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position toState authority bean net forcing
a State into the Union, so would tho arrest of
a fugitive slave in Massachusetts or Ver
mont if done in detiaiice of State aurhoii-
ty.
If by sovereignty the malcontent Slate
means that she is not morely co-equal with
but sovereign over all ‘^submission” States,
os a king over his subjects, then might it be
true that not one had a right to judge but
herself. Such kJhd of sovereignly only will
authorise the arrogance of such a claim.—
All these pietenccs by which malcontents
seek to evade the wholesome restraints of
luw and order, are alike dishonest or arrogant.
The disunionists puts his higher law on the
ground of sovereignty, Seward and his class
on the te.iderness of their dear consciences,
the anti-renters on possession and indulgence,
the socialist that property is robbery, the
mormon on the brass plates and Joe Smith
the prophet and Abby Kelly on an opposi
tion to things in general.
It is said that if the majority can decide
and judges as to the rights of the minority,
the latter may be oppressed by such licence.
That is quite as reasonable as to let the mi
nority rule the majority. Such arguments
— if arguments they can'be called—forbid all
government. You must dispense with juries
and judges, for fear they will do wrong.—
You abolish the liberty of speech and the
press for fear they will be abused. The
right of universal suffrage, beenuse some—
nay many—cast their votes for men and
measures subversive ot public good.
When men come into society, thoy sur
render the natural rights of a state of nature,
by which they do ns they please, for the ben-
fits to be derived from the protection of so
ciety. For such benefits you must run the
risk of the majority using the forms of gov
ernment to your injury. If such injuries be-
herself by acknowledging so degrading a
principle, profess to be of such stainless pu-
rity as to suffer on agony of indignation at
her humiliation and degradation, in forbear
ing to force her will on the majority. Let
no one hope to escape by any silly quibble
about “sovereignity.” Not only common
sense and common honeply, but the law and
history of nations teach us that sovereign
ties hold themselves most scrupulously
bound to observe their contracts and treaties
voluntarily made.
If by “a government of consent, and not ot
force,” they mean one without power to en-
fonce its laws, one in which the members
cau do as they please, then it is no govern
ment, because no one governs, and no one is
governed. Moreover, we need no govern
ment if all are supposed to do right and
nevcv need coersion. But if they mean because
1 ho States came into the Union by consent,
... . ’ intarily ratifying the constitution of
the United States, that therefore, the goner-
nl government has no power to enforce obe
dience) 1 would in addition to what 1 have
already said leniurk, that the declaration
of independence declares that governments
derive “their just prowers from the con
sent of the governed.” Not that consent
gives no power. 1 apprelioud, ' however,
that to those who deride and ridicule the
precepts ol Washington’s Farewel Address
—the Declaration of Independence, will be
contemptible authority.
To shorten this letter, as well ns the
weapons of the argument, 1 will pass over
the difficulty of holding a Slate fully sover
eign and independent, that cannot “enter
into any treaty, alliance or confederation, coin
money k lay any import or export; duties on
imposts or exports; nor, without the consent
of Congress, keep troops or ships of war in
tlaMWlTorfce cTtlxeTsmayl «°° oppressive to bo borne, you have
sued y in another jurisdiction, and whose the use of the tongue, pen and ballot box to
sued in another jurisdiction,
judges are bouud by other laws and treaties
as tlio supreme laws ol the land, “any thing
in the constitution or laws of any State to
the contrary notwithstanding.” 1 will pass
over all this field of discussion so olten occu
pied before, and take the disunionists on their
own premises. Admit that the States ore as
independent os Great Britain, France oi
Soain, and that the constitution is nothing
moro than a treaty between the high con
tracting parties. The severul North Ameri
can Statos,not even “United States.” And
what then I Does it not follow that the
' 'Stales ore bound by their treaty as England
i -TVance or Spam would be by treaties be
tween themselves ? And how are these lat
ter bouad ? II England says to France and
Spain, our treaty has been violated by you,
and being sovereign and independent by vir
tue of that sovereignty, 1 have a right to
judge of its infraction and the mode and
measure of redress. I will therefore, no
longer be bound by this broken compact —
Let her say after the manner of tho McDon
ald Convention in their third resolution.—
“That by our own Convention 1 delibeiated
upon ana determined for myself the question
of the ratification or rejection of that treaty,
that l came into it by my own sovereign and
voluntary aet, and therefore this !b a treaty
of consent and not of force Let her pro
ceed after tho manner of the fourth resolve,
to say, That each of us, in view of the volun
tary nature of this treaty, has the right in
virtue of our independence and sovereignty
of seceding from it whenever in our so
voreign capacity we shall determine such a
step to be necessary to effect our safety or
happiness, and of consequence you have no
authority to attempt by military force or oth
erwise, to restrain me in the exercise of
such sovereign-right. Suppose France and
Spain- believe the treaty hat not been violat
ed by themselves, aud that England is seek
ing a mere pretext to abandon, or secede,
from it. Suppose, moreover, they have
agreed upon a power to interpret their treaty
as our States have the Supremo Court to in •
terpret the Constitution ; and they propose
to England to abide the arbitrament thereof,
but she in her sovereign will arrogates to do-
cide for herself, and defies the common ar
biter, ns well as the judgement of protesting
France and Spain. Would not France ana
Spain, nay still the world, hold her reasons
about consent, and voluntary nature of the
treaty, the merest jargon, and bitterest mock
ery ; and her claim to judge for herself as to
its infraction, and denying the same right to
the other contracting parties as well as their
right to enforce its observance by arms, if
necessary, as the most insufierablo arrogance
—an arrogance never known tiij these days
of modern chivulry and Uglier laws than con
stitutions and treaties.
