Newspaper Page Text
land to freedom. Our doctrine gives us the
full measure of our constitutional rights in
that land. Hence, will any sensal.le man
call such an issue abstract! But I will not
argue such a plain question for I dant be
lieve any man is sincere in wh views and
if not argument would be unavailing. But
thy Douglas friends after this same manner
of nonsense and absurdities excuse their
are wrb'ng but harmless. Tam free to con
cede that their position is a legal impossi
bility, but deny that it is harmless.
The “ Missouri Compromise Line ” was a
legal imposstbiffty,” yet it remained thir
ty years upon* Stir statute books a complete
barrier to slavery North of it. So is the
Black Republican doctrine of “V\ ilmot
i'rovhsoism ” a “ legal impossibility,” and
expressly declared so by the Supreme Court.
Yet that party is full of terror—its success
‘ominous of the total demolition of our con
stitutional rights they say. Still it is a “le
gal impossibility ” that the party stands
Upon. All! the very fact that they and
ijotlgias will adhere to such erroneous and
false theories is the reason why they are to
be dreaded, and the reason why their designs
land objects are treasonable and subversive
of our government. But I cannot leave
this point without noticing the very specious
Argument of the lion. A. LI. Stephens. lie
says Mr. Yancy answered himself at Char
leston, and conclusively proved that there
could be no such thing as Squrtter Sover
eignty. Well, I think Mr. Stephens an
swered himself. lie states in his letter, the
following fact, after quoting the Decis : on of
the Supreme Court to prove Congress had
no porwer to exclude slavery tioni the ler
ritories: “ And if Congress did not have
or does not have the power to exclude slave
ry from the Territories, and those on our
side contended and sdll contend they have
not, then they could not and did not confer
it on the Territorial Legislature.” Now,
Mr.. Douglas says the “ people or Legisla
ture of a Territory can exclude slavery
therefrom,’ and Mr. ljwt the
“ Legislature got all Hr power from Con
‘■ffjHWk” -f -TlivrcForeytf Mr. Stephens is tight,,
according to Mr. Douglas’position Congress
£nn exclude slavery too. Exactly what \V il
inot Provisoism and the Black Republican
jrarty claim, lienee, ail that Mr. Stephens’
remarkable argument shows is, that we must
either abandon our position t)r else regard
Mr. Douglas as dangerous and hostile as the
Black Republicans. For be says and we
•ay that there is no sense in saying that a
Territorial Legislature, the mere creature
of Congress, can exclude slavery unless von
first claim that Congress can do il too.—
Hence, when the former, which is Mr. l)>mg
3ns’ position, is established, it necessarily
•establishes the latter. But again, we are
told by-Mr. Stephens and, those who agree
with him in his views, that, the Democratic
party has been committed to “ non-inter
vention ” ever since 1852. That we ron
eede. But they define non-intervention as
fellows : “ By non intervention, I mean the
(principle that Congress shall pass no law
arpon tire subject ol in the lerritories cither
if or or against t in anv way ; that they shall
mot interfere or act upon it.at. all; or, m the
•express of Mr. Calhoun, the great Southern
deader, that Congress shall “leave the whole
•subject when the Constitution and the great
principles of self government place it.” “I
will .not charge that Mr. Stephens intended
•to ceiuuiit Mr. Calhoun to his idea of non
intervention; for he full well knows and the
(people full well know that this doctrine thus
defined never had a more bitter opponent
than Mr. Calhoun ; and that, in the very
■speech from which he quotes, Mr. Calhoun
•denounced it in no measured terms’; as you
•will partially perceive from the extract of
iliis speech, which I have already read. But
is Mr. Stephens and those who agree with
trim correct in their assumption, that the
South has been committed to non in ter ven
tion as defined by them I tddnk not. If
they will take Mr. Calhoun’s definition of at,
‘that “ Congress was not to interfere to
■establish orprohibit slavery, but to protect
it in the Territories ; if they mean by non
intervention that, why then I concede the
tijdutb has been committed to it. But with
itlieir definition of non intervention, I deny
Xhe charge of committal. Now to the proof:
The Platform of the National Democratic party
in 1852 was designed to embrace, and according
to its design, did embrace the principles of the
Compromise flieasures of 1860. That being an
. incontrovertible fact that no man will or can de
ny, let tfs see what the principles of those Bills
were in order that we may understand to what,
principles the Democratic party was committed in
1852. The last clause of the sixth Section of the
Utah Bill contains the following language: “All
the laws passed by the Legislative Assembly and
Oovernos slmll be submitted to the Congress of
the United States, and if disapproved, shall be
null and of no effect.” Hence, in this clause Con
f;ress expressly reserves the right to supervise the
egislation of that Territory, which supervision is
direct intervention by Congress. These were the
principles of the bill and therefore the principles
which the Democratic Party approved in 1852.
