Newspaper Page Text
dilating, cannot be relied upon for any tiling.
Therefore to our old political friends, tvesay,
>e not deceived—be not carried away. If
.•mi are not Visimonists per se, vote not for
Indge McDonald or his supporters. Rest
issured ihnt every vole you cast for these
lien, will he put down on the side of Dis-
l'lion, immediate or remote. Relloct, then,
lefoie you give it. Dunk at lho fourth reso-
utio.i of the Georgia Convention. Is not
hat strong enough for any reasonable man ?
The men who passed that resolution have
sever deceived you. Will tlioy he likely
o do so now ? We think not. 1 hat was
1 solemn act of the authorized Representa
tives of the sovereign people of Georgia, and
i ftvo vonture to predict that every limn who
voted for that resolution, and overy genuine
Union man in the State will stand fast nt
tho hour ottiial. If its provisions are rno-
fitted, Georgil stands pledged to AC r l\ with
out stopping to quibble about the abstract
right of secession. Is not that onough ? Mr
Cobb, in his letter of acceptance, is pledged
to stand by this position. Why then nut
vole for him in preference to One who is va
cillating, uncertain, unsife and unreliable in
every thing? Row, old Whigs! wo ore
■“ tVe have said this much from a sense
We have spoken tho words of
soberness. If you heed them not,
(firls are clear. Res* assured of one
imever: that evory vote cast for
, j^or for tho McDonald candidates,
J a vote cast lor disunion.in disguise—
ow struck althe Government of Wash
Q Suppose South Carolina should secede,
and Georgia does no*., will he receive any
reward then ?
A. Yes ; he will remove to that State,
and then bo honored with an aristocratic
post.
Q. Who will be badly beaten by his old
friends for abandoning them ?
A. Charles J. McDonald.
Q. Who is now in correspondence with
tho Disunioists ofCarolinn ?
A. Charles J. McDonald.
Q. Did any candidate for Governor in
Georgia ever correspond with the Disunion-
ists of Carolina before ?
A. No—nover.
Q When the Governor of Maire refused
to give up a thief who stole a negro from
Savannah, and the Georgia Legislature pass
ed a luw retaliate upon Maine for lhenct,and
to search her vessels before they left our
ports, who vetoed that bill and said we
should do no such thing ?
A. Charles J. McDonald—hand his name
arouud—let overy body see the Georgia Gov
ernor who protected by his veto, the negro
thieves from Maine.
the mastery of the universe, and will achieve
it.”
THE
every American Is a sovereign ? Doos lie not farther
know that every family, unless unitor the Bloomer
regime, is a sovereignty 1 We greatly fear that he
is tending to consolidationperhaps to something
worse—we shall see.
_THUB8DAY MORNING, AUG- 28,1851.
J. KNOW LKS , KD1T0R .
“ Should Congress at ang time exhibit its
purpose to war upon our property, or withhold
our just constitutional rights, tee stand ready to
vindicate those rights, in the Unioit as long
as possible, and out of the Union when we are
left no other alternative.”
Iun mill Secession.
le Richmond llepubUcan after quoting a
Uv paragraphs from a recent address qfGcn
.»Allace, of Soulli-Cnrolina, in which lie
sets forth, very explicitly to purpose mid
views of the Secession leaders ol that Stale,
adds the following pertinent remnrks, to
which we call the attention of those who
wish to force Georgia and the other South
ern Stales to follow tho Secession lead of
Cnioiina:—Savannah Republican.
“With our contemporary of the Baltimore
American, we do not see how the enforce
ment of the Constitution and the Laws of tho
General Government in any Sta'e can be
properly said to involve the destruction of
the rights of the States, or any one of them.
We do not believe, however, that any coer
cion will be used, and that the United Stales
will so far gratify South Cnrolfca ns to cross
swords with her chivalry on the battle field.
Wo are free to confess that we should depre
cate as a great calamity even the enforce
ment of the law at the point of the bayonet,
but we must also declare that there is anoth
er kind of coercion which we regard as more
tyrannical and cruel—the process, virtually
amounting to coercion, by which other slave
States are to be compelled to co-operute
with South Carolina.
If coercion, even when only the enforce
ment of 'lie Constitution and the laws of our
country, is abhorrent to the mind, much more
is it repulsive and abominable, when it is the
instrument of a lawless and despotic spirit,
wielded by the few to control the many.—
It we should deplore the shedding of a single
drop of blood by federal bayonets in South
Carolina, we should regard it as much more
lamentable that South Carolina dictation
should involve nil the other Southern States,
whose wishes and inteiesls are opposed to
her measures, in a similar calamity. It is
evident to ”11 that her chief reliance in the
approaching crisis is,—not that the other
States will voluntarily, aud with the sanc
tion of their own will and inclinations come
to her and,—but that she will place herself
in a position which "must, in the very nature
of things,” “compel” them to co-operation ?
