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On (his platform stood Gov. McDonald
lost year.. Not as n private soldier—but as
commander-in-chief." If there be any man
in or out of Georgia entitled to the distinc
tion of ring leader of the diiuniouists, Gov.
McDonald is that man. It there wcre,such
things ns Disunion men, he was among, and
of, and over them.
But how are the mighty fallen, and the
weapons of war perished. VVe come next
to
Gov. McDonald’s uack tracks.
. Where 7 does Gov. McDonald note stand f
Has he, or not, been "taking steps back
ward ?”
Having fast bold ol two or three of his po
sitions,'we will'disbuss these questions leis
urely. When we ascertain his present po
sition we can coolly compare it with the for
mer. The tracks do not poiut the same
way.
On the 38th day of May, a motley con
vention of an unchristened nortion of the
people of Georgia assembled in Milledge-
ville, under no name or style. Did this con
vention boot the Nashville Couvention ?
We wot not. It proposed no such thing as a
Southern Congress—the leading idea of the
Nashyille Convention. It proposed no con
cert with Southern States. It proposed no
primary meetings, as did that Convention, to
establish private (’as distinguished from leg
islative) non-intercourse—no appointment of
committees of vigilance. It proposed no
measures of redress—not a solitary measure.
We are too fast. It did propose one, pitiful
enough ai that—-but discreetly rejected it.
Resistence I—“Oh no, they never mentioned
it.” “That once familiar word” had be
come obsolete in the vocabulary of these once
“valiant for the South.’’ Resistance! Re
dress I Who hears these words in Georgia
now f Last summer they were household
words.”
The Nashville Convention, backed by the
Convention in Alilledgeville “of Southern
men, Democrats and Whigs ?”' Why the
very existence of a Nashville Convention
was ignored.
Of such a Convention as this, could Gov.
McDonald, the President of the former,
consent to be the candidate, the standard
bearer of their—heaven save the mark I—
•heir principles ? Could he come down from
the height ol his demand, and occupy this
paltry platform i
Verily he could, and' did. Look at his
letter of June 5th. Nominated by a Con
vention whose very name he must express
by a circumlocution, (a description, not a
namoj he offers his profound acknowledg
ments for the honor, and replies that “a call
so made he does not feel at liberty to de
cline.’’
Political liberty is a different thing from
what we had fancied it. VVe should have
thought Gov. McDonald ‘tat liberty” to
have replied to these gentlemen with period
courtesy. “Gentlemen, look at my Nash
ville tracks and see whether I can reasonably
be expected to take this new direction. 1
can only accept nominations from those who
back me.”
“Not feeling at liberty to decline” their
nomination, and unwilling to leave them
nameless, he proceeds with all convenient
despatch to dub them “the party of the Con
stitution.” He considers their repudiation of
old narty ties “the most gratifying evidence
that the party of the Constitution is deter
mined to sustain the Union of the State* on
•Jbo principles on which our venerated ances
tors established it.” A much higher evi
dence, to our minds, would have been fur
nished by the adoption of some practical
means of vindicating ths principles they
.asserted, tq be violated.
“The habitual violation o( these princi
ples”—“the flagrant and fatal violation” of
them, one would have thought needed action
louder than mere resolution. The violation
of them did not give rise even to valiant re
solutions. “The fraud upon an injured peo
ple” is to be submitted to in a quiet way,
of which among nations, ( not abiding by the
scripture rule of forgiving injuries,) few pre
cedents are to be found. Laboriously does,
the Governor argue to prove that he ought
to do what he does not propose to do—re
sist. To his own satisfaction, he demon'
strales that the South has been plundered,
outraged and degraded. The Convention
which nominated him labored the same point
But, oh, lame and important conclusion I
They propose, in Iho way of redress, to do
. what ? Why—nothing I
Last summer it used—with the mildest of
them—to be something. Something must
be done. But now they all, with one ac
cord, (one mar, did volo to the contrary in
that grand submission meeting—wo do him
the justice to record it,) hnve let go even
that uncertain measure of redress.
“Considerations like these,” induced Gov
McDonald to endeavor to promote united ac-
. tions at the South.