In 1856 their Platform contained a judicial ques
tion, and when I hat question should be determiu
*d by the proper authority, that determination of
that question was to contain the principles of the
Party. That is all the Breckinridge nnd Lane
party ask or demand and therefore they are per
fectly consistent and do not desire, ns Mr. Stephens
and liis co-labors would have it, any interpola
tion of new doctrines into the party creed.
Now, gentlemen, you have the whole question
before you, and [ know that you fully concur with
me when l here declare that 1 am totally at a loss
to see why the South is not to-day united—why
the Opposition party of last-year and the Consti
tutional Democratic party of to-dny are not one
and the same party; and still less, why one single
Democrat should be outside of our organization.
Would they have us abandon our State Conven
tions, the Supremo Court, our only hope, all our
United States Senators and Representatives in
ft*Mr*r, n- verl ‘ We have higher ttii.iiri I ■'•"•
stand upon and a noble man to rally to. John C.
Breckinridge is a sound man and stands upon a
sound Platform. He is now free and has always
been free from the obnoxious herisies of Donglas
ism. News Papers have garbled extract from his
speeches in 1856 to try to convict him of Squatty j
Sovereignty ; but Ins record and his
stands today triumphantly vindicated. No man |
can take any one speech ‘of bis whole life and
Tbev U tell you* that lie sTi'i ?h."t
party was no jw-oaluvery Jbut
I they could do these things at any other time.
IT made a the 2Ut of Decera
t here he stands to day. He accepts the nomina
tion of the ConatittitionHl Democratic party-pUt
fortn and all, and dcclaros in hia letter of ac-.pt
ance his full and complete approbation of the
principles of that platform. Then, gentlemen, I
am thoroughly satisfied to take him. It is true
he is young, yet he is the most, brilliant star Jbat
illuminates the “ mighty West” — the pride aaci
glory of every American citizen.
And ns to old Gen. Lane, he challenges the cot* * |
fidenct of fried and foe. No mnliguaut shaft has j
yet been hurled against liis fair escutcheon. He J
stands singled outjas the old cineinnntus of mod- j
ern days, lie breasted the perils of battle upon j
the plains of Mexico with eueh daring and brave- j
rv as to forever immortalize his name, and as br&tffe-j
as lie was then, he has proved himself on all
sions no less brave and daring in the defence of j
our Constitutional rights. Then let us spread our
banners to the breeze of hwiv, utw Wi-t.
and stile in the contest Victory is hoteKngWroond j
our banner; our stare of hope is in the j
cy; our principles blaze in the living j
truth and justice and right. And we are armed
the fight, with the law, and the Constitution. Then
when the contest is ‘ore, we will retire from the j
battle field with the good old Christian consolation
—“ we fought the good fight and kept the faith,” j
and our reward shall he Breckinridge and Lane j
triumphally elected, and the Constitution aud tiisj
Union sustained.
(Tin Inkjcnicnt ptk
r. w. oi/roßf,
Tlie Campnigii Oociiaients.
