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strongist denunciator : of Judge Douglas.-
Rut let me put an end to this matter by
challenging, in all Georgia, or Alabama, a
single exception. Hence in view of these
facts, I said and yon said, and we all said,
that we would be together in 1860. It it
true that we said that they would vote for
Douglas, and they said we would oppose
them if tber give os our platform and a
sound man,’ fiat they denied our aHegation
and we denied their allegation. Hence the
t•.-, I . •
!l*tlA £>r ilia r^uinriitrofin ._• _. ; i • igan j
rights, and give us and the country the very
identical platform we desired and placed an
unexceptionable man upon it, ns I will have
occasion to prove before I conclude. There
/>re I atn determined that none of those
allegations, that I denounced as fittso last
rear,, and you denounced as false fast year,
shall stand verified to day by my acts, and
would appeal to Douglas men and Hell men
to-unite with us in this contest, instead of
standing aloof and vorrifying allegations
•that you all desiounced as false and slander
ous only one year ago. We all said last year
that the principles inscribed upon the ban
net of the constitutional Democratic party
here to day was right. I said they were
right, you said they were right, and we all
said they were right. Then if every body
in Georgia said they were right in 1859
why dont every body in Georgia say they
are right in 1860. Let me ask in view of
all these facts why is it that we find a single
man in all Georgia belonging to this Consti
tutional Union Party? Why, after fighting
for those very principles, from a date almost
equal to the date of the organization of the
American party, after the constitutional
Democratic paty has spurned Douglas, his
influence, and his theories, the hone of con
tention between us, and given you your
own platform, why, in the name of patrio
tism and common sense stand aloof ? Hut
if you will not listen to these appeals as
strong they aro, I have in reserve, stronger
ones still.
We mot in convention, at Milledgeville,
just after the Democratic party split asunder,
at Charleston, and adopted the platform of
the scceders verbatim et litteratim, prefac
guage; “That we will unite with aIF men
of all parties in this growing Republic who
agree with us in tiie following cardinal prin
ciples in relation to slavery.” Waiving the
discussion of the point, whether or not this
language amounts to inatrlrctioua to our
delegates sent to Baltimore to-insist upon a
recognition o r those principles, avowed at
Milledgeville, or withdraw ;• we must con
cede that the refusal of that convention to
recognize them necessarily amounts to their
rejection by that convention and party. In
further confirmation of this fact, they adopt
ed a platform, (if platform you may call it,)
as broad as the American Union, and by its
unmeaning generalities, diversified interpre
tations and indefinite purport, invites the
teeming millions of the American people, of
every political shape here, and cast to rally
around one great center-point, the preser
vation of the Union. The only avowed juui..
defined* principle'they have is, the preserva
tion of the glorious Union—and it must be
preserved upon all conditions and under all
circumstances. Though Brown forays dis
tract the quietude of peaceful villages, and
the black tide of Northern fanaticism rolls
broad-cast over the land, crushing out the
last vestige of our constitutional rights, yet
the Union must be preserved I defy your
ingenious and talented Ben. 11. Hill, or any
body else, to point me to one single contin
gency, however outrageous and insu'ling in
its nature, upon the happening nfwhich your
platform contemplates a dissolution of this
glorious Union. Then you have but one
ftrincipiz and that is Lhiion. And that sole
ittle principle is not in issue. Nobody
wants to dissolve the Union. Even South
Caroliua, always first and foremost in that
undertaking, lias not raised a bristle dr ut
tered a growl, but on the other hand, is as
placid and quiet as a iamb. Then, this one I
idea of Union, at this time, appears in the
ridiculous aspect of insisting upon wbsi eve
rybody concedes, fighting for what nobody
fights ngainst, and, therefore, manfully and
bravely and desperately fighting for nothing.