Well fnight they. They might have
moved a milder spoken man than Tie was—
at that time. But why not now as well as
then ? Have the Governor’s spirits failed
-him ? Are majorities indeed so potent l Is
<it so hateful to his feelings to be in the mi
nority I
Why, says Gov. McDonald—“The wrong
having been done, each State must judge for
itself without consultation with the rest in
the matter.” Indeed. Why then did you
call the second Nashville Convention ? Was
4bat to enable each State to “judge tor it
self?” Wo should think it ill-adopted to
any such purpose. It was for any purpose,
it was to promote-“united action.”
But “Georgia, in advance of her sisters
lias met in her sovereign capacity, and her
people hnve determine to pretermit the out
rage committed on her right by the admis
sion ot California as a State, with her highly
’ objectionable Constitution.” Georgia has not
been wont in her past history to pretermit
outrages.” If Georgia-had agreed witli Gov.
.McDonald in sentiment—had believed her
eights outraged—she would not have sub
mitted to the outrage. How mildly the
word “preteimit” strikes the ear. Sub
mission has dwindled down, into “extraordi
nary forbearance ;” very extraordinary in
deed. We are not subs now, only preters
. not suhmiasionists, only pretermissionists.
But what shall wc say of the next few
sentences ? How shall w« characterize it ?
t is slavish. It bends its neck to the yoke
cka the rod. Shame, shame, that in
airy of boasted Republican principles, the
should be found, (any, not one man on
to party ; a party big enough to nom-
overnor,) to maintain-that they
[even to strive, to maintain
gt they
pointed wags. Until another election the
decisions must stand. But was it ever be
fore disputed in this Government; has tran-
ny ever dared to rais his front so high oa to
deny that the minority may try the chances
of another election ? to what purpose is the
ballot box consecrated, if not this ? If min
orities have no such rights, what hope have
they but in banishment ?
And yet this shameful, preposterous her
esy lies at the bottom of their whole
unbaptized platform. Under this pitiful pre
text they hide, when asked why they con
demn the Compromise, yet dp not resist it.
Under this they hide when submitting to
“outrage.’.’
“Mnke the issue again like men. Say to
Georgia, your decision was wrong. Cor
rect it, not by revolution, but by the ballot
box. VVe, your faithful sentinels, call on
you to reverse it speedily. Repudiate the
Compromise, that fraud upon your rights—
that blot on your honor—that outrage. Send
men to the Congress of “the Assailed
States.” There yet is time.
The democratic party have been often
belt. We did not therefore abandon it —
We hung aloft the same flag, and fought for
the same principles. But the rights and
honor of tho South were not principles
worth contending for twice. They did not
survive one defeat. No. The base crew
make baste 'o submit. They get under in
decent converse rather than not submit.—
They hide in this very cess pool of despotic
doctrine, rather than again raise the same
issue with the people of Georgia.
Ye who proclaim yourselves the leaders of
Slate Rights men /—ye who are ao loud ns
to the sovereignly of the people I—are ye
leaders in lseral, and have not learned this ?
Do you not know that to renew at the ballot
box the issues you have lost no treason, but
the undoubted right of the minority, the
highest duty and most distinguished glory
(because of its evident disinterestedness,) of
the citizen ?
Ye beasts of suhmiasionists ; who will not
even resist by ballot I Do you publish to
the world this creed and still hold up your
brethren as submission men 1 If yon ate the
tiest stud in Georgia, os you would have
men believe, how low, how vile, how abject
must she have become.
And yet for such a reason, for such a rca
son only, do Gov. McDonald and bis ad
herenta swallow their brave words. They
have got no new right; the Compromise is
still an outrage ; the Southern Congress is
not yot in session ; it is not too late to ap
peal from the ve.dict rendered by the people
last year. But no. They make haste, and
delay not to submit. They do not want to
try that issue over again even if Georgia re
main “degruded.”
Gov. McDonald then proceeds to say
that “it is sufficient to consider it (tho right
of secession and resistance)as set down by
our people as a political axiom, to be acted
on,” &c.
If’ sir, your Convention spoke the truth
when it said that the Southern States “have
been deprived, by high hand, of all their in
terests in the terrilorias acquired from Mex
ico ; have been degraded from their condi
tion of equality in the Union; hate been
forced to surrender territory unquestionably
and legitimately their own, to the use and en
joyment, of the hireling “Stales,” then it is
not sufficient for those believein* such things
true, to lay down axioms for the future —
Prodigiously bothered are ye all for axioms
If the outrages you nllege to have been com
mitted do not justify their application to
practice, then you may safely be trusted
with axioms as truculent as your own words.