But to parry the absurdity—not to say in
solence—of their position, the disunionists
wish to present a case, that in the practical
operations of the government, accoiding to
their own doctrines, cannot occur. They
wish to show the United States Government,
not in the attitude of enforcing their treaty,
but that of a tyrant driving a people unwil
lingly iuto the Union, as the shepherd with
his (logs would fold stray sheep. Now, ac
cording to their theory, there is no Union
other than this treaty ot the constitution.
Therefore, being entirely sovereign and in
dependent they are already out of the Un
ion, and there can occur no such things as
driving such State into the Union, other than
driving her to observe her treaty, which, it
seems, is eironeously called a Constitution.
South Carolina may pass ns many ordinances
of secession as she pleases, may decln.ein
all the solemn forms possible, may write it
on the sky, that she is no longer one of the
United Slates, ("indeed in asserting her views
of sovereignty she has often declared as
much,' ana no one, under her own or any
other theory of the government will be found
to gainsay it. There will be no effort made
to obliterate or expungo the record. But if
iny of her citizens, even by her authority,
shall be found obstructing the collection ui
the revenues after her treaty of the constitu
tion.has said io one place “that Congress
shall Jiavq power to law and collect taxes
end jlpties, imports and excises,” &c.: and
in dp,qjiiqr*, that “no State shall without the
consent pf the Congress, lay any impost, or
duties on imports oi export,” fee , I appre
hend the General Government would have
tbeeaine right and power to enforce such
collection as to enforce the arrest of a fugi
tive slave in Massachusetts or Vermont;
though obstructed by citizens acting with or
vifbout, the authority of their respective
and that no ordinance of secession
of these States, or any other such
dishonest pretext, would pro-
3 one . nor the slaves
other thirty States
y> and assert their
arrest them. If these fail, and you deem
the oppression of sufficient magnitude to
justify it you have the remedy your fathers
had of appealing to arms and the justice of
your cause before Henven. You can no
more enjoy the freedom of a state of nature,
and bonefits of society at the same' time,
than the boy can eat his cake aud have it
too.
Above all constitutional or other rights,
to secede, is the great law of necessity end
self-defence. By the common and all other
laws tho citizen is bound so to use his own
riirhtsas nolle nhtiao tm neiuhtinr’s Vou
cannot erect a mill pond or other nuisance, it
it breeds disease in tho air he breathes.
The same law is recognised by nations.
It was this principle which justified Mr.
Monroe in announcing in his message, and
recognised by our government since, that we
coulu not suffer the monarchy of F.urope to
colonise any more of this country. Though
Spain has the same abstract right to dispose
of Cuba as of Porto Rico, yet our govern
ment, by this Inw of necessity and self-de
fence, could appeal to arms rather than suf
fer so dangerous a position for a naval power
as the former to fall into the hands of En
gland,
Over-riding all other rights, the thirty
States have a right to judge whether their
safety or even convenience can permit the
remaining thirty first to secede from the
Union, leaving a spare around which we
shall have to establish a line of custom
houses to secure the revenues of the coun
try ; around which our mail and munitions
of war shall have to be carried, and troops
marched in respect of neutral territory.—
And whether we can permit a fine poit on
our coast to lie open for the admission of our
enemies in time of war. Whether we can
permit Iowa and California to part with the
public lands or Louisiana with the mouth of
the Mississippi, are questions which the
thirty cannot permit to be disposed of by the
caprice of one State in defiance of their
rights and convenience. No people, who
deserve to be free, will ever submit that the
whims, obstinacy or arrognnee of one way
ward sister, shall be consulted in preference
to the convenience, rights, necessities and
solf-defence of thirty other patriotic nrd
law-abiding Stales. Tney will truly be sub
mission States when they decline to assert
the right to judge whether the secession of
such mnlcontenl Stuto will be compatible
with their interest and safe'y. If a territory
extending into our country, and occupying a
E osition ns important os one of the States,
elonged to a foreign power, could not be
purchased, our people would feel justified,
by this law of necessity, to annex it. Then
why not retain, being nnnexed under the
Constitution ? Now, whether South Carol!
na is of consequence enough to mnke it im,
portant to the safety and rights of the other
Stales that she should remain in the Union,
may be very questionable to every one ex
cept herself. She could not be much miss,
ed’ except in her power and capacity to en
gender end propagate strife.
