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VOLUME XXVI!.]
GEORGIA LOTTERY!
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JULY 22, 1856.
(.NUMBER «.
LOTTERY 4EMUK~'
CBy Authority of the State of Georgia.)
CLASS 17, To be drawn in the City of
Atlanta, in public, on Monday, July
28th 1856, on the HAVANA PLAN!
SAM'L. SWAN & CO., Managers.
PRIZES AMOUNTING TO
$102,000!!:
Will be distributed according to the following
MAGNIFICENT SCHEME!!
Erery other 7 ifket s-ur-e to draw a prize.
political.
til,non
NUMBER
8— 15,l9u
PRIZES.
1
Prize
of..
$20,0110 is.
‘.0C0
I
Pi ize
of..
JO,(Kid is.
0,000
]
i'rize
of..
J.000 is.
1,001.
1
Prize
of..
1,000 is.
1,000
a
Prizes
of..
400 art
e«.<:
2
Prizes
of..
220 are
■I).
10
Prizes
of...
80 are
8J0
1 (HI
Prizes
of...
50 art
5,000
4 Pr
ize* of
8200
Apr’x
to $20,000
Prize are
$800
4
<3o
1(1(1
do
10,000
do
40o
8
do
5!)
do
1,000
do
4 Cm.
6
do
40
do
4'10
do
321 * j
8
do
3.)
do
220
do
24" j
40
do
540
do
80
do
801-
15,000 do
4 amounting to
60,001 1
REASON TOGEiliER.
HOLLOWAY’S PILLS!
WHY ARE AYE SICK!
t has been ihe lol ot the hmuau race ,o be weighed
down by disease and sutTefing Hoi.i.ow av's Fills
ora s,in ,ally auspint to the r lief of ihe Weak, the
Nekvocs tin- Delicate.end ihe Infirm.ofall dimes,
ag-fi k is, nnd eoiiMiuilinRS. PmlesMir Holloway |>er-
*o ally aiLi-rinienUa ihe nr.niilarture of In. medicines I
in tl:e I mlisj 8in.e>, and offers them iu a fr, e and en- |
iigliteiicl |as,pie, asihr- ihe best remedy ihe world ever j
saw lor the i, iiiovni ot disease.
THESE PILLS PURIFY THE. BLOOD.
1 heee famous Pills are expressly combined to oper-
ste on ihe Momaeti, the liver, th" kidney-, the lungs the
sk.fi. sr-d the bowels, correcting any derai-gemeni in
tli ir loneiioiia, purifying iIipUIismI ihe veiy fountain ot
1 fb, anil thus < nriiig disease in all its forms.
15,190 Prizes, amounting to $li 2,ode
The 15‘000 Prizes of $4 are determined by the
number which draws the $20,000 Prize—if that
number should ho an odd number, then every odd
number ticket in the Scheme will be entitled to
$4 : if an even number, then every even number
ticket in the Scheme will be entitled to $4, in ad
dition to any other Prize which the ticket may
dra-.v.
Purchasers in buying an equal quantify of odd
and even number tickets w ill he certain of draw
ing nearly half the cost of the same, with chances 1
of obtaining other Prizes.
{*f And remember every Prize is draw n at each
Drawing, and paid when due without deduction!
UV' All Prizes of 5*1,000 and tinder, paid inime- !
diab'ty af'*-r ihe drawing—other prizes at the usual j
lime of thirty days.
Bills on all solvent Banks at par. All conunu j
ideations strictly confidential. The draw n num- j
bars will be forwarded to purchasers immediately |
after the drawing-
r*T Tickets $5, Halves $2 50, Quarters 81 25 \
Prize Tickets cashed or renewed in other tickets J
at either Office
Orders for Tickets can he addressed either to |
S. SWAN & Co., Atlanta. Ga. j
or S. SWAN, Montgomery, Ala.
Atlanta, Ga.. 1856.
Jas. Hertv, Ag’t., Milledgeville, Ga.
D1
'htrslA
AXD LITER
TO
MPLA I.XTS.
N>
»rl\ half ih
• humnn rnce hay
Ink
n Vi 1.L8.
Ii tm
* b«*W1
d in tui tmtlMof >h
Wli
rid.I»i»t untiling
ha- 1
U»W:«I • to th* lit ill r.t?
et* ofl
diMinh'rw nf the
bier
d . m 1
1 il sinniHi h rc:.
amis
v* r***rnl1y I'lipy
S'(ill*
rs*DM*
liottovpf milch
derm
wi Vl
n nil t ill, r • nf r
s h t
* fa !• ii.
6
KSERAL
DEBILITY, ILL
health.
Msnv of the run-i despotic Goverimir nit. haveopened
their t.'iiMom Hnuec* t«> ihe infnilueiion of iliife Pills,
tiia* tie . may l»« com* ll-e tin divine ef ihe masse* I. nrn-
cil l'i.J ley ill adiiut Hun lies inibcini’ is the him rem ,ly
eve r l.ls wn for p, rseiis i f delii nle iiuallh. or w to re the
*)•»!'in ha- lireu iinpmi-d, *» .Is invigorating properue,
never fid to 'iff.in! ref: f.