But is it 'rue that you will let Georgia, your
own State, your father land, lie low in dust
and “degradation,” with only one gtruggle
for her elevation ? Is she fallen so low that
she cannot, by dint of argument, by the
power of the press, by the most strenuous
effort of her sons, be nroused even to feel an
insult1 Then, tn God’s name, let us aban
don her. Let us go to a land we are not
ashamed of. f etus disown and repudiate
her. But if she have a spark of honor unex-
tinguislied, let us try to kindle it to a blaze.
At least, while her sister States have not
met in Council, let us try to keep honor
alive, in tho hope she may catch the flame
from them.
But we must defer to another time any
lurlher comment upon Gov. McDonald’"
briskly retreating letter.
We have seen where he was—where ho
is—which way his tracks once pointed—
which way they now point.
la he sincere in backing out! Does he
really mean to leave his own State “degra
ded ?” We have no use for a man who
believing her so is willing to leave her ao.
But on tho other hand. Is he honest
With the retraction on his lips, would he
still prefer disonion to the Compromise ? Is
the issue the means, different from the issue
ho speaks ?
Then he is not fit to bo trusted even by
those who a^ree with him in sentiment; we
care not which horn of the dilemma his ad
herents take, whether he honestly intends
leave Georgia in a state of degradation, or
whether he is afraid to make a manly, hon
est issue. One horn or the other they must
take.
Washington, June 23, 1851.
supreme. In some cases, however, it is not
so easy to draw the dividing line between
the tights ot the States and of the Federal
Government. Lilfe the sunshine and the
shadow, it is difficult to say where the one
ends and the other begins. In this region of
twilight and doubt, it is the duty of the par
ties to refer their differences to the umpire
TheDootrme of Secession Examined
The Secessionists iusist that a State may
secede from tho Union by virtue of its sov-
ereighty, and with or without cause. Should
it become tired of the Union and desire a
change of air, they claim that it may pack up
and go out, notwithstanding the secedini
State itself may admit theie is no ground o
complaint. They also affirm, that the Un
ionists are consoiidationists, aud that they
deny to a State the right to secede for any
cause whatever. We propose to examine
this doctrine of Peaceable Secession, and to
define the position of the Uniou parly, so far
as we understand it—premising that all we
ask of the readers is to peruse obr remarks
to the eud before he makes up his decision,
and of such of oui cotempornries as may
comment on them, is to give them a place in
their columns and we will do the same with
their remarks.
Sovereignly in this' country is divided be
tween the States and the Federal Govern
ment. When the Union was formed, the
States yielded up certain rights which are
enumerated in the Constitution, and retained
certain other rights to themselves. Within
the limit of the tights thus yielded up, the
Federal Government is supreme—the Con
stitution-of the United States and the laws
nd treaties made in pursuance thereof being
—aSHRI ,...^ eme law of the land,’
ties to refer their diflerences to the umpire
which they have mutually appointed. - When
the Stales adopted the Federal Constitution,
and entered the Union, they bound them
selves, and the General Government bound'
itself, to Bubmit their disputes to the Su
preme Court. It will not answer to say,
that Court hits become' demoralized and
would not render justice to the States;
there is not a more upright, or more fearless
and independent tribunal upon the earth. It
is beyond the influence either of the Govern
ment or the States. Standing between the
two, it is more deeply interested than either
in preserving the equilibrium between them
The States and General Government, not un
like centrifugal and centripetal forces, ever
drawing in opposite directions, will always
counteract each other, and where they do
not, the Supreme Court will not hesitate to
restore them to their proper spheres. As a
general rule, those who throw suspicion on
that tribunal, are such as do not respect the
laws of the land and are bent on revolution.
It is our duty, therefore, as well as our
great privilege, to subject all doubtful laws
of Congress and of the States to the ordeal
of the Supreme Court. If it decide that a
law of Congress is constitutional, we should
submit; if unconstitutional, then it is null
and void. In like manner, if it decide that a
State law is constitutional, the General Gov
ernment must submit; if not constitutional,
then it is of no effect. This is the only le
gal course, and any other is revolutionary.
ose, however, the Federal Govcrn-
mentVhould violate the Constitution in a
manner to threaten our safety and existence,
and should manifestly heap upon us degrad
ing and intolerable oppressions—what then?