Their community of interests and the power
ful sympathies arising from common institu
tions, are relied upon to coerce them into dis
union ar.d civil war, not only without their
own choice, hut against it ? The other
Southern States are to be dragged out of the
confederacy and into the battle held as re
morselessly and with as little regard to their
wishes, as ever a British press gang forced
men on board British ships of war, or as even
the despots of Europe compelled their peo
ple to fight their vile battles of ambit ion and
interest.
Such coercion ns this will be regarded with
universal abhorrence by all the other South
ern States. The whole course of South
Carolina is most contemptuous tu them. It
indicates that she alone of ail the slave States
is a safe guardian of Southern hunor, and
that, if they will not agree with her views.1
and voluntarily join her banner, she will
place them in a position by which they will
be compelled to give up their nationality ; to
Relinquish their fields ofj dessoiation, their
;sons to the slaughter, and their households
to ruin j to surrender their past glory and
‘their future hopes in the American Union ;
to follow South Carolina to the field, and
•yielding to others tho Stars retain only for
themselves the Stripes, fit emblems of their
bondage to an aspiring oligarch).
It is well thnt tho politicians of South
Carolina have so explicitly avowed theiraims
and purposes. That avowal has defoated
their object. The people of the other slave
States are as proud, resolute and patriotic as
a. Sou tic CaayUwa- They will not brook com
pulsion from any power. Odious as is the
General Government in Carolina eyes, it may
at least be said that it has never exhibited
such tyranny and oppression os that contem
plated by the Palmetto State. Contemplat
ed, we say—but it will never he submitted to
for any wrong yet suffered by the South
from the Union ! South Carolina may se
cede ; she may go ; but, she will he long
solitary and alone, ere the Southern States
will he compelled to leave the tight of their
ancient constellation, and follow a will o’-
Ihe wisp into the depths of a tnorass. When
they do leave it, they will leave on account
of future wrongs ; they will leave of their
own freewill ; they leave in a Spartan
phalanx, shoulder to shoulder, and with Vir
ginia, the ve'eran of the Revolution, at their
head.
From the Union Banner.
Q Who abandoned his old party friend:
A. Charles J. .McDonald.
Q. What party has’bo joined ?
A. TJte South Carolina Disunionists.
Q. 'What dues that party intend to do ?
A. Dissolve the Union, andniakean Aris-
racy.
'Vital reward is he to got for leaving
party ?
t made one of the Royal Coufed-
N0MINAT10NS OF TUB
CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY.
For Governor-
HON. HOWELL COBB.
Mr. Cninoitn on Sectmilou.
lit the month of February, 18-13, n debate
took pluco in the Senate ot the United States
between Messrs. Rival of Virginia and Cal
houn of South Carolina, in reganl to the
Revenue Collection Rill, in which the doc
trine ol Secession, or the right of a Stale tc,
resumo tho powers granted to the General
Government, came under consideration. Mr.
Rivos nmde a very powerful argument, in
which he charged Mr Calhoun w ith having
avowed tho doctrine:
“Mr. Calhoun here said that lie had been
misapprehended by the Sena'o from Vir
ginin ; that he had not said that the people of
n State might resume llic. powers which had
been granted to the General Government; hut
that they had u right to judge ot the extent
of those powers, and whether they had been
exceedea.”
Mr. ltivo s still insisted “that the Senator
from Carolina had avowed tho doctrine of se
cession.”
“Mr. Calhoun again explained : He lmd
contended that il a State should resume the
powers granted to the General Government,
such resumption would only be a breach of
compnct, for which llto State, ns a commu
nity, would ho responsible, and not its citi
zens individually.— [Gales Sf Seaton's Con
gressional Debates, Vol. IX, Part 1, pp.
500,501.”
This iB ulmostprecisely the doctrine avow
ed in the loiter of Mr. Cobb. Mr. Calhoun
did not contend for the right of secession even
for just causo. He did not, as do the modern
secessionists, contend that a State must be
the sole judge He recognized both the
sovereignly of tho Slates, and the equality
of the Stales. He admitted tho rights of the
other Slates, as well as the seceding States,
to judge for themselves as to the extent of the
grievances complained oj, and as to whether
the breach of the compact was justifiable or
not.