I have shown above that our honor was
concerned in sustaining that portion of the
compromise bill which, according to our de
mand, enacted that Congress should neither
abolish nor establish slavery in the territo
ries, rather than now that some have chang
ed their views, to require that the majority
he asked to pass a law at tho bidding of the
minority. And then would have beer, the
time to state what ] cannot let pass unnotic
ed. That it should not only be a very strong
case to authorise such a requisition on the
majority ("if indeed one so strong could be
made) but that there should be some means
proposed to the end in view. Congrbss did
not make New Mexico free soil; we accept
ed it ns such. And do ihe disunionists pro
pose any plau to mnke it slave territory
Disunion will not—non-intercourse wilt not
—election of McDonvld will not. Refusing
to go into any con-ention to nominate a
President and Vice President, as proposed
by the Nashville Convention, and leaving
the field open fur the abolitionists to juggle
their favorites into these important offices, "
am sure will not. And the disunionists do
not propose any thing that will
I have not space to show, as I have done
on a former occasion, how the admission of
slavery into these territories might weaken
rather than strengthen, tho slavery power,
We are often taunted with the prophecy,
not to say hope, of the disunionists, that
Northern aggression will drive us to disun
ion. It may, but that would not make our
present position wrong. To make a catas
trophe, because it may cume, would be as
unreasonable as to fire your house, because,
by accident, it may hereafter be consumed.
This is as silly as the complaint we often
hear put forth by some fire eater, io the cra
zy stage, that the Wilmot proviso has, in ef
fect, been put in force, because we have
te.'kby, California froi
whole controversy is, whether we have been
rightfully prohibited, no one disputes the
fact of prohibition. He who cannot or will
not see the difference, could not distinguish
between having his property taken by a rob
ber on tho highwny, aud by the Sheriff, to
pay his honest debts. In the one case it is
wrongfully, in Ihe other rightfully- taken;
ond this embraces the whole difficulty. Why
do not such men propose to overturn the
government because they nre paying a tax on
lea ? This was the complaint against En
gland. And yet we are pnying a heavier tax
to the United Slates than England levied.—.
The fire ealor could say the tax is paid, and
what is the difference to whom paid l The
difference is the same as in the case of Cali
fornia. In the one case the tax was wrong
fully taken, in the other rightfully, because
by proper authority.
I would not have noticed so rediculous a
matter—argument it cannot be called— hut
because I have heard it so olten. And be
cause it shows that' in this controversy, right
is not taken into consideration by our adver
saries. All they care to notice is that they
have not what they now wish. Not only
the great principles of self government, end
tho right of the majority constitutionally to
rule, are overlooked; but the plainest con
sistency, which requires a people not to com
plain when they have that which they re
peatedly declared would be satisfactory —
Such absurdities we have heard, and wiU
hear again, for as a dog roturneth to his
vomit, a fool returnctli to his folly. And
though you brny a fool in a morter, yet will
not his foolishness depart from him ! Let
them rant, the people will reason. Let
them vituperate, the people will vote, end
vote os in November last Verily, this gen
eration of fire enters is lik* 4 unto children sit
ting in the markets, nnd calling umo their
fellows, and snying, we have piped unto you,
and you have not danced; we have mourned
unto you, ye havenot lamented. If the peo-
>le wero to follow their counsels they would
ament, and lament when too late.
To my old Democratic friends 1 have
shown that by all our Inst great conventions,
we reiterated the doctrine of non-interven
tion, and I must remark, before I close that
the last candidates for the offices of Gover
nor and President for whom we voted assert
ed the same doctrine during the convnss
Governor Towns in his letter to Jos. Day
and others, declared himself in favor of the
Clayton Cnmpromise, ond labored to show
llm- is oUould be left le tlio Supreme Court
to determine, without Congressional interven
tion whether slavery existed in New Mexi
co or not. General Cnss, in his Nicholson
letter of December 24th, 1847, speaking of
the Wilmot Proviso, declares “1 am in favor
of leaving the people of any Territory which
may lie hereafter ncquired, the right to reg
ulate it ("slavery) for themselves under the
“ Should Congress at ang lime exhibit its
purpose to war upon our property, or withhold
our just constitutional rights, we stand ready to
vindicate those rights, in Ihe Union as long
as possible, and out of the Union when we are
left no other alternative.''’