We publish this week an extra issue of the
“ Blade,” which is designed ns a Campaign Docu
ment, containing the following matter: E. C.
Mobley’s speech at Greenville, Mr. Breckiuridge’s
loiter of acceptance, Mr lane’s letter of accept
ance for Vice-President, President Buchanan's J
speech at Washington City, Thus,show j
ii.g to a demonstration, that the fight is now iip j
and raging between the North and South-r-be-I
tween Squatter Sovereignty and States Bights i
Abolition Pree-Soilcrs. This is the first time that*!
tins long dreaded issue has ever been dUediy j
made between the North and
South's nil is staked on this issue. We need not j
use argument to show that this fight is ft ! btOTj |
one, and now narrowed down to Lincoln of
North and Breckinridge of the South. This is m* j
clear to the reflecting inind as the noon-day sun;]
and he that doubts this fact would not believe the
trouth though one arose from the dead and
claimed it, Then, Southern men of all nomint^
a spoon or spoil a horn. This is a matter of
importance with the South, and, it will
be t.ine enough to quarrel about party names and
t hen remember this motto United we stand,
divided we fall.”
whose editor would be allowed to think for
himself—granting to others the same privi-
South—freedom of thought and action could
be practically carried out. The experiment
has been fully tested, and up to now, sat
isfactorily. True, an occasional article has
aroused Lite ire of an opponent, or one who
disagrees with us on some subject; and a
few such have occasionally notified ifeM
stop his paper. This kind of |
we are happy to say, has been but feafc ~~ J
This class of subscribers are ever rfjjy to j
admire and patronize an
per, so long as the editor thinii ’ j
them! But they are equally ready ttHflp
fault when they see, in his columns, tcpM|
thing which is opposed to their ideas
notions. Such people are only proper
rons to a paper willing to eater to their,
prejudices-a paper that will only see through
the same sectional or partisan goggles that •
they do—a paper whose editor’s thoughts
are fenced in by what his party or sect may
think—and staked and ridered by the dic
tation of his leaders. But we are happy to
say that the generality of our patrons hare
faithfully stood by us, though we have fie
I-- tins given us great hope of f-l.<*
• ■ in tU —ntiih,it, 9Wnot
... i.n, our ...pinson. any where, she
is now upon is no long
PPpljkr in Western Georgia —untram*,
meled by party shackles or sectarian dicta
tion—striving to give all a bearing and do
all justice. True, we sometimes express an
opinion leaning more towards one party than
tlie other, yet we are actuated by our hon
est convictions—seeing the times are grow
3p||r squally —but we throw our columns open
to the communication of all. One great ob
ject we strive steadily in view is, thet
rights of the South. To obtain and main
tain theseare our constant effort. Any tnan
or party that assails these, iet him agree
yvitlwus In politics or not, cannot curry our
favor; nor will we prostitute our energies,
wetfic though they be, to the support of any
set of principles antagonistic to this object.
Men, we know, differ in their ideason this,
lat Other things, hut, iet us differ lion-
P|Ve all believe according to the evi
offered to our minds; and over this
re we have but little controle—vet
ferences need not make us enemies.—
Idiscnssion truth is brought to light,
■pbfli'efore, discuss—not abuse—for
B not argument. The South, the
four nativity, shall he the burthen of
■L As the past, so will he the future’
■ dilade.
|To (lio 801 l Party.
BpMEN ; Whereas most of you who’
aim yourselves Bell men were, ten
tgo, idem.lied With the old Whig par*
yre stood side by side with you, vin
[|HHffig the Constitution, equality in tlie
Union or Southern tights out of it. But
when Cobb come to you, singing the “glo
rious Union,” and stole your hearts away
from your first, love and remunerated vour
loss with a streak of moon slime—then Gov.
