon,’ rejoined one of the com
pany, ‘a bad husband does.’