NOMINATIONS OF THI
CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY.
HON.
general principles of the Constitution.” If
it was right to support those who held these
doctrines then, not only right but good faith,
lequires you should support them now ant
not those who wish to overturn them and
the government with them
Let those who believe in the Nashville
platform retire with the clan of McDonald,
whose bugle it seems, is not to be soundec
till the flag of the Union is to he attacked.—
But for the Union column—it it shall con
sist only of the Georgia platform—it will
march, under that ling, to that part of the
field in which the abolition ranks are to be
found. We shall not inquire whether our
leader bo Whig or Democrat, but whether
he will be willing and able to defeat the en
emies of Southern Rights.
That liberty v hich for seventy-five years
has protected us under our own vine and fig
tree has become stale and flat to the ambi
tious and querulous.—It is too passive.—
They wish to break the humdrum of peace
ond content. They w-sh the liberty of en
croachment, the liberty of disturbing tho re
pose and contentment of others and finally
the liberty of cutting their neighbor’s throats
Suppose—ns some try to persuade us—the
Union were out of danger. That move
menls of South Carolina did not depend up
on the success of tho Georgia and Mississip
pi buglemen. Suppose the disaffected had
ceased to preach disaflection and there were
no efforts to supplant tho Union candidates
good and true, by men who, twelve months
sincefwere avowed disunionists or acting
with those who were. Suppose all this,
andyet, our work, ns patriots, is not finish
ed. It is not sufficient ihut an offender be
defeated and exposed; next comes the pun
ishment to deter all others from offending in
like coses herenfter. We have no punish
ment for such political offences except pub
lie reprobation. The safety and stability of
the government demand that we should not
forgive, too readily, those who huve labored
though unsuccessfully for its subversion.—
The disaffected should learn and leel that
there is some peril in striking at the pence
safety of society. That dangerous men can
not be trusted if forgiven. The curses that
have followed the old Hartfort Convention-
ists are a more enduring protection against
the recurrence of their offence, than the pun
ishment prescribed for treason. The voice
of public condemnation which followed Aa
ron Burr, through a long life of disgrace and
humiliation is more terrible to those who
would raise their hand nga'nst their govern
ment, than would have been his execution
as a real or suspected traitor. ' Duly and
patriotism require that society should not
trust nor too easily forgive, those who have
plotted its overthrow.
Gentlemen, 1 am respectfully,
Yours, &c.,
Garnett Andrews.
- ' The Bnrkc Meeting.
The accounts, we have received from the
messing at Davis’ Spring on|4|>aiurday last
are most cheering. Tho number present
was estimated at 800 to 1000 persons, to
whom Mr. 'Toombs made a speech of quite
two hours, surpassing, in the estimation of
many of his friends, any effort they had heard
from him. The best feeling prevailed, and
throughout he was listened to with the most
marked attention, and his speech is said
have told with great effect upon his audi
ence.
He openly invited discussion, submitted
terms, and gave the Disunionists choice; but
no one would enter the list. We commend
this fact to a disunion organ, who had the
temerity to assert that our invitation to the
disunion speakers to meet him was a mere
puff.
P- B. Connelly, Esq. of Jefferson, was
nominated as the Union candidate for Sena
tor from Burke and Jefferson counties, and
William Nasworthy and Joseph A. Shew-
nominated as the Union
hr on.
For Governor.
HOWELL COBB.
For Congress.
COL. E. W. CHASTAIN,
Oj Gilmer.
For Senator.
COL. JOSEPH WATTERS.
Fir Representative.
WILLIAM T. PRICE.
AGENTS roll TUB COll111 Bit.
Dan’l Hix, Summerville.
Judge Wooten, Dirt Town.
J. T. Finley, Chattoogaville.
HON. HOWELL COBB
Will address the people at the following
places, at the limes designated :
Marietta,
Cnssville,
Romo,
Summerville,
LoFayette,
Trenton,
Ringgold,
Calhoun,
Spring Place,
Ellijay,
Blairsville,
Dal.lonega,
Gumming,
Canton,
Saturday August 23d.
Monday “ 25th.
Wednesday “ 27th,
Friday “ 29th.
Saturday ‘C 30lh.
Tuesday Sept. 2d.
Thursday “ 4th
Saturday “ 6lh.
Monday “ 8th.
Wednesday “ 10th.
Friday “ 12th.
Monday “ 15th.
Wednesday “ 17th
Friday “ 19th.
We are authorised by Mr. Cobb to say
that Judge McDonald is invited to attend
these appointments, and to participate in the
discussion upon equal terms.
APPOINTMENTS OF COL CHASTAIN.
Thursday,
31st
July,
Floyd Springs
Bnturdny,
2d
Ang.