We answer—throw off the Government, re
sist it by sword and by fire, and establish
new sale-guards for future security. When
the Government becomes n curse—au ojt*.
nressor—a corrupt and bloody tyrant, let »t
be destroyed. The people have never sur
rendered, and can never surrender, the right
of self-preservation—the inestimable tight to
resist tyranny This, however, is a revolu
tionary and not a peaceable right. To be a
peaceable right, it must be exercised through
the ballot box and not by the sword.
Consider the Constitution in the light of a
simple contract: has one party the right to
set aside that contract fcoui mere caprice
nnd blind the other party by its judgment ?
If so, has not the other party the right to do
the same ? If a State disregard the Consti
tution and reject the Supreme Court, the
appointed tribunal for the adjudication of
such disputes, may not the remaining thirty
States do the same ? Mr. Legare, of South
Carolina, one of the profoundest and most
brilliant jurists the country ever produced,
said they might, it should be remembered
too, that the State Governments and the Na
tional Government were orduiued by the same
people, and if the people can renounce the
one, they can also renounce the other. We
hold that they can renounce either or both-
but there are only two ways of doing it: One
is by the Ballot Hex, the other hy the Sword.
One is Peaceable, the other Revolutionary.
There is no such middle ground as that of
Peaceable .Secession. Stales are every year
changing their Constitutions by the ballot
box, nnd the National Congress has more
than once altered and amended the Federal
Constitution by the same means. This is
the universal war, the only exception being
where the sword is substituted, as it was
feared would be done some years ago in
Rhode Island.
It is the merest humbug t'neiefore to talk
about peaceable secession. Whoever heaid
of a government being overturned ai d its em
pire dismembered peaceably I The right
claimed by the Secessionists valueless even
<f well founded—for sooner or later would be
decided by the arbitrament of the sword
'Where constitutions end, revolution be-
'in.” Will it be contended that California
or which so much blood and treasure were
expended, has the right peaceably to secede
now that the is out of the elutches of Mexi
co and in the Union f If Georgia, one of
the old thirteen States, may withdraw at
discretion, so may California, the youngest
of the thirty-one. The admission of such a
right would have authorized California to
leave the Union the day after she was ad
mitted, and to cheat us of all the territory
for which we spent so much blood and mon
ey. So with Texas and other new States.
Canada, Cuba, the Mexican and South
American States, would be very glad to take
shelter in the Union against their oppressors,
if they may peaceably withdraw when the
storm is over, and establish governments for
themselves. We would do all the fighting,
and bear ail the expenses, while they would
enjoy all the benefits.
The doctrine of Stale sovreignty has been
carried to an extreme by the Secessionists,
just as the doctrine of unlimited Federa
Sovereignty has by the Consoiidationists.
The true ground ties between the two. For
example : the Secessionists, in the State
Convention of December, objected to that
part of the fifth resolution which made it the
duty of the Federal authorities to enforce the
fugitive slave law. They contended that
the Government could not execute any law
in a State, however constitutional, against
the will ol that State. In other words, they
contended that when a slave escaped to
Massachusetts, the authorities at Washing
ton could not arrest him and remand i im to
his owner without her permission ! This
carrying Slate rights to as ridiculous an ex
treme as Don Quixote carried chivalry
These same men would hold that Massachu
setts has the right, “by virtue of its indepen
dence and sovereignty,” as Gov. McDonald
says, to secede from the Union on account of
the fugitive slave law, or without any cause
whatever. On the same ground, the north
ern States may withdraw because Congress
will not improve their rivers. Pennsylva
nia and the New-England States may do
likewise because they do not get all the pro
tection they desire. So may Carolina be
cause she does not like the Compromise—
and Louisiana, because Congress- will not
keep up her levies on the Mississippi—and
Texas, because the Indians on her frontier
are not exterminated—aud Florida, because
the reefs on her coast are not dug down and
her score of Indians removed to the West.
Indeed, if the Secessionists are right, the
.Union is a mere rope of sand, and the thirty-
se it may fajl aisun-
The true doctrine for the South is embo
died in the following resolution of theGeoi-
gia Convention ana the accompanying ex
tract from Mr. Cobb's letter :
Fourthly, That the State of Georgia, in
the judgment of this Convention, will and
ought to resist, even (as a last resort) to a
disruption of every tie which binds her to
the Union, ary action of Congress, upon the
subject of slavery in the District of Colum
bia, or in placet subject to the jurisdiction of
Congress; incompatible with the safety, do
mestic tranquility, the rights and the honor
of the slave-holding states; or any act sup
pressing the slave-trade between slatehold
ing states; or any refusal to admit as a state
any territory hereafter applying because of the
existence of slavery therein; or any act pro
hibiting the introduction of slaves into the
territories of Utah and New Mexico; or any
act repealing or materially modifying the
laws now in force for the recovery of fugi
tive slaves.