•McDonald stepped forward and unfurled
•your old States-Rights Banner, and voti
wantonly aided in heating hint and us over
18,000 votes. But we held on to the ship
of States Rights until now—when we have"]
again taken position on your own platform,
(or nearly so,) as set forth in your 4th reso
lution, on June the 20th, 1859, under tlie
head of “Proceedings of the Southern
Eights Congressional Convention, Newnan,
Ga., June 29th, 1859.” Now, lest our oi l
friends should again be led off by another
lof . moon-shine, we will publish below
of the JRwniui resolutions, as the
rm erected by them for Col,, Right,
mndldate for Congress, to stand upon,
gluts posting up our old \V Mgft yiii ds,
jHting such abiding confidence in their ■
B and firmness as Conyfrttriiottal
■gilts men, we set forth
Ks seen below, and rely, with coufi
nun tlieit aid in’ this mighty doutli^te
■peas, The American pnrtyv'ijfip^ftbf-
Bieeii formerly <|ishtmle4HHpaff’
pies of Ibis partv comlernned in the
by the Southern Ststes of this Union ;
diereas, a large majority of tlie North
bg,pl tins Democratic, and American
llhave become nhsorhed in the Black
dican party. It behoves ns, as South
ineHcans, as Democrats and Wigs, in
ntion assembled, to ignore in toto anv
party organization or set of political princi
ples obnoxious to Southern progress anil
Southern interests. Therefore, this Conven
'tion, seeing the injurious effects, influences
and tendencies resulting from the adminis
tration of the Government by the present
dominant, or National Democratic party, do
(Resolve,
Ist. That we consider the Kansas, the
Central Alltel i*an, the Pacific Railroad, tkgl
African Educational and Tariff policy of
Janies Buchanan, as a departure from renog
. nized principles, his constitutional obliga
Hio'ns, and as seriously detrimental to tlie
interests of the section That was mainly in
strumental in elevating him to the Presi
dency.
I‘ I we are opposed to the Petno
r as represented by Mr. Buclian
duplicity by which lie was elect
s imbecility, the dishonesty, the
prodigality and corruption which
ed his administration; for his in
n asserting our just claims against
vers; for his successful attempts
3 a venal press witpublic mon
toleration of the outrages of the
|>for his notorious sacrifice of the
the South, in order to strength--’
y at tlie North, contrary to the
contained in his Inaugural A'3-
\miual Message, and forhismam
to concentrate all the powers of
menl in the hands of the Execu
l we condem and repudiate the
t expenditures of the present
Iministration, especially in the
Department.
it the Sbuth lias nothing to.hope
lie Republican and Democratic
1 a true’devotion to tlie welfare
section requires us to oppose
this Convention will neither en-
sympathise or afflilia'e with the Squat
ter Sovereignty policy of Stephen A. Doug
las, or the Free Soil affinities of Bell, Crit
tenden and Houston, and all others who
opposed tho admission of Kansas under the
Lecompton Constitution.
sth. That we consider the institution of
slavery ns having beemcarried by the Colt*’
ipion Law into all territories e? the Union,
and, as such, Constitutional ; and should be
protected bv Congress against all usurpa
fiona or infractions, until the Territory or
.Territories are fully admitted as a State into
the Union.
6tb. That, in the opinion of this Uonven-
|sKi, the passage .if the Compromise known
fas tlie English Bill Was a cheat, h fraud, and
a-stivitKlle, perpetrated by aspiring and dis
loyal demagogues upon tlie institution of
slavery, and the rights of the South.
7th. That in voting for the English Bill,
which prevented the admission of Kansas
into the Union with a pro Slavery Constitu
tion, and making nn unimportant land
clause, a pretense for the act —aud in failing
toi president Buchanan as
hqjtthdtged himself to do ill every speech he
AnWre during the’ last Canvass, if Robert J.
Walker Whs not removed—Hon. Lticius J.
Gifttfell has fttlsilted all the pledges so sa
credly made, and thereby forfeited all claim
to the continued confidence and support of
the people of this District.