He goes further. W ilh Mr. Cobb he de
clares that the State seceding lor just cause
would be subject to international liabilities ;
but to international liabilities only—in other
words, that it, citizens would not be punisha
ble for treason. This is precisely the doc
trine laid down in the letter of Mr. Cobb. It
is the dootrimrof the fourth resolution of the
Georgia Platfohn. it is the doctrine which
we think must lie recognised by every man,
and every pnrty who does not wish to set up
a cowardly plea to excuse himself for wag
ing war upon the government of his fathers.
~ Union Rainier.
For Congress.
COL. E. W. CHASTAIN,
Of Gilmer.
For Senator.
COL. JOSEPH WATTERS.
Fir Representative.
WILLIAM T. PRICE.
AUKNTS FOIl TUB COURIER.
Dan’i, Hix, Summerville.
Judoe Wooten, Dirt Town.
J. T. Finley, Chattoogaville.
Saturday August 23d.
Monday
25th.
Wednesday
((
27lh.
Friday
<t
20 th.
Saturday
a
30th.
Tuesday Sept.
2d.
Thursday
u
4th.
Saturday
u
6th.
Monday
u
8th.
Wednesday
a
10th.
Friday
a
12th.
Monday
«
loth.
Wednesday
u
17th.
Friday
((
19th.
HON. HOWELL COBB
Will address the people at the following
places, at the limes designated :
Marietta,
Cossville,
Rome,
Summerville,
LaFayette,
Trenton,
Ringgold,
Calhoun,
Spring Place,
Ellijay,
Blairsvllle,
Dnhlonegn,
Gumming,
Canton,
Wo are authorised by Mr. Cobb to say
that Judge McDonald is invited to attend
these appointments, and to participate in the
discussion upon equal terms.
(CTTlie communication oil our first page, signed
“A UNION DEMOCRAT” should Le onrelully
read, as it coulnins in a brief spaoa much truthful
history. Tho writer ie really whut lie subscribes
himself, and his stutements, therefore, mny he re
lied upon ns entirely uccurnte.
expect to lie elecicd Gover-
Jifl^hally bon
iii
Tim Question of Secession.
Wo submit the fullowing argument to the
advocates of a constitutional right of seces
sion.
Kilher the Federal Government was en
dowed by those who organized it with the
power of self-protection—the principle of
sell-preservation, or it was not so endowed.
If it is so endowed a state cannot, consti
tutionally or peaceably, secede.
Wo think that it is so endowod, first, in
that clause ol tho Constitution which de
clares Federal law supreme, Slate laws to
the contrary notwithstanding. Secondly,
from tho oath imposed upon each federal
Officer, to support the Constitution, a.id
from the power vested in these Officers by
the framers of tho Constitution, for the pur
pose of effectually executing the laws of the
Union. Lot these he taken, among numer
ous other points which can be adduced, why
we think the Constitution of the U. States
forms a government rightfully cndjweil with
(lie power of self-protection.
If the government has not the right to pre
serve itself from destruction, then the Union
is simply a treaty ot alliance between the
States, and os such must he controlled, in its
breach and observance, by ‘the higher law,’
that is to say, the law of nations. This law
will recognise all the parlies to the compact
as equals, in determining the good faith of
each other, aud if one of the parties violates
the compacts, the others have the right to
hold him to the bnrgoin if they can. So,
whether you take the one horn of the dilem
ma or the other, Mr. peaceable secessionist,
if the time shall ever come when this mag
nificent system, which has won so largely
upon the admiration ot the world—when
this Union, which has conferred more hap
piness than all the governments that have
preceded it—when that Star Spangled Ban
ner, sacred as the blood of our Ancestors,
shall no longer represent, in all quarters ol
the globe, the greatest, happiest, best people
on eurlli—before we can create another sys
tem, from another union, hoist another fiug,
half so potent in emblematic power, we must
pledge to it ‘our lives mid fortunes, 1 and re
deem tho pledge. Our children then will
honor it us tve honor tho glorious Stars and
Stripes.—Hlarictln Union.
‘‘Coming Events cast their Shadows
Before.—The Liverpool Journal thus speaks
of the future United .States :
“America exists to reproach, and will re
form, the woi Id. The rough and ready re
publicans expand themselves over a universe;
the Union has just been enlarged by territories
as large as Europe, and already the new State
of California exports half a million of gold
per month, and prepares to open a steam
communication with China and Japan The
Pacific becomes the highway of nations, nnd
enterprises unheard of approach maturity,
while the mind of the ancient world is absorb
ed on the miserable subjects of divine rights
and sectarian controversy. Tho majesty of
civilization and commerco brightens legions
rich and vast, while Europe pauses to parley
.with idiotic legitimates and ancient nonenti
Th« Hfii.nUie of A nuA-jci
s fair ft*
The communication of our friend up
on mellon-culture, and other articles of inter
est are omitted for want of room.