, Mr. Cobb, in his letter of acceptance,
says:
Should, however, the time arrive when
the conditions of her (Georgia,) remaining in
the confederacy are degradation and inequal
ity, I should be prepared with her, “to re
sist, with all the means which a favoring
Providence may place at her disposal,” even
“(as a hst resort,) to a disruption of every
tie which binds her to tha Union,” any and
every power that seeks to put upon her such
debasing terms. Nor nm 1 particular by
what name this resistence may be character
ized—whether secession, revolution, or any
thing else—for no one can for a moment
doubt, that should this fearful collision ever
come, the issue will be decided only by the
arbitrament of the Nword. Where constitu
tions end, revolutions begin.
Here is the plntfortn not merely of the
Union party of Georgia, but of the Union
party of the whole South. It is moreovei
the true platform. It avoids the rocks nnd
quicksands of disunion, (unless in case ol
defence,) on the one hand, and of the re
morseless and ever-craving maelstorm of
consolidation, on the other. It recognises
the inalienable right of a people to protect
themselves against intolerable oppression;
arid still it denies the dangerous heresy of
leaceable secession claimed by tl e disunion-
sls, and the equally dangerous powers claim
ed for the General Government by the con-
solidationist. To say therefore, that the
Uniou party of Georgia, or its candidate, is
opposed to the withdrawal of a State from
the Union for any cause, is to say what is
false. Thai party totally repudiates the
monstrous doctrine of consolidation It
holds the right of the States nnd the rights
ot the Federal Government as they sie defin
ed by the Constitution, and is the enemy
alike if a central despotism and a State des
potism.—Sav. Rep.
THE COURIER.
Mr. Coos is now upon tour In South-western Geor
gia, and has mode several speeches which hnve hed
a good effect. We would Im happy to have him visit
Upper Georgia,
Canvass for Congress
The nominations for Congress tn this District are
now over and the result is before the people. Of the
candidates of the reepeotive parties, oar position es a
political Editor compels us to spook. It la our duty
to csnvnu their claims to the station which they seek,
to publish to the world the opinions which they may
avow upon public measures, and to aid the constituen
cy of this district In choosing, understsndfngly, the
agent whots to serve them for the ensuing two years.
These obligations we sh U endeavor fairly amt dispas
sionately to discharge, without the slightest persona?
animosity towards either of (he aspirants. Indeed,
there is no neceeslty for pereonal abuse and demotion,
as the auffraee of every voter should depend upon the
political opinions avowed by the candidates, sir fairly
attributable to them from their associations.
The candidates are the representatives of certain
opinions | the embodiment of principles, Snd their
pa'sonel merits or thmerlts ere of little Importance
to the issue. The man who believes thsl the perpetu
al union of Diets States Is pntsmnunt to alt other
questions; end that that Union is endangered by the
open ettneks of enemiee or the covert machinations of
pretended friends, will not too critically judge the
agent who Is to avert the danger nnd restore peuce
and security. Nor will hr who desires the overthrow
of the Government by open revolution,nr by theanar-
chy of secession, slop to enquire whether the instru
ment which effects it is drown from the niniory of
his opponents or forged by his own hands. At no for
mer period has the mere pertonel of the candidates
bten of less moment; and we should be most happy
to conduct the entire canvets in view or this fact.—
Gut we have no idea th-t tills pleasure will be allow
ed us Indications which cannot be miatuken, admon
ish us that personal abuse, neftmnbon and ridicule
will he employed to dufeni the election of site Union
candidate ; that unmindful of ths advice long ego
given to the occupants of glass houses, his adversaries
will assail him w th unjustifiable missiles. We de
precate these means from s sense of propriety, but not
from any fenr of the result. We are prepared at all
points, and we notify our opponents in advance, that
If such ■ course be persisted tn we shall wage no Par
thian warfare; the seat of hostilities will be transfer
red to Afrits, and If the waters of the Danube have
not more than Stygian virtue, vulnerable points may
still be found upon the person of Achillas. ,
NOMINATION
We are pleased to see that Col. Lewis
Tumlin has been nominated as the Union
candidate for the Senatorial district compos
ed of Cass and Paulding, and. Dr. Slaughter
of Marietta for the district composed of Cobb
and Cherokee.