Von Wert,
Tuesday,
Oth
tt
Marietta,
Thursday,
7lh
tc
Cnssville,
Saturday,
9th
((
Summerville,
Monday,
nth
u
LaFnyette,
Trenton,
Ringgold,
Wednesdny
13th
u
Friday,
15th
li
Tuesday,
19 th
il
Canton,
Once more lo Hie Breueh I
When the wise, und the patriotic, and the good
met in Millcdgeville Inst winter to conaldei oar Fed
eral relations,and to mark out-the coarse proper to
be pursued by Georgia relative to ihe aeries of men.
sures passed by the late Congress, it was devoutly ho.
ped that their action would be satisfactory und final,
and that all parties would abide their decision, ond
tlio public mind be permitted to enjoy, at lra-t tempo,
rnry repose. Conservative and sound thinking mar
entry where, not only expressed their approbation of
the calm, and dignified, and patriotic' stand taken by-
cur noble S’nie, but her wise and moderate counsels
called forth the most enthusiastic applouBe Horn tho
friends of constitutional and rational liberty through
out the world. Llttlo did wc think that a party
would so soon spring up In Georgia, impiously to un.
do whoi had been so wisely and opportunely done by
her worthy aono, ond thus renew nil agitation and fan
up an excitement pernicious alike to social peace and
domestic lafety. And yet it iseven to.
A party has been organized in our State, for the
avowed purpuee of resisting thosu national measures
to which Georgia in her sovereign capacity hno yield
ed her acquiescence- Led on by CknrleB J. McDon
ald, the presiding genius of the Nashville disunion
Convention, tills parly hope to get into place and
power- Should tney eucceed, their first etep will be
to demolish the Georgia platform—to reverse the de
cision of the Convention and join South Carolina in a
crusade against ihe Union. Tho confederacy is to
be broken up, the southern freginent, weak and ex
hausted, is io be moulded into a rickety Republic, for
jjje especial accommodation of Rhelt, McDonald &
Co., and the rank nnd file who more ot their bidd ng.
Quitman it appeals is already assigned to his place,
and is io be ihe Commander-in-chief of ihe Southern
forces, whilst Rhelt nnd McDonald will doubtlers enst
Iota lor the tat nnd 3d offices in the government. Thu
officers of the new Republic will want, of course,
adequate salaries; a standing nrmy and floating navy
must also be raised und kept up; military fortifications
erected, munition-} of wnr procured, and men and
means provided lo guard us from foreign invnrion ond
domestic insurrection. To suatain and maintain all
this, taxation, grinding, ruinous taxation will be in
flicted upon the people; to avoid which, thousands
nnd tens oflhousnnds of the hardy yeomanry will fly
into other States.
This fellow-citizens ie no fancy sxeteh. If you
would, therefore, avert impending evils, support those
and these only for office, who sustain and defend (he
Georgia pl u tform. Let us once more to the breach
and with all the power that Heaven has given us, labor
lo transmit to posterity our political birthright, untar
nished and unimpaired.
rfiiuflton Judges to aaaxil the Constitution and the
Union; to attempt the overthrow of our eherlahed-in-
•titutiona—itia much mora fit that jurists, who love
the Union and aru sworn to defend it, should come to
Itarescue-
We presume this fling of tho Souther ncr was inten
ded for Judge Lumpkin. We are aware that that gen
tleman has given moftal offence to tho disunionists
by his bold and patriotic stand in the present perilous
crisis. But we hope be and every other Judge in the
State, will bo unceasing in their efforts to crush the
apirit of disunion in our midst.
That .Resolution—Again.
It always affords us tho greatest pleasure to set
our friends right, and if In error, to be sot right our
selves. The lust Southerns seems to ililnk that wo
were afraid to publish the whole series of resolutions
presentod by Colonel Chastain at tho Gilnier meet
ing. B it he is mistaken. Tho resolution wo pub.
lislicd was first in tho list, and embodied, as wo
supposed, the oliiel manor of controversy nnd ob
jection to him by the dlsuffeotcd union men oj
Lumpkin anil the tira-entora generally- And if our
iriend will refer to tlio proceedings of that meeting,
wo think ho will find thut its main ground of oppo
sition lo Mr. Clmstaln was thatheutono time fa
vored tho Nashville Convention; und If we mistake
not a resolution was passed at said meeting, declar
ing tholroppositlon to him on that ground. Wc,
therefore, published the other day, hut one of the
resolutions, as wo deemed tlio others entirely ir.
relevant to the main matter In controversy. Mr
Clmstaln himself subsequently reminded us that
wo had published but n part, nnd seomod desirous
that all should be pluced before tho pooplo. Tho
paper containing thorn, however, was mislaid, aud
licnoe their omieion. Happily for us nnd Mr. Cline-
tain, however, a copy seums to hnve been preserv
ed with great oare by tlio Southerner, and wo give
the objectionable one, caption mid all, to our rea
ders. lfour nmiablu contemporary has any others,
wo shall very cheerfttUy transfer them to our co
lumns.