Oj-The London (JeAnrEnr.v for July, is decided'
ly one nt the best numbers that tins recently come
tohnnd. The 3rd Artlolo entitled—“ Recent Tra
vellers in North America” wo Imve loiut witli (jrout
interest—also, “ DennUtown’s Memoirs of tho Dubes
of IJrblno."
iO*\Voare indebted to some body for a neat pam
phlet copy of Mr- Webster's speech to tho young
men of Albany. We wish this pntrlotic allusion of.
tho mastor mind ol tho ago, was ill the hands of ev
cry young innn In tho Innd.
devolution in Culm.
We duvote a considerable space in onr columns
tills week to exciting news from Cuba. Whilst we
would gladly seethe people of that fair Isle released
from the Spanish yoke, nnd treed from Spanish
tyranny end extortion, we nevertheless greatly fear
thnt die present movement will resutt, most unliep'
pity to tho peace and prosperity of tills country,
particularly the Southern States. Cotton is now at
a low mnrk, but a foreign war would bring it lower,
nnd grcntly embarrass most other Industrial inter
ests. But Its efiects upon religion and civilization,
would be most pernicious.
Convention of Cotton Planter*.
Wo have received a small pamphlet front Leon
County, Florida, containing the proceedings of a
lnrge meeting of the cotton plnnters or thnt county,
nt which n vory nblo report wns submitted, setting
forth th» evils under whieli the cotton Interest now
labors, Ar.d presenting a remedy. We imve before
expressed our doubts relative to tho nbillty of any
convention to remove these difficulties nnd prevent
the ruinous fluctuations to which the price of tins
groat staple lias always been Untile; still we will
ondeuvor nt an early dny to publish the report be.
fore us for tho information ofonr readers, nnd would
also suggest the appointment nt our Agricultural
PloNIc, o( delegates to the proposed Colton
vention.
Difficult to Please.
We have been extremely desirous to please our
neighbor; courteously to answer nil his interrogmo.
rles, nnd us tar ns possible, lead him forth into the
light of Until nnd sound reasoning. Tims far, how
ever, onr efibits seem to lmvo failed of success, nnd
we slmtl imve to abandon bis enso we fonr, as cu
tirely hopeless, nnd turn him over to tho tender
oios o[ our fair renders, who might givo him mid
nil other bachelors like him, some very original and
striking" views of secession, sovereignty, coercion
die. Indeed, we expect soon to lienr that onr friend
of the Southerner, ifhudocs not buconie out-and-out
n submissiomst, will become a thorough going an
ionist, amt talk as largely aud sing as loudly nhout
tliv glorious Union as the most enthusiastic Bene
dict. Until then, nay lessons wo might give him
wo greatly (ear, will he hut little heeded, though
they should be selected from his own text-book:
A few weeks sineo he desired our views upon se
cession, kc. Well, in few words, hastily thrown to
gctlier, wo gave them; and in lining so, nljuded to
the notions of our opponents of sovereignty—that
according to their views, it rested with die people,
individually. A’tno, ho expresses astonishment nt
such a doctrine, and says, the idea is original with
us, and desires to give us the credit of die discovery.
This we must beg leave to dccliuo. Particularly no
we find in an editoritd of dint pnper of tho 7th inst.
undor the caption ol sovereignty, tho following ex
plicit nv aval :
“ But in these United Stales, there is n higher
power than that of Governments, tlmu thnt of Con
gress or Legislature—the jiowcr of the jhojjIc. Here,
the people are the source of all power, and their
right to alter ornbolish their governments at will,-is
unquestioned. With us, then, lire sovereignty is in
the people, nnd not in their Governments.”
Here thou we have die Southerner's views of sove
reignly, mid we confess they nru for more rntionn)
tlmu those we ore in iho habit of seeing in ;h" co
lumns of that paper Door /--' 'that editor know,
Tito How Party.