Bth. That we ‘demand Equality in tlie
Union, or we will seek Independence out of
it. T
Now turn hack ahd read 1 she 4th resolu
tion, and show the world that yon meant
what you said when'yott endorsed Said reso
lution, and that there was no design* on yOur
part, to', deceive the people.
Divtkiiisou on tin: \rw York Dole*
gallon.
.The following from Ex Senntor Dickin
son’s great speech before the New York
Meeting to ratify the nominations of Breck
jurtdge and Lane, we “think may he accepted
one of the sharpest pieces of invective on
fieeord:
The authors of this outrage, whom we
should hold accountable, and who are jtistlv
ami directly charged with it, were tlie ruling
majority of tlie New York delegation.—
They Ifeald tlie balance of power, and madlv,
and selfishly, and corruptly used it for the
disruption of the Democratic Partv in en
deavoring to force it upon to a fixed point,
to subserve their infamous schemes. They
were there charged with high responsibili
ties by a patriotic and confiding constituency
—in a crisis of unusual interest in .he his
tory of the party and the country —thev, in
an evil moment, held in their leprous hands
the’ destinies of a noble party and of this
great cpunti v—they professed to be govern
ed I>v honorable considerations aud to desire
•rlin^o nw'r and harmony, and success of tlie
DciriOcrnty. They proclaimed, personally
and through their accredited organs, that in
theh - view (lie Southern States were entitled
to name a candidate, and deolaired that it
woii'kl ht> their fiist policy to second such
suggestion ns were made in that quarter and
support such candidates as should he named
by, or he most acceptable to the “South, and
with such profession and false pretenses on
their lips, they went to Charleston. But
from the moment they entered the Conven
tion -at Charleston, until it was finally broken
np by their bae conduct and worse faith at
Baltimore—conduct which secured them the
deftigiiiltiiMi of politcal gamblers upon tlie
floor of lit 6 Convention, their every act was
to oppose the wishes and resist each, and
eve'ry candidate who would be acceptable to
the'Southern States, and their every effort-,
in sea on and out of season, by night and
Urv day was to force upon ll.e Southern
|P*es a candidate whose creed they reptt-
Fdialed and condemned—a candidate they
Imd declared in the most solemn form, and
with rafeqateo nsservalions, they could not
and would not support—a candidate who
was at open war with the Democratic Ad
ministration— who had hut a single sup
porter in tlie Democratic State, and whose
especial adherents had just aided the Repub
licans in the election of a Speaker and Clerk
of the ITonso of Representatives, two of the
most influential and commanding positions
in the Government. [Applause]
Those who ruled, and dictated to, and
wilded the vote of the New York delegation,
through the fraudulent process of a unfit
vote —a rule forced upon a large minority
of this delegation to slille their sentiments,
while small minorities wore released from it,
m others, to suit the purposes of the con
xpu'atjprq; will hereafter be known by the
tnUtoS’, plainly branded upon their guilty
forehemhs at “ Political Gamb
lers !”—who hang festering upon the lobbies
of Federal Legislation to purchase chartered
priviliges and immunity by corrupt appli
ance —who thrive in its foetid atmostphere,
and swell to obese proportions like vultures
upon offal, office breakers who crawl and
cringe around the footsteps of power, and
bv false pretenses procure themselves, or
vile tools, places of official trust and emolu
ment, that they may pack and control cau
cuses and conventions at the expense of tlie
people they defraud and betray,while honest
inn are engaged in their industrial avoea
lidhs to earn their bread.
how lias once the noble spirit of the
Dcinocracy fled from sq< h contamina'ing
approaches? Rome, whose proud banner
qitce waved triumphant over a conquered
world, degenerated in tlie pursuit of sensual
delights to a band of tiddlers and dancers,
and the Democratic party of New York,
founded in the spirit of Jefferson, and emu-;
laling, for many years, the noble efforts of a
Jackson and a Tompkins, has, in the hands:
of “ political gamblers,” been degraded by
ofaetipes which would dishonor tlie resorts
of a Aeter Funk” in cast off clothing ; cheat
ing; tlie sentiment of the people of the State
and Nation; cheating a great and confiding
party, whose principles they put on as a dis
guise, for the purpose of enabling them to
cheat; cheating the Convention which ad
mitted them treats ; cheating delegations
who trusted tlretn ; cheating everybody and
everything with which they came in contact,
except Mr. Douglas, their nominee,and then
lamenting through their accredited organs,
from day to day, that tho Convention had
not remained together so that they might
finally bifVe pheated him. (Great laughter.)