Then, lake the party, upon their platform,
and they are absolutely without any princi
ples at all. The lion. B. 11. Hill, in his
speech at Macon, seems to concede this fact;
for he does not undertake to deduce one
single principle from their platform. And
if he cannot do it, I set it down as a fixed
fact that no living man can. Mr. Hill, in
that speech, ably and conclusively vindicates
the platform of the Constitutional Demo
cratic party. But he then selects Mr. Bell,
without a platform, as the candidate, whose
election would best secure a general acknowl
edgement of our principles and carry them
into practical operation. Here our paths
diverge. I believe that Mr. llill is incorrect
in taking Mr. Bell’s record, even going ten
years back, as an exponent of his party
platform, and that Mr. Hill will object to
his own rule being applied to him in his
support of Mr. Fiilinore ; for if we hau ta
ken his record as an exponent, of our plat
form, it would have interpreted the platform
w to interdict the slave trade between the
States, to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia to receive abolition petitions et
cetera” It is- true that we claimed that Mr.
ffilUuore bad repudiated his record and re
formed. But may it not be true that Mr.
Bell has repudiated his good record and
backslid. If not, why did he vote against
the Lecompton Constitution. Why did the
Black Republicans take biin to their teuder
caresses f But, passing this by, if Mr. Hill
had looksd
ha found this u good record,” be would have
found Mr. Belt's record like the fellow's fat
bide—not so confounded good, after all.—
By looking on page 438 of the Congression
al Globe for 1-649 and 1860 be would have
found that he proposed to give all the Ter
ritory, North of 34 degrees, to the North to
be forever free; stating at the same time
that it wei S half degrees more than
they could require by the “abominable Mis
souri restriction.” On tbe Sadie page of the
san.s Globe he “in favor
of the abolition ofslarery and the slave trade
in the District of Columbia.” He voted,
also, for the adm ission'Mf California, with
her constitutiou formed by unorganized
Squatters, and then voted against the ad
j mission of Kansas, witli a constitution form
j4 by orgsinzed Squatters. Then his ‘'good
[fsterrf” is like Joseph’s coat, of many col-
HMfcv! Jhrasvffo—Tng ail these objections bv,
land all then* reasons by, do you not know,
l and does not the country know, that t o par
ty has ever acknowledged itself bound by
f the record of its standard bearer ? Such an
obligation is unheard iVfclitical annals.
Did any nominating convention yver discuss
the whole record of a man and nominate bint
or refuse to nominate him just according as
that whole record correspond with its Views,
or does it simply ascertain if he will accept
tbe nomination upon the platform of princi
politician that went into the convention bad
iiis record. Tliete was, in that convention,
men of black records and men of white re
sume that they will not preserve their con
such a course. If not; if they intended one
why did not they cull a platform from bis
record and save the country from hunting
out their principles by investigating a record
which Mr. Bell was thirty years making.—
Do we not see tlint such an idea ia simply
absurd. Therefore, we cannot possibly se
cure a general acknowledgement of our
principles, or carry them into practical op
eration by voting for Mr. Bell, which object
Mr. Hill says should control every voter in
Georgia. I analizo and scrutanize this posi
tion of Mr. H'iPs in ao unkind feeling ; for
God knows there is no living man that 1
regard the superior of Mr. Hill, either in
intellect, purity of heart or integrity ; and
no living man towards whom I cherish kind
er feelings or higher esteem. But, fellow
citizens, permit me to tyd you turn your eyes
from the blank banner, from that white-flag
of truce, from that flag meaning peace upon
any condition of the Constitutional Union
party to the all-ineat.ing banner of the Con
stitutional Democratic parly. No Dottglas
ism ; no unmeaning generalities blacken or
stain it, but it is washed clean of them all.
And among all the banners, floating in the
breez“S of heaven in this Presidential con
test, it alone has inscribed upon it those
principles that we all said was right last
year. The Opposition party of Georgia had
them inscribed upon.its banner last year.—
Will- they this year be true to their pledges
nad principles, and enlist under the bannet
upon which they now wave, or will they
enlist under a blank, unmeaning banner and
set out in search ofMr. Bell’s ‘'good record”
because they have been told that he haa said
something just as good? Let us stick to
our principles, and not follow this new par
ty with its new name and its new principles.