W. T. Wofford, Esq. and Dr. W. H. Fel-
lon, have been nominated as union candidates
from Cass, for the lower branch of the legis
lature. Thos. Bytd from Gordon. Excel
lent aelectiona, all which will bt ratified by
people in October next.
THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 10,1851
J. KNOWLES, EDITOR.
NOMINATIONS OF Till
CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY.
HON.
For Governor-
HOW ELL
COBB,
For Congress.
COL. E. W. CHASTAIN,
Of Gilmer.
THE CAMPAIGN AND THE COURIER
The campaign has fairly opened—the two
parties have selected their respective leaders
anti unfurled their banners tn the wind. The
conflict will be novel and exciting, conducted
however, we trust, in good nature and cour
tesy. Upon the new issue, Greek will meet
Greek, and old Democrats and old Whigs
will be found side by side, shoulder to shoul
der, battling for the Constitution and the Un
Both will v ant, and must have inteili
getice and intelligence of a reliable kind. This
the COURIER proposes to furnish at reduc
ed, prices.
We say to our friends every where, aid in
the circulation of the “Rome Courier.’’ Let
every‘subscriber become an agent, acd send
ns forthwith n handsome list. The enemy
is upon the alert, let us be prepared to meet
him. To those who subscribe for the year,
the terms are unchanged. To those tvho’sub-
scribe for the campaign, (from the first of Ju
ly to the last of October,) the following rates
will be charged.
Single Copies 75 cts.
5 Copies for $3 00
10 Copies for 5 00
Let our friends in Paulding, Chattooga,
Walker, Dade, Murray, Gordon, &c. aid in
extending the circulation of the Courier.
No Postasi.—The Courier will hereafter go free of
Postage to Subscribers living in the county; and for
90 cents per year to all living within 00 miles.
Senatorial Convention.
In our paper of the third instant we nam
ed the first Saturday in August as the day
for the meeting of the Senatorial Conven
er this district (the 47th,j composed of the
counties of Floyd, Chattooga and Gordon
Since that time we have learned that the day
fixed upon by the meeting in Gordon was
THURSDAY THE 31ST, OF JULY
and we -arneatly hope that all misunder
standing on the subject will end. Let the
delegates from the "arious districts of the
three counties meet there, at the California
Springs on the 31st of July to make the
Nomination,
At the same time & place, we understand
there will be a free barbacue given to the
delegates and to ail other peraous who may
wish to be present aud witness their delibera
tions. Sympathy in a good cause and the
hospitalities of the occasion, will, we doubt
not attract a large assemblage.
Col. Chastain the Union Candidate for
Congress in the Fifth district, will also be
present, and address the people upon the
prominent topics of the day. Let us have
a full gathering of Union loving Patriots to
“set the ball in motion.”
Tbs attention of the reader is directed to the notice W ipjj| 0 ]
" " s sdvertjjmg columns. | Rome
Georgia and its Rail Roads.
At this moment Georgia presents n spectscle of
wonderfi I progress In the prosecution snd consumma
tion of all those varied pursuits nnd improvements
which tend to happiness snd renown. The Isp.o of s
few brief years has wrought a mighty change in the
Spirit of her dream," and the prospects of every
clsssof her enterprising citisens. Nothing has con
tributed so much to give herfameend influence abroad,
and prosperity nnd thrift at home as her liberal sys
tem of internal improvements. Agriculture, com
merce, insnufectnres, snd even the arts snd sciences,
have received a new nnd healthful impulse from this
system. And yet we are now but beginning to real
ise the benefit# these greet achievements nre destined
to confer upon the State, if properly directed and
controlled. When all the rs il-roads within her limits,
already constructed, or in process of construction,
thoroughly repair, d and fully equipped, slintl be in
suceesslut operation, our State will present a scene of
sctivliy snd busier.s delightful to look upon.
In selecting their representatives to the next Legl;
Inturc, the people should be careful to elect those, nnd
tho-e only, who will liberally promote snd prudently
guard this great interest.
Death ol Vf. 0. Pope-
The unexpected demise of this estimnble gentleman
on Thursday evening last, spread universal gloom
over our entire community end excited universal re
gret. During the few brief yearn he had resided in
onr city, he hnd, by his uniformly urbane and upright
deportment—by his zeal and liberality in the forma
tion of every laudable enterprise, drawn around him
a In rue circle of deeply attached friends snd admirers.