Keep it before Ibe People.
Col.Chusmiii. in Ills Rome speech, assorted "Mat
the admission WSwifomia was CONSTITUTION
AL I"
In Ilia Gilmer Rcaotullons, Inst summer, ho naior-
ted" that the admission of California into the Union,
with her PRESENT PRETENDED ORGANI
ZATION AND ENORMOUS LIMITS, icon Id
be at grots an outrage upon the R10HTS and IN
TERESTS of the South, at the DIRECT ENACT-
MENT OF THE WILMOT PROVISO BY
CONGRESS, and should RECEIVE A LIKE
MEASURE OF RESISTANCE !'•
Yes, keep this resolution before ihu people, il you
plousc, until Chriitm as; It will do Colonel Clmetain
no Imrtn, aud may possibly supply tho pluoe of less
interesting and important mailer in tire oclumnsof
tho Southerner.
Now let it be remarked ilmt Col.. Chastain does
not deolaro that tlio admission of California would
be unconstitutional or on “ outrage upon the coniti-
lutional rightsf of tho South.' Ho only declares that
it would bo an outrage, without prelnmllng to de
cide upon the constitutionality of tlio measure at all.
Let italso bo remembered thut tho loiegoing resolu
tion wns drawn up when there wns a probability
that tills measure, isolated and nlone would puss
Congress, and tlio reader will perceive thut it but
expressed the general feeling of the Soutli upon that
subject at that time. Subaequently, however, it
wns incorporated in the great adjustment scheme,
by which the South obiuincd countervailing adv.ui
lages, in die organization of the territorial govern-
mentsof Utah nnd New Mexico, ihe settlement ol
tho Texas difficulties, und the passage of the fug •
tivo dnve kill. To these great measures, as a whole,
Mr. Chastain, in common witli tl:e people nfGeoi-
gin generally, has yielded bij cordial acquiescence,
and stands upon tlio noblo platform she tins erected,
n consistent constitutional Union man; tho Gilmer
resolutions to the contrary notwithstanding. We
say tlieuto our neighbor—“ keep Hint Resolution
before tho people !" and at ihe anine time, ifpossl-
ble, keep your temper.
Purfiami Judges.
The last Southerner contains quite nbrb f but spir
ited homily about Judges mingling in party politics,
and parly struggles. Unfortunately he wielded a two
edge sword, nnd his back-strokes must tell fatally pp
on some of hia political friends and confederates both
in South Carolina and Georgia. Wo happened to be
present when the great nullification ordinance was
passed in South Carolina some 30 years ago, und we
believe every member of the Appellate Court, every
Chancellor, and every Circuit Judge in the State wns
a member of that very talented and august bod,.—
And how is it now! Is not the whole bench nnd bar,
nnd in some instances even the pulpit, enlisted in the
pending struggle 1 WiU not the approaching Conven
lion be composed of men from all the profers'ons and
walks of life 1 Will not every disunion Judge and
Chancellor in the State be in that Convention 1 We
agree with tho Southerner, that under oidinary ciri
eumatancea, it would he improper for ogr Judges to
enter largely into party conflicts. But when the Con
stitution which they have sworn to support is in dan.
gar; when every thing they bold dear is in peril-
when the angry mutterings of revolution are heard in
the distance, if behooves every mutt to porno out bold
ly and labor if possible to ayert tba storm. Every man
who has a foot pf land or a. jot of love for his country,
lot and skoqld notAit quietly down and exhibit no
lor
Significant—Very-
A committee representing a co-operation disun
ion meeting in Charleston, recently nddre a.-dn let
ter of invitation to Gov. McDonuid, requesting his
presence nt one of tliolr convocations. This letter
appears in tlio Augusta Consfitiiifomlisl, and is as
beautiful a specimen of non-committalism ns bus
ever dropped from the hopper of even Charles J
MoDonnld, tlio pttnon ol iion-rommittnllsts. It is
neither pig nor pup—fish nor fowl, hut n medley of
generalities, so wretchedly fitted up and poorly
dressed ns to excit- the ridicule of even tlio disiin-
ioniats. If sufficiently tangible, it should bo secu
ed und preserved by Barnutn. But what is very
significant,nnd which we wish the people to bear
in mind, is the foot, that McDonald nnd Qutmnn,
nre invited,nnd toasted, and pruised, whilst Cubb
nnd Foote are quite neglected by tlio disunionists
of our sister State. Is il because the lattar gentle
men, give no countenance to secession in any ol its
multifarious phases! We leave the peo;b to judge.