We fought for those great constitutional
principles last year, with a banner ajl_tatt,yr-_
etl ami trailing in life cfiisU and now when
victory is hovering o’er us ; when no Doug
las heresy defiles its purity; nosin pollutes,
let us catch burning zea! from the altar-fires
of patriotism, sally forth to its defence, and
live to pour out that zeal in battling for tbe
Constitution and Southern Rights beneath
our common banner. And although the
name of Democracy waves there too, l know
and you know that it has been so purified
that I must cease to hate it and you must
cease to bate it, or else hate it without a
reason. I have no grounds to fight it upon
and you have no grounds to fight it upon.
If it is only the name of Democracy you
don’t like, let me tell you that it is Constitu
tional Democracy. You should not fed at
tached to your new name, or hesitate to
take the namo of Democracy ; for we have
changed names so often that we could scarce
ly ever know what our name really was. —
We are-the last parly to fancy a name or
manifest any regard whatever for any name.
And since we have tried every name except
Democracy, let us try it one time. They
have done all we demanded of them from
’55 to ’6O to make their party acceptable to
us; in fact, they have done so much that
they have robbed us of every reason for oppo
sition, and forced us to tlio necessity of ac
cepting them as friends, or refusing to do it
merely for the sake of opposition, and with
out one single reason to back it. Now,
gentlemen, you have my reasons for my po
sition in this Presidential contest and my
reasons why I think the Opposition party
oflastyenr and the Conatitutonal Demo
cratic party of today ought to be united in
their support of Breckinridge and Lane;
and united in their defense of that banner,
and the only bauner that bears our common
principles.
But tot us see hOW“IT tiXafidS Wlltr tHoRe
men in Georgia who are inclined to favor
the nomination of Mr. Douglas. Ido this
in order to show that the Constitutional
Democratic party is or ought to be unex
ceptionable to every voter in Georgia, and
that it may stand fully vindicated from as
saults from any quarter. They said we
were right last year. Even the Augusta
Constitutionalist and the Atlanta Confed
eracy, which papers now have Douglas and
Johnson at their mast-head, and I believe,
the only two papers in Georgia that have
hoisted their names, both said we were right
last year; and the Atlanta Confederacy
wanted to dissolve the Union if the North
did not concede to ua the right of protection
by the general government through all its
departments in tb#Terrilories. He was for
“equality in tbe Union or independence out
of it } LI Ifta nts idea of “equality ” was fell
“protection.”
Now let me invite your attention to tbe
theory of the Douglasites.
MB. DOUULAs’ VOfIITION. EXTRACT FROM IIIS
SRBBPeeT SPEECH.
“ In my epinion, tbe people of a Territo
ry can, by lawful means, 1
before it comes in as a State.” *
“If the people of the Territory are opposed
to slavery, they will elect members tfcr- the
Legislature, who will adopt unfriendly legis
lation to it. If they are for it,,they will
adopt the Legislature means friendly to
slavery. Hence, no miter what may be the
decision of tlie Supreme Court on that ab
stract question, still tlfe right of the people
to make it a slave Territory, or fclre. Ter
ritory is perfect and complete JVHr
Nebraska Bill.’*- * *
EXTRACT FROM HIS BPEECH AT ALTON.
“If you take negroes to Kansas, you
must take them there subject to the local
law. If the people want the institution of
slavery, they will protect and encourage it;
hut if they do not want it they will withhold
that protection, and the absence of local
legislation protecting slavery, excludes it as
completely as a positive prohibition.”
F.XTHACT FltOM IIIS SPEECH IN TIIE CNirEI)
STATES SENATE.