”Ptisy%ave dverthrown tlie Democratic mas
ses, -but ‘Swoe to the riders that trampled
them down.” Political gamblers! you have
breathed your contagion throughout the
Democratic citadel and profaned and pollut
ed walls. Voti have defiled its holy
places by your corrupting influence ; un
clean beasts fold in tho area of its temples
j arid filthy reptiles have inhabited tho snoefu
: ary of its gods. Its towering eaglertfliber-
I ty has fled, for a brief season, and foul ray
lens croak for prey and whet their bloody
j beaks nnd dirtv talons upon its sacred altars.
1 Political gamblers, you have perpetrated
j your last cheat—consummated your last
! fraud upon the Democratic party, for you
j will never again he trusted. Henceforth
you will be held and treated as political out
i laws, and set at defiance. There is no fox so
crafty hut his hide finally goes to tlie lusters.
(Laughter.) You will hang upon UMkjfiMH
to regain power, and lie in ambush
venge ; hut as an open enemy you are pow
erless, ami are only datigerous to ihose who
trust, you. With parties, and especially
‘cliques, who betray trusts nOd abuse power,
as with individuals, there is a <t*J a reckon
ing ami retribution, and yours is Al hand.
“ For time at last set* all tilings veu,
And if we do but watch tlie hour,
& There never yot was human power,
Who could evade, if UliforgiveH,
The patient search and vigil long,
Os him who treasures tip a wrong.”
(• Applause.)
From the Constitution.
The President’s Speech.
in these times of political intrigue and
sectional agitation it is refreshing to listen
to such a calm, clear, and statesmanlike
speech as that delivered by Mr. Buchanan
on the occasion of the serenade to him after
lilt? l)m:K'urrrtlyciMul
ing. Far removed as he is above the influ
ence that excite the passions, looking from
his present elevated position, where rests the
clere, sunlight us an unclouded sky, to that
coveted state of honored retirement and re
pose in which he will soon enter, it was
natural to expect that he would take an im
partial and unbiased view of Die present di
vided and disturbed state of tlie country. —
That this expectation was fully realized all
who had tlie good fortune to be present on
that occasion can fully attest. Having re
ceived the highest honor his country could
bestow, and having steadfastly adhered to
his original intention of never becoming a
candidate for re election, who so competent
as he to give‘an unbiased opinion and speak
his teal sentiments without fear or favor ?
Tho grand piincipl* of perfect equality of
rights among the •Stall’s in the Territories,
the common property of ail, is set forth so
clearly that it is difficult to see how any
mind can he so blinded hv prejudice ns to
withstand or gainsay tlie arguments on that
subject.
That government was formed to protect
property, and that a territorial legislature
lias no power to impair the rights ol prop
erty, is also made so clear that it is a matter
of some surprise how anybody can he foil ml
to deny the truth of the statement. It
might be safely taken for granted that no
democrat wlto has any regard lor the dictates
of reason and tlie plain principle of justice
could think of voting otherwise than for the
• Hiulidtites wlH*advnoate tlie perfect eqtiali
tv of rights of all the Stales under tlie Con
-litu'ion.