FEMALE COMPLAINTS.
No Fenialo, young ii- uld. should He w nhoiif this ecle-
hrnied medicine. Ii eurreeis and ngidnt. s tlir mnitblv
O' urss* ni all periods nriii.g in man\ eases like a i harm
It is ills >lh-best and safest me.limit Inal ran be given
to eteWr, ri t:i all ng-s. and for anv e.’inptainl; coliac*
qiienllv no taiPiU .b old be wilboni it
Holloway's Pi/fx arc the best remedy known
in the worldfor the following diseases:
.4-1 Hum,
Bentons Thirty Years 1 View!
composes i:y a VO&S.
mHE WORK, or either volume of it, will he
J. sent to any part of the State by mail, postage
paid, and securely done up, on receipt of the price
of subscription. 8*2 5ti vol.
JXO. M. COOPER A- CO.,
Gen'l. Ag : t. for Georgia.
Savannah, Ga.
FP“ The above work can be found at the Book
Store of E. J. WHITE & BRO.
June 13, 1856. 3
Dr. McLANE’S
CELEBRATED
TEE MIFUGE
LIVER PILLS.
Two oft lie beat Prr j nratiom oftlie Age.
They are not recom
mended as Universal
Cure-alls, but simply for
what their name pur-
B w-l
0.11*118,
Cold*.
(hflTft*
< «» tivcneaa.
ph
iMtiliiy, I .iver roniplamic,
[Jib, Fever unH Acne. h-wuf-B of apirili.,
Femal*’ rtHuj Injills. I*.
H*wLieli**, tSume nr*d (travel
, InrIi*r»Uoci ( ^rrotiilRry Fymp-
I flwozn, lomt.
I ll trnnj itiou, V* r.ereal affertion
D'iiirhocs* Dmpa> , Inward w»-aknp-* Wortna of all kii»cl
£7 s !d at H.e .M»io«ifar»<.rjes »»f pnif^H.ir Holm wav
M»f<l n L.iri?. v\ N t.rk ant!244 Strand. L .nd..n,
Hi,d bv all resfiertable I»riig i ;i.tN and D alrrsof .Medi-
cino* liirooehout ihe Cnii-tl States, „rifl the civilized
tHftW, in Ikixcii si 25rts 624 ctK. ami SI ea<h,
{&“ Htcr^ i? ronn<ieraii3* »»a\in* hy lakn.g the larger
*'■* B.— Diner km* (or the enidnncp t.f tatientN
in evorv dieoriW re a/)Ix»»l lo e n r h Hmx. 13couiv
M : , CONFECTIONARY &
xf rttriT stouv. ff
THE Subscriber would respectfully inform the
citizens of Milledgeville and vicinity, that he lias
on hand, and is constantly receiving fresh sup
plies of CONFECTIONARY. I RITIS. Ac..
Oranges, Lemons, Pine Apples Bananas, &c.
Raisins, Figs, Dates, Prunes, & e.
Preserves, Jellies. Pickles, Catsup and Sardines,
Soda Biscuit and Butter Crackers.
Nl 18, of all kinds, for sale in any quantity.
Fine Havana Cigars, Tobacco and Snuff.
Dried Beet ami Beef Tongues, Bolongita Sausages.
All ot which will be sold very low for Cash.
'JOHN CONN.
Milledgeville, April 28, 1856. 43 tim
ports.
The
>11
Veri
expelling
the
o1<
CONFECTIONARY
EST.4 BI.ISII YI ENT !
rpHE undersigned respectfiill v announces to the
L citizens of Milledgeville and its vicinity, that
he has opened a
(onfretionary Establhbment
in this city, second door from Trennor’s corner, in
^hicL he will keep coi^*^ntIy on hand
©AwiDiiasst
of the best quality, Nli'TS. ITtl'ITS, and
every thing that is usually kejit iu that line. Also,
Pickled Oysters, Lobsters,
DRIED BEEF, CRACKERS, PRESERVES
TEAS, Ac. Ac. WICKER
1MIFUGE, for
Worms from
human system, has
•also been administered
with the most satisfactory
results to various animals
subject to Worms.
The Liver Pills, for
the cure of Liver Com
plaint, all Bilious De
rangements, Sick Head
ache, &c.
Purchasers will please
be particular to ask for
Dr. C. McLane’s Cele
brated Vermifuge and
Liver Pills, prepared by
lluvox.
The Position of Ihe lu:r iiurin-.