Never probably since tho foundation of tho world,
has there existed a political party boaring more
namos nnd possessing more strikingly orlginut fila
tures than the disunion pnrty of tho South.' In all
that ia utdquo nnd ridlouiouB in' aentlmout, mal- a-
propos nnd fictitious in oognotnon, marvellous and
pnomolous in pretension and. profession, it must
stand forth by universal consent, tho groat enigma
of the nineteenth oentary—tho great mystery and
mztlo of tills generation and die wonder of tho
text. Most reformers in ethics or politics, have
md somo settled plan; some definite inotfm operandi,
which looked lorwnrd to ulterior benefits. Their
ichcmcs have at least been designed to do somebody,
tomowhoro, some servico—to remove ovll and eon
for good—to oxdrpnto error nnd cilijbHsli' truth.—
Nat to, however, with our secession friends. Tltol
great labor seems to be to hc-fog themselves mid
their dougns—to launch out upon unexplored sens,
without chart, oompass or rudder, to hunt up some
truant storm, mid experiment with its power. If
tl;ey cannot find n storm ready mnde to hnnd, forth-
wi'h they set their wits to work to create one—fur
a storm, mat nothing but a storm they must Imve,
nnd have nt onco, and lmvo nt all hazards nnd “ to
dialnstcxtrcniity.’ 1 Liko “Mother Cary’s chiok-
ens,” they love to bo “ rooked in tho cradia of the
deep” by somo furious gale, und|lhc more uproarous
'tho clamor of the winds and wavos tho pleasanter
their dronmo sleeping, and visions wnklng. They
are constantly laboring under the hallucination tlmt
tlioy wore bom to rldo upon n storm, mid lienco
booted and spttred, tlioy are impatient nntl restive
ut tho tardy movements ot ordinary events and ordi
nary men. Witli them tho destruction of a govern
ment—the annihilation of a Republic is but a pits-
time, mid they are surprised thnt any ona should
lor a moment suppose their wisdom nnd sngnolty
amid not evolve a better'ono ihnn that knocked up by
ahl Washington nnd his compeers any morning be
lore broakfnst.
With those political schoolmen, tho chief end of
mnn is, to imagine himself exqnisltely miserable,
und die chief duty ot man iB, to labor to mako him
self mid every body else as much so as possible,—
Unices they cun soon mako tho peoplu of the South
believe tilth they nro tho most oppressed nnd un
happy peoplu on die face of the ourtli, nnd I ive un
der tho worst government that ever afflicted the
■World, they will go off in violent convulsions- To keep
the m on their legs, tlierclbre, until nftor the first ol
October, our Union friends, mny, if they enn, occa
sionally imagine themselves just as miaernhiu now,
ni they would be in reality were Illicit, McDonald
k Co, to get into power.
More Facts for the People.
We lmvo occasionally presented evidenco conclu
sive to onr minds, ai.d we presume to the minds of
others, that a perfect understanding exist* between
the secession lenders who composed the Nashville
Convention at its second meeting. It will be remem
bered, that at its first session, this body denounced
tho adjustment measures that were then before Con
gress, aud upon the basis of tho Missouri Compro
mise, adopted the line of 3G, 30, or the coffin line, as
it is more lamiliarly known, as their ultimatum. To
this proposition, they well knew neither the North
nor the entire South would accede. Nor did they
desire it,as the sequel showed. Their object evident
ly was to commit the people of the South to a certain
course upon the happening of a certain contingency,
nftd thnt contingency they knew would happen. Im*
mediately, therefore, upon the adjournment of that
body, the parties to the plot hastened home, called
meetings of the people, and endeavored to get them
to ratify their doings at Nashville. Mr. Rhett less enu-
tious aud more candid thnn tho rest, in his address at
Charleston, let the cut out ol tho bag, nnd openly
avowed himself in favor ofimmedlute secession should
tho compromise measures pass Congress. Charles J.
McDonald, Walter T; Colquitt and other confederates
got up meetings in Georgia, to which, with a full
knowledge of his sentiments, Mr. Rhett wns invited.
One of these meetings, held in Macon, ha attended.
At that meeting Charles J. McDonald PRESIDED,
and its proceedings have gone forth to the world with
his signature, and of course with bis approval. The
doings tt thnt meeting he has never yet rebutted or
repudiated,so far as we are informed. As soon as
Judge Sharkey, who presided at the first meeting of
the Nashville Convention, saw the designs of Rhett
and his confederates, he resigned his post nnd quit
the concern in disgust. Mr. Hardeman, also, who
•ucted as one of the Secretaries of the Macon meeting
came out with the following manly letter of dissent. 1
Macon, Aug. 2S, 1830.