It was a scene of no ordinary interest to
see and hear this veteran statesman, whose
pure and spotless life lias been spent in his
co u 111 iv'k leivioo, -triaL- too imcivet in the
present contest but his anxiety for the pros
perity of the rountty impressing so earnest
ly upon his hearers the necessity of yield
ing obedience to the decision of the Su
preme Court, defining the rights of the citi
zens of the States in ti e Territories. What
heart could hear, unmoved, this earnest and
impressive appeal, connected witli the an
nouncement that it was prohab'y the last
political speech he would ever make? Des
pite tlie assaults of faction is ts aud abolition
ists he has sustained* alike the rights of
Ninth and South. Like the sturdy oak of
his native State, the branches of his great
mind are extended to shield the whole Union,
and to shelter and protect, with vigilant care,
all the oppressed of every clime that seek
shelter beneath the broad of our Con
stitution.
When entering upon the duties of his
present high position, it was affirmed of him
even by enemies, that “ his life wos withotii.
a stain.” When tlie present storm of par
tisan fanaticism has blown over, with the
presidential contest, for which it was evoked,
he will pass into retirement, leaving behind
him a record which future generations will
point to with pride.
Let factionistsand disunionists then pause,
and let patriots ponder these parting words
of wisdom and warning as they would the
Farewell Address of the “ Father of his
Country.” 8 N.
From the Journal of Commerce.
John C. Breckinridge.
The popularity of Mr. Breckinridge is in
creasing in ail parts of the Union ; and the
determination of his friends to maintain
withlitmi'thetrue democratic platform lias al
ready been evinced in the most gratifying
manner. It is very unbecotningin the oppo
nenta of. iKeßreckinridege ticket to assert
that it is at the mere dictation of the present
Admlnwwition thati’ has been brought be
fore ‘hepeople, They certainly understand
that Mr. Douglas is not the chosen candidate
of the entire party, while Mr. Breckinridge is
acknowledged to he the best and most
available man, and would have received a
unanimous nomination. If Mr. Dougal’s
New York advisers had reflected upon the
folly of their personal attachment, and the
great, responsibility they were assuming by
turning deaf ear to all other candidates
except Mr. Douglas, and all other considera
tions except those promised by that ambi
tious politician. The democratic party, di
vided ns it no’w is, may yet be consolidated
with Mr. BreoktarMggt as its leader. The
people “f the Southern States have abpJMtl
a desire to support nimf in ‘KBstiUllflhiff oW
test, with equal earnestnessnd
In this particular ho is far of Douglas, I
and for tlie future safety of the country
should thetefore be preferred to any one
who is notin favor With that most important
branch of the confederacy. It may become
the republicans to nickname the friends of
the South, (they are pledged to do so,) but
it is certainly out of place sot any voter
calling himself a democrat to withhold his’
patronage from the nominee who is entirely
acceptable to it, and from hi* private and
public record is in every way worthVOf itls
confidence and admiration. That Mr. tfdig
las catitiol be elected is generally conceded.;
Why, then should he be persistently forced!
upon the masses as a candidate t The spir
it wliich prompts hie followers to oppose
Mr. Breckinridge is” far more’ vindictive
thafi any yet displayed ty the abolitionists
timated since the adjournment’ of the ftaltr
tuore Uontfertfion, that he would be Willing
to make a sacrifice whereby the democratic
party coffhl regain its strength and annihi
late its enemies; hut, on’ the contrary, he’
has ptlrposely refrained from referring fo’
the embarrasment which has been caused
by the selfishness of his rtdir>irs. StTrefy
there is” no’ patriotism in a candidate who,
when he is forced to be sensible, secretly, if
not otherwise, of his Weakness or his un
popularity. will yet refuse to give place (0
tlie one who is really satisfactory in every
•State in the Union !
CITIZEN.
Lcltcr front Senator I'il/.patrivk.
WsTCxfvitA, July 12, 1860.
lion. J. t. M. Curry—Dear Sirs Your
favor of the Bth instant lias just been receiv
ed. You say that “ there is a good deal of
speculation as to tny preferences for the
candidates now before the country for the
Presidency and Vice Presidency,” and that
“you would he glad, if not inconsistent with
my feelings, that I would indicate them. ,r
The office of Vice President is a high
position, and one, a nomination for which;
if tendered me by a united Democracy upon
a proper platform, t am frank so say I would
not have declined.