It has been undeistood for some time
past that Martin and John Van Buret*
were numbered among the supporters of
Mr. Buchanan, and ive have waited to as
certain distinctly the grounds on which
they proposed to stand in the contest be
fore making any allusion to the fact. We
should be uneandid if we did not say that
if we had f and them supporting Mr. Bu
chanan, hut opposing and repudiating the
democratic platform on which he stands,
we should have felt it our duty to the par
ty to regard them as in the same category
with Colonel Benton. Such, however, is
not the. case; they come forward and take
their position on the democratic platform,
and propose to give an earnest support to
the candidate, who lias adopted and endors
ed its princ iples. In a late letter of the
elder Van Bnren he defines his position at
length, and from it we make one or two
extracts, that the grounds on which he
supports 51r. Buchanan may be distinctly
understood. It is hardly nece-sary to add, j
that whilst we diftei from Mr. Van Buion
in regard to the justice and propriety of the
repeal ot the Missouri Compromise,
we are gratified to find that he regards the
Kansas act with more favor than he did
when it n as passed, as will appear in the
following paragraph from his letter:
“I am free to confess that I have for
some time past regarded this act with
more favor than I did when it was first
presented to my consideration as the in
strument by which the Missouri Compro
mise was overthrown, 'i bis may have
arisen from the fact that 1 have felt my
self compelled to regard it as the only at-
tainable mode by which the country can
hope to be relieved from the injurious and
demoralizing effects or slavery agitation;
or it may have been produced by tlie great
unanimity with which its principles have
been adopted, in all parts oftlie country,by
a political party in which 1 have been rear
ed, and upon the maintenance of which,
in its wonted purity, I conscientiously be
lieve the future welfare of the country will
depend. I believe, also, that the people
ot the free Btates, when the resentment
justly excited by the repeal oftlie Mis
souri Compromise has subsided, and more
especially when they shall have witnessed
a fair and peaceable execution of the pro
visions of that act, will generally regard it
as a mode for the settlement of slavery
<]ttcst!ons, by which they will stand a bet
ter chance to have their feelings and
opinions upon the subject respected, and
one less exposed to extraneous and im
proper influences than has been the case
with specific congressional legislation.”
1 he following concluding paragraphs of
Mr. \ an Buren’s letter will find a hearty
and eordial response in every national
bosom:
“Mr. Buchanan, in his letter of accept
ance, pledges lumsell to the people, ‘should
the nomination oftlie convention be rati
fied by tbe people, that all the power aim
influence constitutionally possessed by the
Executive shall be exerted in a firm but
conciliatory spirit, during the single teiiii
be shall remayi in office, to restate the
same harmony among tbe sister States
which prevailed before the apple of din-
cord, in the form of slavery agitation, had
been cast into their midrt.’ He knows
that this pledge can c redeemed in but
one way, and that is by securing to tbe
bona fide settlers of tbe Territory, if mat
ters should be allowed to remain as they
now stand, the full, free, and practical en
joyment oftlie rights intended to be grant
ed to them by tbe organic act, including
that ot tree suffrage, and no one will un
derstand better than he that nothing short
ot the substance of those rights would an
swer the purpose or satisfy the excited
and vigilant scrutiny of those who will
watch every step that is taken in the mat
ter. Doubts were at one time thrown out
—I know not from what quartei—in re
gard to the power of the Executive to give
this security; but affairs now in progress
show that these doubts,if they ever existed,
have been dispelled.The constitution makes
reared and expects to spend the evening
of his life, can fail to peifonn Ids entne
duty when the path that leads to it is so
plain that ‘the wayfaring man, though a
fool, could not err therein,’ is a consum
mation that I am very certain can never
be realized.”
AYe find the position of John Van Buren
clearly laid down in a Fpeech of great force
and eloquence delivered at a mass meet
ing oftlie Empire Club, in New York, on
Tuesday evening, tbe 8th instant. If our
available space would'allow, we should
publish the whole speech; but at. present
we can only find room for so much of it as
relates to the democratic platf nn, the
Kansas question, and the pacification bill
passed by the Senate:
“1 am told that, in looking at tlie- resolu
tions of that convention, they have been
able to discover that they pledge the deni-
ociatic organization to the extension of
slavery to free territory. I have read
these iesolutions carefully, and with what
l.ttlc intelligence i have been able to ap
ply to them I can find no such thing in
them. I offer a reward, now, to any ot
these highly-intelligent republican gentle
men to point me—not to an outrage in Kan
sas. not to a scuffle in Washington, not to
an improper speech or improper newspa
per article—but to a line or sentenance in
tbe Cincinnati resolutions which advocates
or encourages the extension of slavery to
free territory. [Applause.] The resolu
tions oftlie Cincinnati Convention may
well be divided into two classy: Eiist,
those which expre-s an opinion upon what
is past; and second, those which lay down
rules for the government of the adminis
tration that is to come in, and the party
which is to support that administration for
the future. You will all readily see that
where the convention speak of the first,
they speak f r themselves and express
their own opinions. To illustrate what I
mean, and not intending to express any
opinion upon it, the convention unanimous
ly endorsed the administration of President
Pierce. 1 hey had a light so to endorse
it, and he will receive- that endorsement
as the judgment of intelligent, able, patri
otic men, expressed, very likely, after ma
ture reflection. But it is a notorious fact
that in the State of New Yoik there ate a
very large number of democrats—and no
doubt a very considerable number of them
present here to-night—who difier from
that opinion. [Laughter.] That is a mat
ter of opinion as to the past. It is the]
opinion of the convention. It is entitled |
to the respect to which I have adverted, j
hut it is by no means necessarily the opin
ion of myself, who choose to support the
ticket, notwithstanding this expression of
opinion. But when the convention come
to speak of the future, they then lay down
rules for the government ot the administra
tion, and they lay down rules for the gov
ernment of the party. While I am a-
ware that it is entirely possible for a man
to support the ticket and oppose the reso
lution of the convention; while 1 know that
it is practicable to suppo-t the ticket and
spit on the platform, fLaughter,] 1 am
one of 'hose who believe that if a man in
good faith disagrees to a piuciple of impor
tance laid down by the convention, he
ought not in good faith to support the can
didate presented by the convention. [
t lies of “Good, good,” and applause ] 1
believe that principles are of more impor
tance than the candidates. 1 believe that
the party should be homogeneous. I be
lieve that the man who enters an associa
tion secretly or openly intending to v io
late the bond that holds them together is
a traitor to the organization of which he is
a member. I would never support a par
ty unless I approved all tbe impoitant
principles that were presented in the par
ty conventions. What then, are the res
olutions of this Cincinnati Convention? I
would not undertake, of course, to detain
you by a minute recital of all these reso
lutions, and explaining each of them, but
1 must call your attention to one or two,
winch I think are of paramount import
ance—I allude, in the first place, to those
resolutions which advert to the subject of
slavery. I understand it to propose that
it the express duty of the federal Execu- j lierealter, in the organization of the terri-
tive to see that ‘the laws are faithfully ex-! torics as well as in the legislation of (Jon-
eeuted,’ and he is clothed with powers ad- j g'ess, the whole subject of slavery should
equate to its performance. be withdrawn from congressional action.
