Newspaper Page Text
from tliei'otilhsm Patriot.
1 he Federal and State Governments-
It imiy not lie uninterosling to the people
of South Carolina, at this time to inquire in
to the origin and history of the Federal and
State Governments. We know it has been
fashionable over sii co the days of nullifica
tion, n speak of South Carolina as n sove
reign State, and that ns such, she has n right
to nullify an net of Congt cts, or secede from
the Federal Uuion.
This was not anciently tile Carolina doc
trine. It was not tho doctrine of this State
when Mr. Calhoun was advocating those
groat national measures, a nnt y, tho hank,
internal improvements, tho tariff and internal
tnxca, Which gave powor and strength to tho
Federal Union nt the expense of South Car
olina, in money, and prosperity and political
influence. Nor wns it the doctrine ot this
State when Mr. McDuffie wrote his fnmoos
pamphlet on the powers of the Fed. and state
Governments, signed “ One of the People,”
nod declared that if these heresies were not
discountenanced, they would, at some future
day, “ dissolve our happy Union, and sweep
away in a tide of civil blood all that consti
tutes the happiness of individuals or the glo
ry of a nation." Nor hnd these State rights
doctrines been canonized in the political
church ot South Cniolinu when Judge Sutler,
and many other distinguished Carolinians,
contended in the Legislature of this Stnlc
that the acts of the Federal Government and
the proceedings of Congress wero uhovo the
censure, comment or notice of the Legisla
ture.
Hut from having been one of the strongest
Federnl States in the Union, South Carolina
has now got on the olhor extreme, and would
make our Federal Government n rope of
sand, or a tenantry nt the will of thirtv-one
lease-holders, any one of whom mny hrenk
the tenure ot all nt his will and plensure.—
The secessionists hnve carried this doctrine
so far ns to declare that we are not even cit
izens of tho United Slates. That wo are
citizens of South Carolina alone, and we owe
no allegiance to any other power on earth !
That South Carolina is a sovereign, and that
sovereignty is indivisible ! That the Federnl
Government so lar from being the parent of
the States, is actually tho child and ofispring
of tho States ! That although Alabama, and
Iowa, and California came into the world fif
ty or seventy years after the American Un
ion hnd taken rank ns one of the most power
ful nations of the oarlh, yet they assisted in
begetting her, and she is tho genuine offspring
of their loins ! Wondorful nnd mysterious !
The United Slates hnd originally thirteen pa
rents, nnd tins now lliirly-one, and will hnvo
forty in a fow yoars more I Wo have heard
of barren and unfruitful persons purchasing
nnd adopting children to raise up, nnd com
fort them in their old age, but we never heard
of a child, blessed already with thirteen fa
thers and mothers to commonco the world
with, being so insane as to purchase fifteen or
twenty more ! This, however, the United
States have done, if the theory, physiologi
cal, of the secessionists he correct! Louisi
ana, a French mother, was purchased in the
lieginning of the prosent century. Florida, a
Spaniard, wns obtained some years after
wards. Then Texas, a sort of mongrnl par
ent, with n dash of Indian blood, was obtain
ed, on the condition that we would support
or defend her. Our multifarious parental
passion, by this liino, became so stroug that
we must need liavo two or three Mexican
mothers by force of arms. Hence Utah, New
Mexico and California, were conquered.—
Hut tile two first, although in a fair way to
be, are not yet dignified with the appellation
of mother. They are not yet sovereign
States.
Let us now examine this incomprehensi
ble mystery of the secessionists, nnd see whe
ther the whole theory is not a delusion, nnd
n-most fatal one to our peace and happiness.
tVihen an Irishman comes to South Carolina,
ood is naturalized, lie does not apply to be a
citizen of South Carolina, hut of tho United
Stales, and not to the State By virtue of
the I cderal Constitution, ho then becomes a
citizen of the Union, may go into any Stalo
of the Fedoral Union, and exercise nil the
rights and privileges ofa citizen of that Slate.