I could not accept the nomination with
Mr. Douglas for the reasons set forth iff
my letter ofdeclension, and for others, which
I said in that letter, I would not then im
pose. I differ entirely with him on the
territorial questions, ns set forth in my let
ter to Mr. Hudgins, last fall, and as indicat
ed by my vote on the Senate T ‘solutifmt,
commonly called the “
which passed the Senate at the taut sc-si on
of Congress.
Differing as widely as we do upon the
question of Popular, or Squatter Sovereign
ly, and the protection of slave property in
the territories, I could not have accepted the
nomination with Mr. Douglas, on the plat
form presented without subjecting myself to
the imputation of having abandoned well
nurtured opinions for the hopes of obtaining
power and place.
I would have supposed that these opin
ions, publicly expressed, and my declension
of the nomination for tho Vice Presidency,
would have been a sufficient guarantee that
in selecting from the candidates I would, at
least, vote for those whose political senti
ments conform most nearly to my own. I
have always been u Democrat, and .adhered
with fidelity to the principles and images of
the party. The divisions and disruptions of
the Convention at Baltimore should be, and
I feel assured are, deplored and regretted
by all Democrats, and by none, I am sure r
more than myself.
According in sentiment with the platform
upon which Breckinridge and Lane have
bean nominated, I shall, aa a matter of
course, yield them my support.-
Vety respectfully,
Your obcdifti.f serVnfff.
BEN. FITZPATRICK.
New Orleans, July 31.—Two Abolition
ists were hung in Texas, sot distributing
arms to slaves.
Meriwether Sheriff’* Stile.
On the first Tuesday in Septenibtr next,
be sold before the Court House door iff
property, to-W^Yt
, W fl. -fit i T f nTimh*
consisting of spokes, fellies, ntxles, bolsters, plank,
Ac.—sold as the property of Francis B. Hestorly j
levied on by virtue of a fi fa issued from Meri
wether Superior Court, in favor of Webb A Sage,
ngainst F. B. Ilesterly, maker, and A. P. Peary
and J. H. Keith, endorsers;
Also, at the same time nnd place, one Cotr and
Calf, one dry Cow and two Yearlings, and an in
terest in a one-horse Wagon, sold as the property
of Francis B. Ilesterly, by virtue of a fi fa f eoxri
Meriwether Superior Courti in fuvor of Webb A
Sage, against F. B. Ilesterly, maker, and A. P.
Peary aud John H. Keith, endorsers.
RUFUS JOHNSON, g. Sh’ff. :
Also, at the snmc time and place, t*Wl be sold,
two certain Town Lots, situated in the Town of
Woodbury, in tlie lower Niutli District of origin
ally Troup,now Mori tvether comity, one lot known
as the “ Shoe Shop Lot,” situated East of the
“Work Shop” now owned by Win. A. Steed,
and tbe other lying Last of John D. Lamor'a, con
taining one and a fourth acres, more or Jess, With
all tbe improvements thereon, sold as the proper
ty of Wm. A. Fuller, levied on by virtue Os a Jus
tice’s Court fi fa. in favor of Wm. W. Beauchamp,-
against W. A. Fuller. Levy made and returned
to me by John B. Land, L. C. , ,
July 57,1860. j. S: Blalock, sh’ir.
DR. J. P. H. BROWNj
DENTIST,
(Office over Massky A Lansdell's briig Store)
Whitehall Street,)
ATLANTA .GEORGIA.
PERSONS in need of full or par- MnnE’
tial sets of Teeth, moTrnted in n
roost beautiful style upon flue gold
plate, would do well to call.
by mail promptly attended to.
I /t* jr ’‘j va
J. B. THOMAS,
ATTORNEY AT I.AW.
Baimsiudgk,. OaosuiA,
Will give prompt attention to all business an-’
trusted to hie care. [Nov. SIS ’SB-ty.