J Messrs, Hay fy Rom—Gentlemen: As my name
has gone forth to the country as one of the Secretaries
of the Mass Meeting, thnt convened in this place on
the 22d inst., for the purpose (ns expressed in the
proceedings of the Convention) of adjusting those
onuses which now distract onr federal relations upon
)the basis of the Missouri Compromise Line, and at 1
do not endorse the disuniut tcnlimcntt ixprertd in
that meeting, 1 humbly ask the privilege of placing
my disapproval before your readers. When I con
sented to act 09 Secretary for the Convention, I little
dreamed that a disunion of our Government was the
purpese, for which it was convened, but the sentiments
ol tho Orators and the deafening cry of a portion of
the audience for disunion and recession, opened my
eyes, and I saw plainly the sole aim of the speakers
was to excite the people of Georgia to dismember this
glorious confederacy. 1 cannot, aud I never shall
endorse such sentiments as these. I am and have
btfen in favor of the Missouri Compromise Line, as a
means of restoring peace and qui.’t to our distracted
country, but if that lends me to disunion nnd revolu
tion or to Mr. Rlrs&’s suicidal plan of “Temporary
Secession, then, sirs, I am no longer for 36 30. This
ffiny subject me to the columny of some, and the rid
icule of others. Of this I care but little, for so long
as the stars and stripes (those emblems of our nation’s
glory,) Uont from the mast head of our old ship of state,
so long will I rally under their folds, and lend iny lce-
ble aid to the maintenance and support of the Union
of onr Fathers. Yours,
THOMAS HARDEMAN, Jr.
Now, we ask every candid man, if McDonald had
not favored the proceedings of that meeting would he
havesu/Kcred them to go forth to the world with his
signature? Why did he not, like Mr Hardeman,
enter his protest ? So far from this, we find him again
nt Nashville with Rhett, plotting against the Govern
ment. No wonder dien that he is toasted, nnd petted
and praised by the Bluffion boys, and has been promot
ed to the distinguished honor of chief bugteman to
Mr- Rhett. In that capacity we are perfectly willing
he should serve ; but nt this moment, we want in the
Executive chair of Georgia, a man who can do some
thing more than play skilfully on wind instruments:
last Courier, have not convinced them, nothing we
can add will do so. We will however, ask particular
attention to the following article. If any man* con
read the terms of the old compact, tile clause of Rat
ification, and the preamble to the present Federal Con
stitution, and then say that the right or secession is
even remotely hustnined or countenanced, wo shall bo
greatly mistaken. The Union under tho old articles
ol confederation, was deemed perpetual, and yet under
the new articles of agreement—undor the present con
stitution, there was to be a still more perfect Union
by mutual consent. Let every man read for himself i
Indivisibii ity op tub Union.—Wo are indebted to
the Lynchburg Virginian for opportunely bringing to
notice, at th J * moment, the precise language of the
Preamble to tho original Articles of “Confederation”
agreed upon by the delegates of the old Thirteen States,
U8 iblloWB !
"Whereas, the Delegates of the United States of
America In Congress assombled'did, on tho fifteenth
day of November, in tho year of our Lord one thou
sand seven hundred and seventy-seven, and In the se
cond year of the Independence of America, agree to
certain Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Un
ion between tho States of New Hampshire, Massa
chusetts Day, Rhode Island and Ptovidence Planta
tions, Connecticut, Now York, New Jersey,Pennsyl
vania, Delaware, Muryland, Virginia, North Carolina
South Carolina and Georgia,in the-words, following, 1
RIGHT OF SECESSION.
We feel that it is scarcely necessary to trouble our
readers with much more information upon this subject,
We have heretofore shown, that there ia nothing in
the Constitution that can bo tortured into the support
of tho right of secession ; nothing in the writings of
Washington, Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, Jackson,
and other illustrious founders und defenders of the
constitution, that even remotely favors this moon
struck fallacy, which seems to have been so ardently
embraced and carefully nurtured _ns the last and for
lorn hope of Southern disunionists and Northern fa
natics. II the able letters of Judge Andrews, Profes-
fessor Licber, und last, though not leas:, the masterly
op
eto.
Of these “articles” the 13lh was as follows \
“Evory State shall abide by tho determination of
the United States in Congress assembled, on all ques
tions which by this confederation ore submitted to
them. And the articles of this Confederation shall
be inviolably observed by every State, nnd the Union
shall be jiepctual; nor shall any alteration at any time
hereafter be mnde in nny of them, ut less such alter
ation be agreed to in a Congress of the United States,
and be af-erwurds confirmed by the Legislature of
every State,”
The clauso of Ratification, embracing as welt the
Preamble as all the artilcles, was in the fullowing
word i
*'And whereas it has pleased the Governor of the
World to incline the hearts of tho Legislatures we
respectively represent in Congress to approve of nnd
to authorise us to ratify the said articles of Confeder
ation and Perpetual Union, Know ut, that wc, the
undersigned Delegates, by virtue of the. power and
uuthority to us given for that purpose, do by these
presents, in the name and behalf of our respective
constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each
und evciy of said articles of confederation and Per
petual Union, and all and singular the mutters and
things therein contained; and we do further solemnly
plight and engage the faith of our respective constitu
ents that they shall abide by the determinations of the
United States in Congre£snssumbled,on all que. tlons
which bv the said Confederation are submitted to
them ; and that the articles thereof shall be Inviola
bly observed by the States we respectively represent,
and that the Union shall be Perpetual.'L
Ten years afterwards, in the year seventeen hun
dred and eighty-seven, the more fully to secure and
curry out the objects of the Confederation, a promi
nent one of which was the t% pcrpetual union” of Stutes
—another convention was called, by which tho pre
sent Constitution of the United A'tntes wns framed and
submitted to the States, and by them solemnly con
curred in and approved. The preamble to that Con
stitution commences in these words t *‘\Vb, the Peo
ple of these United States, in order to form a more
perfect union, establish justice,” etc.