ill Air. Buchanan, if elected, redeem j I understand them to hold that it is not
his pledge? I believe he will, and there-1 proper to make slavery the subject of na-
forc 1 will cheerfully support him. All | iional political discussion; and I under-
that can be asked of him is to do equal ! stand them to say, as they said honestlv in
right of self-government. The people who
are there are the people who are to den i-
mine the destinies of that State. They
have a right to do it under the Kansas act,
and they have a right to do it independ
ent of the Kansas act, perhaps. Again:
a law has been introduced by Senator
Douglas w hich provides for the election of
members to a convention te determine
whether Kansas shall come into this con
federacy, form a State constitution, or not;
and it they then determine that she shall,
it then provides that they shall form a
State constitution. This election is to be
bekl in November. The bill is drawn up
with extraordinary care. It abolishes all
those laws which have been the subject of
so much declamation in this State. It
abolishes all the oaths that are required to
support the fugitive-slave law of Kansas,
and it abolishes all the special qualifies
tions in regard to voters. It abolishes not
only all these things, but it abolishes all
the laws that interfere with the freedom
oftlie press, and prohibits the Kansas leg
islature from re-enacting them. It pro
vides also that the people who have been
driven out of the Territory, if any sue!
there shall be, shall, on their return and
proof of the fact, be allowed to vote. The
bill provides for tbe appointment of com
missioners, whose duty it shall be to as
certain the vote. 1 say that the bill is a
just and reasonable one. No man who is
in favor of the pacification of Kansas
would be opposed to it, and the great ob-
ieetiun urged against it is, that it would
make Kansas a slaveholding Btate. For
one moment J will consider that question.
You are well aware that, as a national
publicity is given to my remarks, when I
speak in this confidential way, [laughter,]
it is quite as well that I should say what
would not injure Air. Buchanan at the
(South, and what would not injure him at
the North, and, therefore, in the present
state of the subject, I do not deem it nec
essary to consider the question whether it
would make a slave or a free State. But
I say this—that if it would make a slave
State, the opponents of Buchanan at the
South cannot object to it. 51 r. Seward
proposes to admit Kansas now into the
Lnion with a State constitution, under or
in defiance of which the people of Kansas,
if it was adopted, might next November
do exactly what Douglas’s bill now au
thorizes them to cfo by law. The State
of New loik, or any other Slate in the
confederacy has an unquestionable right,
by an alteration of the constitution, to es-
tabli.-h slavery if it chooses, if Kansas
were admitted under the Topeka constitu
tion, it might establish slavery in Novem
in my
extension of slavery. The influence of the
small but compact and powerful class of
men interested in slavery, who command
one section of the country, and- wield a
vast political control, as a consequence, in
the other, is now directed to turn this im
pulse of the revolution and reverse its prin
ciples. The extension of slavery across
the continent is the object of the power
which no w rules the government; and from
this spirit have sprung those kindred
wrongs in Kansas so truly portrayed in
one of your resolutions, which prove that
the elements of the most arbitrary govern
ments have not been vanquished by tbe
just theory of our own.
It would l>e out of place here to pledgeim'-
self to any particular policy that maybe
suggested to terminate the sectional enn-
tioversy engendered by political animos
ities, operating on a powerful class band
ed together by a common interest. A
practical remedy is the admission of Kan
sas iuto the Union as a free State. The
Soth should in my judgment, earnestly
desire such consumation. It would vindi
cate the good faith—it would correct the
mistake of the repeal; and the North, hav
ing practically the benefit of the agree
ment between the two sections, would be
satisfied, and good feeling be restored.—
The measure is perfectly consistent with
the honor of the South, and vital to its in
terests.