“If there was anything peculiar about
slave property, require;ng peculiar protec
tion, it was the miaforiue ol its owners, and
the absence of legislation for its protection
would as effectually exclude it from a Terri
tory ns a constitutional prohibition.” * *
* *. “ Tiie Constitution provided no reme
dy, for stealing slaves, oi any other proper
ly ; and no kind of property could lie pro
tected in a Territory without territorial law
providing remedies and penalties. I would
leave all kinds of property to the action of
local Teiritorial laws.”
FROM IIIS HARPER AUTICI*.
“The peoplo of the Territories should de
cide the slavery question for themselves
through the action of their Territorial Leg
islatures.”
Now, then, if in analyzing the position of
(lie Douglasites, 1 show that that position
antagonizes at every point wilh the position
of the Constitutional Democratic Party,
whoso position every body in Georgia said
was right Inst year, is not that position
wrong and if wrong ought one single man
to advocate it. To this end I propose to
thoroughly discuss that position, and will
lieie assume thatthis theory of the
lasite diffeis hut slightly, in principle? from
the theory of the Black Republican Party,
and slitters nothing at all from it in practi
cal effect. I say no man in Georgia lias
even advocated it, and 1 believe that there
is not one inan in Georgia but what repudi
ates it. Put if I nlakegood inv assumption,
dont I prove that no man in Georgia ought
to vote for Stephen A. Douglas with his
theory, a theory, I sav, tlint no Georgian
lias ever endorsed ns I know of or believe:
And I expect to show further more tlmt those,
who do suppor t him under (Ire impression
that, that support is predicatedU upon the
Cincinnati Platform, are inisguidffUind de
luded ; hut on the oilier hand thwTrml sup
port necessarily amounts to an endorsement
of liis territorial theory,anil most thoroughly
commits them, North and South, to that
theory. Now if I make good all these de
clarations, certainly there ought not toS#
-one In
let ns see first what that theory is
Douglas proposes to inaugerate into jail the
Territories. Then lie takes the .position
that the normal conditon of every territory
is that of freedom, since he maintains that
the mere absence of territorial legislation
in favor of slavery, which is non-action, that
slavery is actually excluded frorti the Terri
tory. Therefore non-nction could r(ot ex
clude slavery if the Territory was not
already free. In the first place then, fie has
you excluded from all the Territories in the
absence of Legislative intervention. The
Territorial legislature may not only inter
vene to exclude slavery, hut if it dont inter
vene, it is excluded, any how. He contends
further more, that the common law, nor the
Constitution, does not rei. , izo slavery in
the Territories : for he says you ‘have no
remedy in the securement of your slave
property in the absence of Territorial Leg
islation, providing remedies; and (htWfbre
only such remedies as that legislature may
see proper to afford ;if any at all. lie as
sumes, in this position, that the institution
of slavery is local, created by local laws,and
out side of the jurisdiction of those laws,
which jurisdidtion is confined to the State
or Territory that enacted them, that slavery
cannot exist. If he did not assume this, he
could not conclud that non-action would ex
clude slavery from every- Territory outside
of the jurisdiction of such laws. lie tells
you again “ that the constitution provides
no remedy for stealing slaves, and no kind
of property could be protected in the Terri
tories, without Territorial laws providing
remedies and penalties.” Then if it cannot
he protected without it, it must be protected
entirely by it. Therefore in the absence of
it slavery is entirely unprotected ; you have
then no remedy for “stealing slaves” at aU.
Now I ask, if this does not amount to licen
ing and commissioning every abolitionist in
the whole North to sttal and free every negro
in such Territories with perfect impunity.—
He says you have no remedy under such
circumstances in the woild. Then he .as
sumes in the next place, that a Territory
during its Territorial state, is not the com
mon property of all the States; for the
South stands excluded by mere non-action,
and can only enter by permission of “The
Territorial Legislature, while the whole
North may enter without any condition or
cotingency. Hence, he denies, tho South
equality in the Territories, intimating to her
that it is a *■ peculiarity of slave property.”