With an untarnished name, he had just (entered upon
a course of extensive usefulness, with fnlr prospects of
success, when at the early nge of 93. he has been ar.
rested by the hand of death. His less will be deeply
felt and deplored by the Vieihodiat Church in this
place, of which he wae nr, official member, and olso
by the "Coosa Lodge,” in which he had long been an
officer, and an efficient promoter of its intercts. Ills
remains were followed to the grave by a large con
course, snd with the usual musonio rites, and amid
the tears of soirowing fnsnds, he was consignod to
the house “appointed for the living." As n just tribute
to the memory and worth of our d parted friend, the
stores were closed end business generally suspended
on the efternoon of his funeral obsequies. Few young
men have lived more generally loved ; few have died
more universally regretted. Peaceful bo his quiet
slumbers!—fragrant be his memory 1
Below will be found the nemes of the delegates sp.
pointed from tills county to the Senatorial Convention
st the Floyd Springs, on the 31st inst. We hope that
two delegates from each Militia district In Floyd
Chattooga nnd Gordon counties will he found, with
out fhil at the above named time and place, prepared
in the spirit of conciliation and compromise, to select
e euiisble Senatorial Candidate.
We take this occnsion to say to our Union friends
in Cherokee Georgia, e.very whore—be diUigent, be
active, be prudent. Our opponents will make a des
perate effort to carry this Congressional District. The
man who they tried to hiss down and shout down at
Macon and Kingston, Is now put up as a decoy candi
date, to secure votes for McDonuld and Secession.—
Avaiiibility nnd humbupgery are their tactics now,
and if they succeed in this, disunion snd revolution
hereafter. We hope Mr. Stiles wilt respect himself
too much to become the supie plaything of such a
party, and de-line the (aided bait proffered by such
questionable hands. If he is truly a Union man, he
will do nothing to weaken the Union Party. We
shall see.
Etowah Dlst.—Frank. W. Ayer nnd Brysn Allen.
Wattersdlut.—Dr.W.C. Brandon, Burnell Ayeock.
Californ is dlst.—Rolin Speers, Thompson M. Hen
son.
Dirt Town dist Jesse New, end Willis Sillmnn.
N. Cnrolinn d'st.—Thoe. S. Price, Wnt. Berryhill.
Cave Spring dist.—Matthews Ellis, K. P. Simmons.
Vann’e Valley dist.—John Guffin, James M. P,
.Bennett Lawrence, Job Rogers,
isb—aS.BIsek.Ni-' ~ '
Coincidence and Contrast
If the whole world coaid preeent n nation with a
better form of government than onr own—with wiser
lawe, freer instltutkits, civil and religious, greater
progress In all that ennobles and elevates and renders
happy and prosperous a great and glorious people,
tlien might we excuse the infatuation and wickedness
that would combine to demolish the glorious fabric
reared by tin immortal Washington am) his illustri
ous compatriots. But where shill yre find such aspec'.
taole in ths who’s history of tie past, in the whole "
aspect of the present or in tho reasonable anticipa
tions of ths future t And Will not a people' thus hon-
ored and thus blessed—that dignified, envied, admir
ed nnd praised abrpsd, pause tad ponder wall before,
at the bidding or’the captions and .seditious, they
plnnge Into the dark abyss of untried experiments.—-
Let them again-aiid again, contemplate tha magntflV
cent picture of 9J millions of freemen, held together
(not “by the cohesive paivefof public plunder,") bud
by mutual esteem and confidence—by mutual re* ! ‘
gard lor the Constitution andUvvs under the Goustl--.
ration—by ties' of common Interest and general secu
rity—by love to God and lovo of country, and love of
liberty—let them, we say, oomemplstu this spectacle'’
of n mighty people, without force or feat of arm*, car
rying' out their own high destiny, and then tarn lo>
the old, rotton, nnd to ttertng, and tumbling kingdoms
of the “Old World "and draw the contrast. It ap
pears by the following extract of a Paris correspon-
dent, that the people of Europe,- at Icost, are doing 1
this themselves. Shall wo deface and disniember the '
model, and thus destroy pur own bright' liopes,' and
leave tho world without a beacon t?'Heaven forbid U t
“The colm ideuce of the. inauguration of the two
railways, the Erie and tire Dijon branch, by tho Chief.