That fatal act which gave birth to this
purely sectional strife, originating in the
scheme to take from free labor tlie country
secured to it by a solemn covenant, cannot
be too soon disarmed of its prenicious force.
Tbe only geneial region oftlie middle lat
itudes left to tbe emigrants of the northern
btates for homes cannot be conquered from
the free laborers, who have long consider
ed it as set apart for them in our inberi-
tence, without provoking a desperate strug
gle. 55 hat ever may be the preeistence of
tbe particular class which seems ready to
hazard everything for the success oftlie
unjust scheme it has partially effected, I
firmly believe the great heart of the
nation, which throbs with the patriotism of
the freemen of both sections, will have
power to overcome it. They will look to
the right secured to them by the constitu
tion oftlie Union as their lest safeguard
from the oppression of the class, which, hv
a monoploy of the soil and of slave labor to
till it, might in time reduce them to the ex
tremity of laboring upon tbe same terms
with the slaves. The great body of non-
slavelicldiiig freemen, including those of
the South, upon whose welfare slavery is
an oppression, will discover that the power
of the general government over the public
her next. Nothing, in my judgment, j lands may be "beneficially exerted to ad-
could be more fatal to the cause ot free- i vance their interests and secure their in-
dmn than the admission of a State with a depence. Knowing this, their suffrages
free constitution, to be changed to slai r-' v } ,viii not be wanting to maintain that
in tour mouths after such admission. 55 ill j authority in the Union which is ahsolnte-
any honest or just man deny that the peo- ] | v essential to the mainteneeof their own
pie w ho a re in Kansas now have just as j liberties, ami w hich has more than once
much right to take part in the formation indicated the purpose of disposing oftlie
GjVYWYD
of varioi;
BASKET:
liic Js.
am]
CKIIDRFN'S CARRIAGES,
L' ri'lcs id; :.v q(iter thing* too numerous to men
tion. He has a
a so set i.j
JL
i l the Lit-50 ami i '.fut improved eonstniction. and
ii I.v furnislr - It:.- e-iisiomers with confessedly the
. ■•■si .-(“Ua ‘A ater il.sr li;,s ever 1 cen |u pari d in
JHi.lcI-jev.lic. in, lo'di-x will fun! lliis mal'hful
•leverage 'cry i-«j| ami telre-iii.ig during thus hot
weather, and the uv | determin'd to
keep lus es'aiH.-v. no'iit hi call a. manner as to de
serve t.n-ir paiwitfcge.
My Ice Cream Saloon w i'J 1,. , vmorrnw.
,,... , WM - B FERRELL.
Miiledgcvihe. July 1st., I-..4, <• ,f
GEORGIA FEMALE COLLEGE.
{ 10MMLXCEMEXT at this College is nut held
V until late in October
Fupi « may yet avail themselves of the ndvan-
teg - in rlimate, location and facilities for iustriie-
t'jin which are here presented.
1 union is charge] from the time the pupil en-
t 'rs to the close of the term
GEO. Y. BROWNE, Preis’t.
Madison, j„ij. j st 1,055. 6 .It
’V 5' \v m-‘<u\i\ V'Tiwrr
’ ■' ■' lut.im article for the Toilet, is now Ibr sale,
at Uni very low price of 5!l cents per Bottle,
E J. WHITE A BRO
Bv
sole proprietors, Pitts
burgh, Pa., and take no
other, as there are various
other preparations now
before the public, pur
porting to be Vermifuge
and Lwcr Pills. All
others, in comparison
with Dr. McLane’s, are
worthless.
Tne genuine McLane’s
Vermifuge and Lwcr
O
Pills can now be had at
all respectable Drug
Stores.
FLEMING BRO’S,
CO 55'ood St., Pittsburgh, Pa.
Sole Proprietors.
Sroril Sc Mead, No. Ill Charles >t N, w Owe-us
General Wholesale Agents for the Southern
States, to whom all Orders must he addressed.
! Sold by E J. White; Jas. Hertv; Wm. L
White A. Co, Milledgeville: Geo. Payne. E. L.
Strohekt r, Macon; I Newell, Gordon: Beall &
Chambers. Lvnton; W. H. Burnett, Sparta; Z.
(tray, Sandersvillc; Long A’ Durham. Jeff-rson-
ville; N. S Prnden, Eatonton; llnrd A Hun-
gerfnrd, Monticello; and by one agent in every
town in the State. [march 25, ’56. ]y
Just received ficm the PUiin 'i'caCo.
An assortment of excellent Tea, put up in f. A & lib
Packages, and for Sale by E. J WHITE.
aurl exact justice to every section ot the
country, to exercise the high powers with
which he will be invested to secuie tbe ob
ject in view, as well because it will he
right so to do, as because there may be
reason to fear that the existence of the
government itself may depend upon his se
curing it. So much has been said in re
gard to the clangers with which the Union
is threatened as to require no inconsidera
ble effort on tbe part of an earnest man to
touch upon the solemn theme for Tear he
might be suspected of a desire to prosti
tute it to comparatively petty purposes.
But all must admit it to be certain that
there never was a period in the history of
tins republic when sectional animosities
were so rife, or had, to so great an extent,
inflamed the masses of the people.