Again since each Territory must enaot all
the “ middies and penalties,” and possess
the sole power to regulate their domestic
institutions in their own way ; arpd there
fore equal in sovereignty to a State, ** fob
lows that each Territory may make citizeus
iheieof of just who they pleas. New York
has made citizens of that State of negroes.
The Northern States,, I believe, have gener
ally done it. Hence, the- Territorial Legis
lature being sovereign, they may extend in
that Territory the elective franchise, in their
[discretion, to every human being wKidn their
limits, whether he hails from abolltlWHzed 1
Europe, or the hot sands of Asia, wbetnirl
lie be an idiotic Laplander, or semibwhari-L
ous Hottentot, whether he he a . creole or j
black negro, an Indian or mulatla—jßjaSlß
be made citizens of a Territory, by v tbe.TeipJ|
tutorial Legislature, and by Ihw votes
sovereign will, regiffate their
stitutions of tliat Territory, in tliemHK
way. Oregon was admitted into the Uni#; ;
witli a clyu*e incorperatjsd into her
tion, making citizens’ in Oregon of rtiixeraf
hlohds and Indians, and Kansas lias
the following act:—“ Every free white
citizen of the United States and every
male Indian &c., shall be a qualified elector
for all elective officers.” Now there ijMHh
theory briefly stated. Now let us see how
near it and the theory of the Black Kepnb
lican w l’arty correspond. They and the
Douglasites agree that the normal condi
lion of every Territory, is that of freedom;
that the South with her slave property can
he and is excluded by both non-actiot) and
Legislative inteivention ; that neitlt3g|jglto
common law nor the < onstitiition oftaHK’
United .State, recognize or protect;v
property in the Territores; that tflHs: itu
lion of slavery is local, created by JjlSl'iws,!
ami cannot exist outside the reach of these j
local laws ; that the general ;
cannot protect you ; that neither Congress, j
the Constitution,jiorj,lj,e Common t*w,caVirr
or do, legalize slavery in the TenM - -
But here, and here only, they djpe|-—Doug- j
las says the Territorial LegiaUttjH nicy, m ■
may not, just as they pleas, legalist sl-iv.-iv,
and the Black Republican PartH-ay,
cannot do it, if they would. Tmtjßey :-<r<-
nlinost one and the same thing,.. (Mu’ one j
case, you are positively proliihite4*futd in
the other, if you enter the Territtjj|||§ipOu j
must go like au outlaw
your government, unprotected hv your gov- (
eminent, subject to he driven out'at any
hour by the edict of Ablilionism, already
excluded, unless you have a permit, from the
Territorial Legislature ; then, subject still,
to be-driven out by any and every change
of this Territorial law; every aholitiqMffij
lisened and commissioned to steal and ravl I
eveiy negro in the Territory, in the ahseneff I
of a Territorial law, “ providing remedies .
•and penalties against it,” and then, Hottengj
To'ts,Arabs, Laplanders,lndians, mixed bloods ‘
ami negroes, may he permitted to enter tlint <j
Territory and kill your vote on all orcasiogni
Then 1 ask you, if this is not a disci imisasll
tioji against the South, which discrimination
entries within itself, the Internal power,
destroy slavery, in all the Territories, and
effectually exclude you therefrom ; for lie
says von are already excluded, and can enter
only by permission of the Territorial I.egis
laUite. VVe had laws in Kansas and Nebras
ka as a part of the LuisUiina purchase, recog
nizing and protecting slave property, and
those laws was tin repealed by til?Bffife}un
restriction; for it was nncimstilutijpilf ai
inutio, yet lie thorough the Ivinsas.dHßfb*
hraska Bill repealed those laws, ;
had the impudence to tell the So™,
she cOuld enter those Tci rii.iriespgSL
permission of the Territorial L|MHt
ami when that Legislature has cxc-tltwl ydo j
Itemt-yoin—pi opesiv, W t4ls -yon ‘lhakUaiftrtf-
I bad a perfect ami complete right
that is, free your m-giocs and maktnLu: all
equals in Territory, or els drivfyrotrfroin
your firesides and your homes. Now all the
Blank Republican Party proposes to
exclude you from the common
Uence lean conceive of no difference in the
end sought to he accomplished by
by Douglas. The only issue betWMHHBpf J
on the Territorial question is,as to 1
to he employ ed, and not the end sought to l
he attained. The Territorial question .is the ;
only question of practical importance before i
the country. No parly in convention has
ever manifested a desire to interfere with
- in the States. The Black Republican
Party disclaim any such intention. Then j
the issue, and the only issue, before tiie ’
country, is the Tei ritoiial question. And as %
yon now have the position of the DouglasitejgS
and Black Republicans, here is tiie positioiMj
tof the South.’ The opinion'of the Supreme ’
Court as delivered by Chief Justice Taney.