One thing is evident, the lenders in South Cnrnllna,
expect tlio co-operation of Quitman nnd McDon
ald In brouking up the Union, else they would not
invl o them to their meetings.
St-coasiscu, Coercion. Ac.
Our neighbor desires us to explain to him how
the right of coercion can consl itutionaUy exist, when
a proposition to confor such right wns rejocted by
the convention which framed the constitution 1
In reply, we would remark, tltnt as the constitu
tion is entirely silent upon 'his snbjeot—tts it con
tains no express grant to a Stare to secede, nnd no
express uuthority to tlio General Government to
coerce a State into obedience, we have to go bock
and ascertain the history nnd ciroumstances which
led to the formation of that instrument; to exnmine
carefully its general provisions and requirements.—
Wo are nlso to examine the laws nnd precedents of
nations, and then be governed by such lights ns are
before us.
By common consent tho different parties to tho
federal compact delegated to the General Govern
ment certain specific powers, and devolved upon it
the performance of certain specific duties. Undpr the
constitution, for instance, it is bound to provide for
the general welfare nnd common security of every
member of the confederacy—to repel Invnaion and
quell insurrection, and provide for the common secu
rity nnd defence of all. Now, suppose New Orleans
should take it into her wayward head to secede from
Louisians, and Ik row herself into tho arms of France
orEnglnndl whicb she has the constitutional right
to do, if the doctrine of secession is correct ; for sove.
reignty resit, say oqr opponents, with thq people indi
vidually—will any one pretend to say tlintShe United
States ss well as the State of Louieiana would not be
bound under llje provisions of the Constitution to in-
terfere and .coetoe her back into the Union. And
even shoqld the sovereign State of Louisiana oppose
coercion, still the duty of tbs General Government to
Mississippi, Tennessee, and other States of the con-
federacy, as well aa a due regard for the common se
curity and " general welfare" of the whole country
might warrant a resort to coercion.
So also, upon thu same principle it might or might
not be proper and expedient ;o coerce a revolted State
into submission, Ifher; isolation would essentially
impair the safety-or prosperity q[her.cot
•elf-preservation might warrant and even deraa
forcible retention; not under any expUoit grant or wer-
nint of the constitution—for as the constitution never
contemplated its own destruction,«o It never providtd
for itsown perpetuation—but by Implication, la sack
State bound to take Bare of itself 1 lots the Genaril
Government required by the constitution to take cere
of the whole family of Slates.
Wemayreaume this subject hereafter, when we
have more tifflAnd epaee. ■■■■.■»a •
CONSOLIDATIONr
Our opponents have n psssfon for Coining and
flinging opprobrious epithets; epithets, which are
entirely unmeaning and Inapplleablo, nntl both
pointless nnd senseless. Federalist, submissionist,
consolidation^. &c.,are some of tho terms by which
they hope to frighten from u good cuuso the timid
nnd uninformed. If they would but stop and ex
plain tlte real definition' dr those terms, we should
ho perfectly satisfied, for tho people would nt onco
perceive their Innpproprlutoness to constitutional
union mon, ntlonst; but this wo»ld defeat tholr pur
poses of elap-trap and deception, and wrest front
them their pritnnry mentis of success. Listen tu
rn Messrs. Stiles nnd J McDonald J ft; on* breath'
they telj you thu Constitution nnd the Union Is pas
ting away; in tho next, that wo nre under the op-'
pretsive rule of u consolidated govornmeat, whleh"
lias usurped and trampled upon the rights of tho
States, nnd reduced tit* pcoplo to a debased and Ig
nominious vassalage t They don't stop Ij Is true to -
show how. when, or where it has been done—they
don’t pnuso to show tho peaple wherein they are
fettered, robbed nnd oppressed; titr do they point to -
any new and alarming development in tlio sots of
tlio General Government, proving that Its tendency
is increasingly to centralization Anuttompttodo '
this would nt onco show tho unsbundnoss of their ’
premises nnd tho fiillnoy of tholr t'tiluctioni.
The ory of federalist, eonsolidatlonlst, (cc., we '
have heard from boyhood; and political oronkers and 1
deceivers, have periodically prcdloted the downfall
of tho Constitution nnd tlio Union; but the good old
ship or Slate, sound from stem to stern, without a •
missing mast, or spur or rope; with ,hcr canvass,
spread and her proud pennBt flying, aim ) n glorious
majesty rides stondily on in her onreor of greatness,,
undismayed by foes without ond unimpaired by
faotlonista within. Tltnt sbo is envirotied with pi*.