In their first convocation (^nys the Virginian) the
States resolved that the Union should be “perpetual.”
They met a second time to mnko that Union “more
perfect ” Having consented to the articles binding
the Union by a “perpetual covenant;” and having
gone into a second Convention, the prime object of
which wns to make that “Union” wore perfect, no
Stato had a riyht to make any reservation in passing
upon die Constitution. And, if the right to nmke
reservations had passed out of the power of the States
then, a fortiori is it now out of the power of n single
party to the covenant to violate and dissolve that co-
venant.
This is precisely consonant, ns the render will per
ceive, with the opinion expressed by Mr. Madison to
Mr- Hamilton, whilst the present Constitution was
undergoing ratification by the States: thnt the ratifi
cation of the Constitution by a State, with nny condi
tion whatever, must vitiate the ratillcation, and that
the constitution required an adoption in toto und for-
evcr.—lVat. /nt.
Disunion Catechisms.
Our opponents at the opening of the pend
ing canvass drew up two catechisms, one for
the especial benefit of their own candidates,
and another for tho entrapmzntnf their ene
mies. Those who have noted passing events,
will have observed with what adroitness the
questions addressed to Mr. McDonald were
framed; how vague nnd indefinite; and how
very cxpliciily be hns responded. So far ns
we have noticed, not one of them seeks to
elicit his views in regard to the “Southern
Congress”—not one of them asks, “what he
means by resistanceVI Tho fact is, follow
citizens, they know their catechism nnd their
catccliumnn too well, to pul to him such troU’
hlcsome and injudicious questions. The peo
ple however, are taking the matter into their
own hands, and are enquiring very shrewdly,
how a man can nt the same time stand npon
the Nashville resistance Southern Congress
platform, and also upon the Georgia Consti
tutional acquiescence platform ? And their
respenso nt the ballot-box in October nc.vl
will leave the illustrious president of the
Nashville Convention with one foot, ut least,
upon nothing. The Georgia Platform enn
very well dispense with such friends, espe
cially os they will he needed by Mr. Rhett
in the formation of his naw Republic.
But what has amused us not a little, is,
thnt Mr. Cobb, contrary to the expectations
no doubt, of his hopeful inquisitors, has come
out with such explicit and able replies to
their queries as utterly to confound them;
and now, instead of laying his sentiments, a
disclosure of which they officiously sought,
before the public, through the medium of
their journals, they are endeavoring, liy giv
ing them out in disjointed and broken sen
tences, accompanied with their own illiberal
comments, to destroy their force. We ask,
nay, demand, ns an act of justice, as well as
courtesy that Mr. Cobb’s letter shall appear
entire in every Southern Rights paper in
Georgin. It was called forth by a Southern
Rights committee ; they have got what they
sought, now let them give it to tho people
entire and unadulterated.
NR. CHASTAIN-
The election of this gentleman by a trium
phant majority, is every day becoming so ap
parent that his opponents are getting quitp
desperate in their ossnults upon his characr
ter, and are resorting to every expedient tp
accomplish his defpat. But thpy wjU fflil in
their efforts. Fr oni every part of the Dis
trict the accounts are truly cheering. The
little screw that got loose in Lumpkin has
been replaced, and so far as we know, the
utmost harmony and concert of action, and
the greatest enthusiasm of feeling pervades
the entire ranks of our party,. Our friends,
however, mu$t be on the alerfy as we desijp
not merely a victory, but one witli tin
whelming demonstration, that disunion and
secession find but little favor or affectioo in
the pure mountain air of Cherokee.
—
SOUTHERN ENTERPRISE.
We would particularly direct public atten
tion to the advertisement of our worthy and
enterprising townsmen, Messrs. Sumter,Tor-
belt & Co., which will be found in our pnper.
to-day. We looked into their establiment
the other day, and were vyeU.. pleased jvith
the tasteful arrangement of the different de
partments of labor, nnd the rapidity with
which nil kinds of work is executed. Their
engine is of fouf-iioso poivor, nnd Works up
lumber most admirably. We can very safe
ly commend their establishment to the liber-
nl patronage of tho public. < Their, furnilurd
is made of the best material,, and • fit' prices
that will challenge foreign competition. To
our friends in this and tho adjoining counties
nnd Alabama, we would soy, try them. Let
us foster home Industry, nnd reward South
ern enterprise.