The right of property in a slave is dis- j
tinctly and expiessly, affirmed in thoConsti- 1
tntion. *****
If the Constitution recognizes the right of
property of ihe master in a slave, ami makes
no distinction between that distinction of
property and other property owned by a cit
izen, no tribunal, acting under the authority
of the United States, whether it be
lure, Executive, or Judicial, has a right to
draw such a distinction, or deny to it tbit, [
benefit of the provisions and guarnntbfpf
which have been provided for Lhe protectlojil
of private property. * * ‘
And if Congress itself cannot do this—tjr tl
is beyond the power conferred on j
eral Government —it will he
presume, that it could not authoriijH^R-r-;
ritorial Government to exercise tlieVn; If I
could confer no power on any local o<Sßern-]
ment, established by its authority, tosfipUte!
the provisions of the ConstitutiottiM* * ‘
No word can be found in the CoSsrfHpou !
which gives Congress a greater poiljlfHs'or !
slnve property, or which entitles
of that kind to less protection than property j
of any other discretion. The only powjwa
conferred is the power coupled wilh the
duty of guarding and protecting Hm owner
in liis rights. I will read you next an ex
tract from the speech of Mr. Calhoftn, de
livered in 1848. It is a lucid exposition of
what the Constitutional Democratic Piirty
proclaim aa the true theory of our govern
ment, and is the very 6tnbodiuieut.of their
poiicical tenets to day.
MR. CAUIOIN’s OPINION.
“ Its (the general government’s) power
-snd authority, having for- its object, the
more perfect protection and piomotion of thwi
safety and rights of eacli and all, it is boiUMb
to protect by its united power, the safety,*
the rights, the property, and the interests of
the citizen of all, wherever its authority ex
tended. That was the object for coufering
whatever authority it has, and if it fails t^
protect that,it foils to perform tiie duty for
Which it was Created. It is enough for it
to khow, that it is the right property of a
citizen of one of these States.to make it its dm
tpffipfortWrt, it, whenever it cornea within the
spliaffYta authority, whether in the Ter
establish or abolish salvery or any other kind
of property, of the citizen of the United
States, in the Territories. All the power it
has, in that respect, is to recognize as piop
erty there, whatever recognized, as such,
bv the authority of an? of the States, its
own being but the united authority of each
| and all the States, and to adopt such laws
i for its regulation and protection as the slate
|of the case may require.”
Now let me invite your attention to our
[■platform, in order that you may perceive
that it is culled from the decision of the
.Supreme Court, liomonizes with the views
pf Mr. Calhoun, and therefore we are back
ed ip our position by the Supreme Ccurt,
and by the wreatest expounder of the Con
ijriMppHfaring or dead. We stand upon
: the Cincinnati Platform with that explana-
NtlOn which by solemn agreement it was to
nreceive when that question, which was made
to it a judicial question, should be determ
ined. Then, if our explanation accords with
ihe Decision of the Supreme Court, no
Democrat has a right to object to it, hut is
bound to accept it and abide it. Now, I
will read you the explanation :
the Democratic party at Cincinnati he af
firmed with the following explanatory reso-
First. That the government of a Territo
isinuon*
the Territories ami wherever else its consth
tory having an adequate population form a
State constitution, tiie right of sovereignty
commences,and being consummated by their
admission into the Union, they stand on an
equality with the people of other States;!
and a State thus organized ought to he ail- !
mitted into the Federal Union whether its ;
constitution prohibits or recognizes slavery.”