Magistrates of France and the United States, was too
striking to bo allowed to pass' unnoticed.' I cannot
forbrar l tmslating a p stage or twoXomtbo A’alionaf
upon the subject. The article l» entitled the "Two
Presld ms.”
“We teceivcd yesterday Atnercm papers contain-'
lag dentils or tho inauguration of the. Eric Railway
by President Fillmore ; at Hie same moment we were
serding off by the Humboldt oar own journal, narrat
ing the opening of the Dijon road by .Prcaldent Bona-
purte.
“We wilt not again al'ude to the difference between
Mr. rillmore, surrounded, without let or hindrance,
in til tho towns that he v,sited by orowds of persons
of every class, snd Mr. Bonaparte entering between
lines 01 soldiers und gens d’srmes, who permit a near
er approach only to official personages. We will not
contrast the unanimous acclamations of a people
honoring iuelf in the person of its Chief Magistrate,
with the drunken shouts ol the remains of illegal so
cieties... ..... Such is the man .(Mr; Fillmore) who
modestly deollnes the honors bestowed upon him by
his fellow citizens, and who attributes to others the
merit of tbs nets accomplished during his Presidency.
An able statesman himself, he did not seek to compose
a Cabinet of inf rtormrn, who might execute Ids will
and accent nnd Ibllow his personal'policy; he sur
rounded himself with tho great mindi of the country p
ho listened to their counsel, and asked or them
their inspiration. He did not, impelled by a dogged
pride. Impose upon them-his own ideas, but found Ills
glory in putting in practice those which experience
amt pstnotiem dictated to the' eminent men of hi*
Cabinet s nnd in the face of the people openly declare
' tvhnt pirt of the honor of bis administration be-
iged of right to them."
LUMPKIN AND MILLER.
Allusions have been made time and again
to the meeting held in Rome for the pur
pose of appointing delegates to a Convention
tp he held in Caasyille to nominate two can
didates for election, as delegates of the fifth
Congressional district to the Nashville Con
vention. It has been alluded to in certain
quarters for the purpose of establishingThe
fact, that Judge LimpRiN, the Chairman’o(
the Floyd county meeting, and Dr. H. 'V.'
M. Miller, the author of the resolution*,
adopted by that meeting, were in favor'st
that time of the proposed Nashville Conven
tion. Suppose ail this had been true, it dd.ee
not convict these gentlemen or any other*
who were in that meeting, with favoring the-
wild nnd revolutionary projects favored by
that Convention, after its assemblage. Bub
we undertake to say, and are capable of es
tablishing the fact, that both of these gentle
men were opposed to the Nashville Conven
tion from the outset, and apprehended'evil
consequences to the South from the spirit!
who had influenced, and who would' in
probability control the deliberations'of' that-
body. II those who make this charge would'
reflect for a single moment on the conditioa .
of the country and the state of the question,
at that time, thoy would not make this charge-
The Legislature of Georgia had just then,
adjourned, after declaring in behalf of the-
State of Georgia or the people whom they
represent, that delegates should be sent to
the Nashville Convention from the State of'
Georgia. Four delegates were elected, twfr
from each of the two old political parlies by
the Legislature to represent the State ab
large, nnd provision was made by an act of
the Legislature, that elections should be he’d-
io each Congressional district, and two dele
gates, one from each of the. old, parties,
should be elected by the people or their r*
presentatives to. that Convention- ‘ Nor mi.
this all; the sameact provided, that in.
event no delegates were elected, or should
those elected refuse to’Tfls^v'e; the law con'
ferred upon Governor Towns the abthoritf
to appoint delegates to represent, the peopn
of each district in that Convention.
Legislature and the Governor had not ohl)
declared in fi<vor of being fepresented in th
convention, but they had made their arrang
ments for the State to be fully represent*
whether the people of the State desired it
not. They had not left the question open j
be discussed whether it was proper to I
presented. And all that was left to ti
consider, and all that was considered,
shall we send' conservatives and frient
the Union or shall we have as our t
tatives open and avowed disunionisti
so far as thp fifth Congressional
concerned, our representatives did i
to leave to us the poor privilege of m*F r
selection of our own representatives..
had nominated before the adjournm
Legislature, one of their own body,,;
distinguished himselt for his extreiij
and disorganizing views; as a suitah
date to be voted for as a deleg^
Nashville Convention. And so |
rage upon the rights of the ca^‘
this regarded, that the peopiaC
ly in all the counties,
Cassville to nominate-
objectionable that