Ils wo readily admit—that she ever has been from
tlio first hour of her existence, nil acquainted with
Iter history know full well—that she always will bo
is equnlly certain. But wo take tho liberty of say
ing, that nevor since the formation of the Fedeml
Government nnd the ndqption of the Federal Con. ,
Stltiulon, wits there less danger of oppression I rent
‘he one ami Infructitai of tho other, than ut this mo
ment. Witli some,' n well ordered government
which moves strictly wittiin cltwrly defined limits,
nnd exercises clearly defined | rerogatives—a gov
ernment that has wiidum enough to know its caueti-
tutiomi) powers, and oouragoniid strength enough
to kcop Hit in hralthftil und prudent exorcise;
such a government, witli itime hi cinsttidatod—nnd
ul, who sustain it are consntidu'tiuntsls and federalists.-
The climax of snnitory rule with there gentlemen,,
must be that every ntnn, womkn ond child shall do
ns they plcuse, ut all times, all places nnd uuder all
circumstances. That conspiracy, treason, sedition,
rebellion, disunion, secession und.itisnrreotion, are,.
If they please, to hold tln-lr revels unrestricted amt
unrrbuked That individuals, families, communi
ties, states and nations arc to ho amenable to mu
nicipal law, nnd to sespeut civil nnd potitloal rights,
nnd regulation,, just so tong and no longer, et they
may comport with their convenience, taste or fancy.
This is tire model government of the model state*-
men of this secession epoch, who ere undoubtedly
wisei in their generation -.linn cither the children at"
the revolution or the fathers oftlto Republic.
Wc cheerfully admit tknl the tendency of nil gov
ernment, civil and t-co'.e in* leal, is to eentralizatii.ni
that ilia utmuat vigilance should bo exercised to
keep it within ita constitutional bounds; but we nl
so assert thnt another danger equally formidable is
to be guarded against, nnd that is, an excess of li
berty. Unfortunately tho tendency of the times il
more to lawlessness than to consolidation. Both
are to ho shunned as the Soylln and Clmrylides ofour
free institution,.
More Startling Facts for the People.
We have before intimated that there was a eoaret
understanding between the Carolina Disunionists
and the Secession leaders in Georgia, Alabama and. '
Mississippi. The following communication from a 8.
Carolina paper, confirms, (it continuation were ne
cessary,) the suspicion that McDonald. Quitman and
Rhelt perfectly understand each othor, and are at
this moment, by a wholesale fraud upon the people,
wickedly plotting the overthrow of this Government.
Part and parcel of their plan sjeins to bo tho acquisi
tion of Cuba, right 1 ot'Vkrong.by which a new element
of excitement will be introduced, calculated t* foster
amt stimulate the spirit of insubordination and mis
rule, already too rampant in our midst. It was ri -
mored last spring that Quitman passed stealthily
through Rome—it is also known that tho names of
several of the leading fire-eaters of Georgia, ware
mentioned in connexion witli tho objucts of his expe
dition In these parts. Wo do nopsny that Gov. Mc
Donald, Towns and other fire-eatcro, had any agency
or connexion with this Cuban movement, although
th-.-y were suspected; but ws do any that there ia too
much reason to believe thnt Quitman, Rhelt and oth
ers are implicated in this mailer, and that th*y hops
to make the aeqnjsion of Cuba a question of BoJnh..
cm policy, and when acquired « pzrt of the Southern
Confederacy. The plat thickens, and there. ia
much behind the curtain, to startle and astound the
people. Already lias Quitman been named in South
Carolina in connexion with the Presidency of the
forthcoming Southern Republic, and McDonald, it In,
aa eriatl by soma will serve as Tice President. Tits. '
people will thus perceive that wy are slumbering up
on u magazine. Should McDonald succeed in Geor
gia and Quitman in Mississippi, a fresh blait from
the bugle will be blown, nnd T.hett will apply the
match, and the Government of Waahingtou anil bis .
illustrious compatriots, wiU be blown into a thousand--
fragments; revolution nnd camngo sweep through
the land, and the snn of American iibtrty net forever ■
in smoke, fire end blood.
Bat we invite attention to the following significant
article, front a noble minded Car jlinnn who seisms
the trickery,'double-dealing, and time-tervinf policy
of McDonald, Quitman & Co. ■ .
From the Southern Patriot.
Messrs. Editors; The distinguished service* and)
chivalrous bearing of General Quitman ia the Mexi
can war, and especially his co-operation with the Ps
metre Regiment at the taking of the city, endeert
him to every Carolinun For thia reason everyone
indignation that he should havo been accused as b
implicated in the Cuban expedition.
But recent events too plainly tend to ooafij
probability of bis participation in that unwan
invasion of the trrritory of a Government wit)
we are at peace, and consequently an invasion
rights of others, universally condemned' by , the
and ustgaaof civilized nations.
Finding it necessary to his elevation to the |
torlel chair in his own Skate, to repudiate t!
career of the seccesionUte in South Csi 11 4
he does in the atoet public and unci
yet, at the vame tltpe, if ’wc are
, distinguished fycesetei