They concede that there is not a word in j
t but what accords with the
■Hsay these points as expressed
|Wtibiter dicta. The judges of
Hourt were acting undei oath,
id decide it both in that de
■'Subsequent dec’sion. I be-
Bcnow they tell the truth.—
Hion meets fully and entirely
the issue tendered bv these alied parties. —
This position assumes that when this gov
ernment was formed, that it was formed to
protect the safety, rights, property and in
terest of all its citizens to the extent of its
power ; that the Territories being acquired
liy the treasury and blood of all the States;
that,they are the common property of all
the States, and as the common property of
all, all have a right to enter them ; and that j
inasmuch as the Federal Constitution recog
nzies staves as propel ty that it is the duty
of the general government to protect that
property in tijat common Territory ; it be
ing wuf)ij; tbe sphere of, his, its power as
the representative of all the States therein :
that- the M-s&acliusutts man, with hish.-i--
long aa they remain Territories, you cannot
he uriven out of them either by Congress,
the President or the Territorial Legislature;
for the only power Congress has is, “ the
power coupled with the duty to protect”
you; the only power the President has is,
to enforce the laws enacted, with an eye to
your protection ; and the only power the
Territorial Legislature lias is, to enaot laws
in perfect harmony with the doctrine of pro-
Ueetion, and those laws subject to the super
[vision of Congress, whose duty it is to pro
tect you. Hence, it antagonizes at every
[ point with the position of the Douglasites
and Black Republicans both. Therefore,
[they are wrong; declared wrong by the
judicial tribunal known to the land,
! hy common sense and by the whole
South.
; —j”
! Then, can one single man in Georgia vote
! of their candidates? 14 ut these
[two antagonistica! elements of the Demo
feratio party met in National Convention at
{Charleston to adopt a Platform and nomi
f irate a man for the Presidency. The South
Impost into the Convention with the Law in
one hand nnd the Constitution in the other,
and demanded of the Douglasites to redeem
their pledge and consummate their solemn
contract to abide the Decision of the Su
preme Court. Her gallant Yancy, the
■Bl v all-inspii ing
e and the Con
elopes, and by
lire and hideous
V . V ‘.'J .
of numbers—
d the Constitu
tion, his rights and our rights, repudiated
their solemn agreemont, falsified their sol
emn pledge, and adopted a platform that
they any contains their principles. I shall
not stop to argue what is or wlrat is not ths
true construction of the Cincinnati Piatform,
which it must now receive as liter platform.
But, in further justification of this idea,-
they met at Baltimore and nominated Mr.-
Douglas, with the declaration scarcely cold
from bis mouth, “ that he would not accept
the nomination of that Convention if it
should he at the sacrifice of one ioto of hisr
principles.” Then, did not tiie Convention 1
understand the Cincinnati Platform pura
and simple nnd unexplained as containing
liis piinciples; and, therefore,as their Plat
form, does it not contain his principles, and
must not tho country understand these prin-v
ciples to he the principles of the party
Then, with these facts staring them in (ho’
face, will Georgia proclaim in the affection
ate language of the hoy to his ayveetheart—
“Sweeter than honey, lovlier than an angel,
I will love you my dear wherever you go,”
when he lias actually wandered near tli
haunts of Black Republicanism and courted
admittance ?