“If the confederacy shall piove strong
enough to withstand these torrents of hit
ter waters, it will afford the best evidence
that the love of the Union is as deeply im
pressed upon the American heart as its
most sanguine friends Lave imagined it to
be. I see good grounds for hope that such
may be the happy issue out of our present
alarming condition, in the prospect of 3Ir
Buchanan’s election. He is neither an
untried man or one of ordinary stamp. He
has for a long time been favorably known
to the public service, and comes before the
country with a character already formed,
and a mind thoroughly trained in the
school of experience. In regard to the fu
ture action of such a man, his constituents
are not left to conjecture and hope, but
may form positive opinions, lie has es
tablished a foreign reputation, in regard to
which he cannot fail to be solicitous. He
has, with charactheristic good sense, re
lieved himself from the imputation of be
ing influenced by a desire to conciliate any
special or partial interests, with a view to
a ^-election, and his acts from miscon
structions, which the suspicion of being so
influenced might engender. That a man
with such antccedcnts.and occupying such
a position, acting in a matter of sufficient
interest to attract the attention of the
world, and in the presence of a fiee and
intelligent people, among whom he w as
1^52, and reiterate now, that “we will re
sist the agitation of the slavery question,
iu or out of Congress, under whatever
color or pretext that agitation may be
bad?” [Applause] To these resolutions
I cordially subscribe. 1 regard them as a
covenant made by the members of the pai-
ty, North, bouth, East, and 55’ost, to
w hich they should adhere as one of the in
cidents to membership in the democratic
party. I regard them as the platform
laid dow'ti in 1852 by both the great polit
ical parties of the country. 1 understand
that as the platform upon which 1 took my
position at Tammany Hall, at the time at
w hich if was laid down at the first meet
ing of the Democracy to ratify the nomi
nation of President Pierce. I announced
then that 1 believed tbe State of New
fork would stand upon it. She did stand
upon it, and the people of the whole coun-
tiy, w ith insignificant exceptions, stood
upon it. It was a platform of peace—it
w as a platform of affection and love—it
w as a platform of mutual respect and hon
or, and it was a plat from of the constitu
tion, essential to tlio preservation of this
Union. I should be glad to know what
excuse any democrat of the State of New
3’oik. who stood upon this platform in
!."’02, lias for not standing upon it now.
[Applause.] The only practical applica
tion of tliis platform to tbe present day is
in legat'd to the Territory of Kansas 1
do not propose to detain you by discuss
ing Kansas. 1 attach some importance to
the United Sates. I attach some impor
tance to the countries of the world. 1 at
tach some importance to tbe white people
of our own country. [ Applause.J In re
gard to Kansas, I think proper to say, that
w liile I greatly disapprove the repeal of the
prohibition of slavery in that Territory,
yet, as a constitutional act. Congress bad
a right to repeal it, if they choose so to do.
They had the power to do it. '1 here were
not one hundred people in the Territory
when it was done. The}' threw open the
settlement of the great Territories of Kan
sas and Nebraska, and there are now some
40,000 or 50,00(1 people there, invited un
der a constitutional act, to exercise the
of a State constitution as the people who
w ent there six moots agi>? Shall those
who took a snap judgment in Topeka have
a special privilege to make a constitution
for the people that were tardy in getting
to Kansas from Massachusetts, Connecti
cut, South Carolina. New York, or anv
other State? No! It is but an act of com
mon justice and fairness to allow the ac
tual settlors of the Territory to frame
the State consti.sution; and the bill ot'3Ir.
Douglas, in my bumble opinion, guards
tin* privileges of the actual settlers with
great care, and satisfies everybody, except
the persons who want to make a trade of
the slavery agitation. [Applause.] I
have thus adverted, gentlemen, to some, of
the resolutions and the platform of the
democratic party.”
I’o!. rrrmoui’s Lciter nf Arrrplanrr.
New York July 8, 1S56.
Gentlemen: 3'ou call ine to a high re
sponsibility by placing me in tbe van of a
great movement of the people of the
United States, who w ithout regard to past
differences, are uniting in a common
effort to bring back the action of the fed
eral government to the principles of Wash
ington and Jefferson. Comprehending the
magnitude oftlie trust which they have
declared themselves willing to place iu my
hands, and deeply sensible to the honor
which their unreseved confidence in this
threataning position of the public affai s
implies, I feel that I cannot better re
spond than by a sincere declaration, that,
in the event of my election to the presiden
cy, I should enter upon the execution of
its duties with a singla hearted determin
ation to promote the good of the whole
country, and to direct solely to this end all
the power cf the government, irrespective
of party issues and regardless of sectional
strifes. The declaration of principles ini-
bodied in the resolves of your convention
expressess the sentiments in which 1 have
been educated and which have been ripened
into convictions by personal observation and
experience. 55’ith this declaration and
avowal, I think it necessary to revert to
only two of the subjects embraced in the
resolutions, and those only, because events
have surrounded them with grave and crit-
cal circumstances, and given to them es
pecial importance:
I concur in the views of the convention de
precating the foreign policy to w hich it
adverts. The assumption that we have
the right to take from another nation its
domains because we want them is anabnn-
donient of the honest character which our
country has acquired. To provoke hos
tilities by unjust assumptions would be
to sacrifice the peace and character of the
country, when all its inteiests might be
more certainly secured and its objects at
tained by just and healing counsels, involv
ing no loss of reputation.