Mr. Cobb a Traitor*
It i* quite comnion for our opponents to
denounce Mr. Cobb as a truitor to the South -
and a deserter of the Democratic Party; liiit
it has never yet been exactly - covenient for
them to prove that he is either the one or
the other. When we have challenged proof,
and pressed them to show when and wherein •
he hns been recreant to Southern Rights mid
untrue to democratic principles' they have
failed to adduce it 01 to prove either from his
declarations or his acts, that lie. is not now
both in principle nnd feeling, what he always .
has been' We say this in nil candor ; and
it is the expression* of one who has not
been and indifferent or careless observer of
public men during'the last ten years. If tho
noble and patriotic support which lie gave
to the adjustment measures of the liist Con- '
gress, and his cordial adhesion to the conser
vative action of his State makes him a trait
or or a deserter then the charge is welt
founded ( otherwise, like other silly slanders
it explodes in the hands of its originators.
ID* As our paper Is luw going to press we lmvo
only lime to say tli.it tho Uon IIowel Cobb, has just
clou'll a mi."I powerful mnl innsturlv argument, be-.
11 re nno of the largest itsseinbingi.'s wo imve over
soen In our cliy. It bn- sweptevfry thliighofure It.
THE SOUTHERNER.
At our earliest leisure we shall endeavor
to satisfy the mind of our bewildered neigh
bor upon the various points nbuut which he
seems nt present to be in grent doubt.—
When Messrs Cobb, Waters, Price,' and
other good Uni an friends of ours shall be •
fnirly installed into office at Millcdgevillo,.
and Mr. Chastain packed off to Washington
City, weshnll then breathe more freely—-
the Republic will breathe moro freely ; and ..
it is to be hoped, that in the peace<h| shades'
of political retirement nnd forgetfulness .
Messrs. McDonald, nnd Stiles, and their fol
lowers generally, will have a better opportu
nity to study political science, and to form a
more correct estimate ofthevnluenfour civ
il institutions. So long as they are dazzled
with the prospective glories of a Southern
Confederacy and the liquors and emoluments
of office, we fenr our teachings will be hut
little heeded. If they heed not the sago
counsels ut Washington, Jefferson, Madison,’
Jackson nnd others, they will hardly profit
under our tuition. By-the-liy, will t|i 0
Southerner do us the favor of giving himseif
and his readers an opportunity of studying
the letters of Prof. Lieher, Judge Andrews,
and Mr. Cobb, by publishing them entire?
A Matt nit to he' Cuxsidehed.—Whilst'
tho disunionists of South Carolina are anx
iously desiring tho election of Mr. McDonald,
and fool “ that his cause is their cause,” it is.
gratifying to know that good old Noilh Ca
rolina, Tennessee and other Union Slates are
deeply desirous that Mr. Conn should tri
umph. They judge, nnd rightly too, that the
welfare of the whole South, and ihdeed of
the whole Union depends in some degree up
on his election. T hat should his opponent
succeed South Carolina will immediately
quit tho Union, expeoting Georgia to follow,
There is, also, it appears, a general feoling*
of distrust in the executive and administra- .-
tive ability of Mr. McDonald both nt homel
and abroad. Our Tennessee neighbors it v
would seem are in some little dread upon :
this subject, as well they might be, should
McDonald succeed, for they are every day,
becoming more and more identified witl\.
Georgia in interest, and therefore very na
turally desire her prosperity. Well, we caq
assure them that there is now every proba
bility that the next Executive of Georgia
will be a mnn ready and willing to give hiq
best energies to the promotion of the puhlip
good, by fostering all the great interests of •
Georgia, and cultivating a fnteriml feeling
with her neighbors. The disuionists arc
laboring to widen the breach, already two
wide, between the Stales composing this
great confederacy—to embitter, thht they
mny embroil one section against the other. .
Howell Conn is national in his feelings, lib- .
era! in his views. He is put lip On too no
ble n model to he the abject slave of a nnr- •
row sectionalism. We have carefully.:
wu!died his political career; wo have read
his speeches; we have noticed his -oles; as
speaker of the House of Representatives^ wo •
have seen his ability and impartiality as q"
presiding office: the theme of universal praiiso
and admiration. And should he live until ‘
December next, Georgia will once more tha
o Governor !>f whom she nepd not be ash—-
or afraid a ™™