Will they do it when the flag of one con
stitutional rights wave over us, inviting by
every allurement tbe valiant sons of the
bomb to make common cause beneath its
ample folds in the defense of o;;r rights as
declared by the law of the land? But be
fore 1 conclude I will notice the arguments
made against the doc-tiine we proclaim in
order that no excuse for opposition shall ho
left. First they tell us that being in the
minority in congress, we cannot effect any
thing, that we cannot carry our doctrine
now into practical operation and besides wo
have adequate protection I—then 1 —then why de
mand this doctrine ? The necessity for its
demands lies in the fact Hint it is pusinvlv
denied and energeticaly opposed by both
the Douglasites and Black Republicans in
theory and principle ami if we win-ess this
denial sab silentio it amounts to a confes
sion of it variety and force. Therefore
sincu the opponents of our doctrine are en
deavoring to inaugurate their antagonizing
theories into all our-Territoiies, which theo
ries wq believe to he in toto wrong, it is ab
solutely necessary, in order to confront their
aggression endeavors, to have as a basis to
light upon exactly the reverse of what we
; deem wrong and aggression. Their theories
! were first put in issue before the country,
i and hence our theory is but a necessary
consequence of our conviction of the error
lof theirs. Concede the fact that we now
I have adequate protection does not all.his
tory show that a remedy which may he
entirely sufficient for the present, may ha
entirely ineffectual for the future. Tim
march of time is fraught with- mutations
ami unexpected events. It is to prepair
remedies and remoddle remedies thus de
manded that, vonr Congress nml your State
legislature meet annually. Remedies otii-e
deemed MiftVie.nt and adequate do cease in
process of time to lie any lemediesat all
and must he superseded bv new ones ac
cording to tiie exergencies of the case. But
to bring the matter more directly bofore us,
suppose Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Douglas should
he elected President, they would appoint a
federal judge into all the organized Territo
ries entertaining exactly their opinions,
which judges with these opinions would
render.nugatory our present, remiedies. It
is true we may have the right of appeal to
the Supreme (Joint. But even they are not
gods that they will live forever, but on the
contrary they are many of them aged and
now tottering upon the verge of the grave
Hence it tnay become necessary to remojl
dle that court and If it i done by Mr.. Lm
eold or by Mr. Douglas, we can no longer
look to that court for tedress or remedy.—
Hence lire necessity for our opposition to
them. And'if we must oppose them, wo
cannot defeat their principle only by a general,
acjmowledgementatid the practical operation
of ours, which cannot he effected unless wo
avow them. Therefore you percieve the
indispensable necessity of our Platform and
the deep interest the South, as the opponent,
of their theories, has in the triumph of that
Platform of principles. It is the avowat
of our principles that constitutes the division)
and warfare, which exist between us and the-
Dougiasites and Black Republicans. Neither
will this avowal of our rights ex necessitate
lead either to their foil concession by the-
North or to disunion ns is contended by our
opponents. Must a political Party, in case
of defeat, rebel against the government or
else sacrifice their honor ? Our poffey i*
no more to “rule or ruin ” than was it tlio
policy of the old Whig party or the ohb
National Democratic party ; hut like thenn
and just as they did we expect to labor
manfully and fight valiantly for victory andi
if defeated, be governed by sober councils
in guarding our rights. Hence, the plea*
of disunion, adequate protection and nor
necessity for the avowal of our principles is
a perfect absurdity and cannot stand ths
test of scrutiny. Another one of those ob
jections is tlint our principles are abstract
in their nature. We have one billion of
acres of Territory, to wrlffoli must be applieib
either our prraviples or the principles of
Douglas and the Black Republicans. This
is the only issue before the country and
creates all the political excitement that now.
exist. The “ nigger question ” as we call!
P WHS in ifie'dett
- laration of the Honorable Senator of Geor
gia, Mr. Toombs, truth, when lie proclaimed
i that there was in this question a- “ terrible
; practicability.” Several States- must Ha>
formed'and of this vast Territory , .Their
doctrine excludes us, and dedictsee all this