International embarrassments are main
ly tbe result ofa secret diplomacy, which
aims to keep from the knowledge of the
peojile the operations of the government.
'I his system is inconsistent with the char
acter of our institutions,and is itself yield
ing gradually to a more enlightened public
opinion, a t nd to the power of a tree press,
which by its broad dissemination of politi
cal intelligence, secures in advance, to the
side of justice, the judgment oftlie civiljz-
ed world. An honest, firm, and open
policy in our foreign relatisns would coni
n' and the united support of the nation,
whose deliberate opinions it would necessa
rily retied.
Nothing is clearer in the history of our
institutions than the design of the nation,
in asserting its own independence and free
dom, to avoid giving countenance to the
public lands in sueli a way as would make
every settler upon them a freeholder.
It the people intrust to me the adminis
tration of the government, the laws of
Congress in relation to the Territories will
be faithfully executed. All its authority
w ill be exerted in aid of the. national will
to re-establish the peace of the country on
the just principles which have heretofore
received the sanction of the federal govern
ment, of the States, and of the people of
b’ltli sections. Such a policy would leave
no aliment to that sectional party which
seeks its aggrandizement by appropriating
the new Territories to capital in the form
of slavery, but would inevitably result in
the triumph of free labor—the natural
capital which constitutes the real wealth of
ibis great country, and creates that in
telligent power in the masses alone to
be relied on as the bulwark of free institu
tions.
Trusting that I have a heart capable of
comprehending our whole country, with its
varied interests, and confident that patriot
ism exists in all parts of the Union, I ac
cept the nomination of your convention, in
the hope that 1 may be enabled to serve
usefully its cause, which I consider the
cause of constitutional freedom.
5’ery respectively, your obedient servant,
J.C. EUE3IONT.
To 3Iessrs. H. S. Lane, president of the
convention; Janies 31. Ashley, Anthony
J. Bleecker, Joseph C. Hornblower, E.
E. Hoar, ThaddeusStephens, Kingsley
S. Bingham. John A. Willis, 0. F. (Jle-
laud. Cyrus Aldrich, committee, &c.
Col. Fremont's Letter ot Arrcptanre—Ihe
Issue of Onion or Disunion Aluiie up.
Colonel Fremont is now up for the presi
dential race, and sets out on the novel ex
periment of riding two horses at the same
time. lie has some celebrity as an eques-
tram, and he will have still more if he suc
ceeds in his present feat. His acceptance
of the North American nomination spear
ed some days ago. That required but lit
tle time to arrange, but tbe response to the
abolition Union soldiers who met at J’liila-
delpliia required more care and circum
spection. It will be found in another
column, and a more ingenious specimen
of demagogism was never concoccted by
those master spirits of sectional agitation,
3Iessrs. Seward, Greelv, and Blair. Of
course Colonel Fremont is made to endorse
the principles of the abolition convention
which nominated him.
I11 regard to our foreign policy. Colon
el Fiemont assumes that there is a party
in tins country which maiutaines the doc
trine that it is right to take whatever new
territory we may want by a resort to force,
and lie very emphatically repudiates such
doctrine as inconsistent with national hon
or. If there is any point in this portion
of the letter, it w as intended to insinuate
that 3Ir. Buchanan put foith this doctrine
in the Ostend document. Such is the ap
plication of the letter made by the New
York Evening Host. The answer to it is,
that Colonel Fremont has grossly pervert
ed and misrepresented the doctrine of that
document. It contains no such sentiment,
but the doctrine w hich it does announce
is one which no one who values
the preservation of our government
as the highest duty cf every citizen can
either deny or controvert. That doctrine
is, that when our government is satisfied
that our own self-preservation makes it
necessary to acquire Cuba to avoid our
own destruction as a nation, we have the
right, and it will he our duty, to save our
own existence by buying the island if we
can, and if this cannot done, then by re
sorting to force.
It would not be expected that a candi
date for the presidency, whose principle*
lead unavoidably to the destruction of the
Union, would approve a doctrine which
rests upon the deepest devotion to its per
petuity. It was, therefore, meet and
proper for the candidate ofa party which
ignores one half of the confederacy to
pledge himself that, if the Union could net
be saved from dissolution except by tak
ing territory identified by its location and
institutions with the ignored section, he
would sooner let the Union go than resort
to the first law of nature—the law of self-
preservation. Fortunately, the democrats
have a candidadate who stands upon the
doctrine that “the federal Union must be
preserved,” and who has a heart that em
braces in its throbs the South as well as
the North.
'1 lie other subject on which Colonel
Fremont avows his cordial concurrence
w ith the abolition convention is iu regard
to the slavery question. That convention
lays down the doctrine that neither Con
gress, nor the territorial legislatures, nor
individuals, nor associations of individuals,
can give legal ex'stence to slavery within
our I erritories so long as the constitution
lasts. It follows from this doctrine that
slavery cannot exist constitutional any
where within the United States except
where it existed when the constitution was
formed. 35’e have the same constitution
now that w e had w hen Florida, Louisiana,
and Texas were acquireed; and hence upon
Col. Fremont’s principle, slavery has no
valid existence in these States formed from
those Territories. The same doctrine
leads to the conclusion that slavery cannot
have a legal existence in Kansas, w hether
the people there will it or not; and hence
the only suggestion he has to make for the
settlement of thcKans as question is tho
admission of the Territory as a free State.
Col Fremont therefore, stands upon the
ground that there cannot and shall not be
any additional States admitted into the
Union which tolerate slavery. He stands
pledged by his letter to carry out this
principle in the event of his election as
President; and hence it matters nothing
with him if every man, woman, and child
in Kansas should desire that the State
should come in as a slave State—the con
stitution, as Colonel Fremont construes it,
must exclude them. His doctrine goes
even further: if Kansas were admitted to
morrow as a free State the people could
not afterwards change their constitution and
laws so as to give legal existence to slave
ry. Still further, upon the same doctrine,
Col. Fremnt would pronounce every slave
in Florida, Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas,
and 3Iissonri, now to be illegally held to
service. The language of the platform
which he endorses, and which he pledges
himself to carry out, bears no other fair
construction.
This isopen and undisguised disunion; and
yet Col. Fremont allows himself to be de
luded with the idea that he can find sym
pathy, even in the South with the great
mass of the population who are not owners
of slaves. He ad ops and reiterates the
insuiectionary suggestion and appeal,
made by 31r. Seward and reiterated by his
followers, to the supposed jealousies and
interests of the southern non-slave-owners.
He, too. is more than a demagogue when
he talks about the southern slaveholders
as a class banded together, w ith interests
antagonistic to those of their neighbors
who own no slaves, and by the power of
their capital ruling the masses. 55’e do
not object to the issues which Col. Fre
mont’s councellors have induced him to
make tip b}’ his letter. It is a point to
which abolitionism, combined with know-
nothingism at the North, has been rapiuly
drifting for the hast tw r o years. No better
time can be found to make a final trial of
the strength of the Union than the present.
55’liilst we deeply regret that tho mad
spirit of fanat icism should render such a
trial necessary, yet, since the issue is un
avoidable, we say let it come, and let. it
come now. The only thing we desire, in
order to make victory sure, is, that every
national Union-loving man shall see and
feel what is the real issue, and what is at
stake. Col. Fremont’s letter, iu connex
ion w ith the principles of the party which
he endorses, and the known disunion
sentiments aud purposes of the leaders
w ho control him, leaves no man room
further to mi^indi stand the true issue.
Col. Fremont's Financial Credit.—Col.
Fremont’s rumored possessions of fabulous
wealth are not credited in 55 r all street, if the
annexed statement of the Journal of Com
merce may be believed:
“The failure of the State of California
to provide for thb payment of the interest
due on her bonds, July 1st, has excited
much attention. We refrained from mak
ing any remarks upon it yesterday, be
cause there was a plan on foot to raise the
money here, and for obvious reasons, we do
not wish to interfere, although doubtful of
its success. The plan was for Col. Fre
mont, who has business connections more
or less intimate with Palmer, Cook A. Co. to
raise the money upon his personal securi
ty. His uotes, or memoranda of them,
were accordingly offered all through the
market hy note brokers, but without find
ing any buyers. However attractive the
name might he in capitals at the head of a
campaign paper, it had no market value at
the foot of I. (). U., and the plan has been
reluctantly abanoned. The state of Cali
fornia is t herefore a defaulter.”
Amusing.—The following incident we
had from a friend who knew the party:
Deacon C , of Hartford, (Conn.) is
well known as being provided with an en
ormous handle to his countenance, in the
shape of a huge nose. On a late occasion,
when taking up a collection in the church
to which he belonged, as be passed through
the congregation every person to whom he
presented the box seemed to be possessed
bv a sodden and uncontrollable desire to
laugh. The deacon did not know what to
make of it. He had often passed it round
before, hut no such effects had he witness
ed. The deacon was fairly puzzled. The
secret, however, came out. lie had been
afflicted a day or two with a sore on his
nasal appendage, and had placed a piece
ot sticking plaster over it. During the
morning of the day in question the plaster
had dropped off, anil the deacon seeing it,
as he suposed, on the floor picked it up
and stuck it on again. But, alas! he pick
ed up instead one of the pieces of paper
which the manufacturers of spool cotton
paste on the end of every spool, and which
read, “5Varranted to hold ou t200 yards.”
Such a sign on such a nose was enough to
upset the gravity of any congregation.
History informs us tt'it Mr. Buchanan was bit
terly opposed to the war of 1812.—Pittsburg Jour-
nai.
He was so bitterly opposed to it that he threw
down bis law books, took the sti.mp, and made
his first speech to rouse the people of Lancaster to
arms, raised a company, shouldered his musket,
and marched to the defence of Baltimore. That is
the way. a patriot opposes a war in which his
country is engaged; and such was the beginning
ot James Buchanan's public and illustrious career
[New Horen Register