If Ilia rights are invaded by a foreign nation,
nlthough he has not gone out of South Caro
lina, jot Massachusetts nnd New York, nnd
eve.-y other sovereign State of the American
confederacy, must, nnd are bound, to defend
this Irishman, not as a citizen of South Caro
lina, hut as a citizen of the United Stales.—
The war of 1812, with Great Britain, is proof
on this point. There arc then citizens of the
United .S'tntci living in South Carolina.
Every magistrate and constable, member
of tho Legislature, judge nnd militia captain
in South Carolina, has taken an oath to sup
port the Constitution of the United Slates.—
In that constitution It is declared that “ the
laws of the United States shall he the su
preme of the land, any thing in the constitu
tion or laws of any Slate, (sovereign Stale if
you will) to the contrary notwithstanding.”
This is the oath which most of us liavo ta
ken,nnd yet we are told that we owe no nl-
leglnnco to the United Stales, and must oboy
the mandate of tho Slate in prcfcrenco to
tlint of the Federnl Government.
Is South Carolina a sovereign Slate ? “ n
supreme ruler without contra! r” She cer
tainly can neither make war nor peace, noi- I
tlier coin money nor emit bills of credit, nei
ther keep troops nor shins of war in time of
pence ! The-o arc the highest acts of sove
reignty, and none of them can she do. They
are forbidden in the constitution of the Uni
ted Stales. In some respects South Carolina
is sovereign. She can forfeit the lives of her
citizens for any offence she pleases to make
capital.
Instead of using the word sovereignly, if
we were to substitute, in its plncr, the word
\ power, we should produce less confusion in
pur idoas. Sovereignty is an old kingly word,
and not stictiy applicable to the U. States,
as we have no kings here yet. Power is di
visible, ifsovereignty of kingship is not. Ail
,— power, in this country, is vosted in, and ol
right belongs lu the people. They have di-
. vidod it out, politically, into three parcels.—
To the federal government they have given a
portion which is enumerated in the Constitu
tion of the United States. To the State
Governments they have given another por
tion, a part of which is enumerated, nnd a
part is not, i« ti e constitutions of the seve
ral States. To themselves, the people^ have
I reserved, in their Federal and State Consti-
. another portion of political power.
’ Carolina never saw the day when
, in the European sense of the word,
power Her history proves
1 doubt, and to that history
Carolina'. They were invested with all roy
alties, powers and authorities necessary for
the government of the said province, snving
the faith and allegiance due the king. It.
1665, this giant was confirmed by the king
to he held und used by the proprietors ns the
Bishop of Durham did his Pnlatinnte.
In 166!) the lotds proprietors did ngreo up
on fundamental constitutions for tho better
government oi the said province. In a few
months nferwnrds they adopted a second
series of fundamental constitutions. In 1681
they adopted a third, nnd ufterwards a fourth.
In 1698 u fifth was p.omulgaled, and ill 1719
the province of South Carolina cast off the
proprietary government. Tho title and inter
est of tho proprietors wore then surrendered
to the king, and so remained n royal province
till tho American revolution. Up to this
period, there L nopretonco that South Caro
lina wns sovereign, as she received her go
vernor, her judges, nnd ull Iter officers from
the appointment of the king of Great Bri
tain.
In 177-1, Massachusetts, one of tho thir
teen British Provinces, got into n serious dif
ficulty with the mother country, about some
tea, thrown overboard in the harbor of Bos
ton, nnd tho right of the British Government
to tax the Colonies. In her resistance, sho
sought tho co-operation of all the other Colo
nels, nnd they nil met in Congress, in the city
of Philadelphia in 1774. This Congress met
again in 1775, nnd in 1776declnied tho Colo
nies tree and independent. No declaration
of independence was made by South Carolina,
nnd no step was taken by her to throw off,
separate and alone, her subjection to the
British Crown The Declaration of Inde
pendence wns the niiileil act of all the Colo
nies. It wns made in these words: “We
thereforo, the representatives of the United
Slates of America, in general Congress as
sembled, appealing to the Supremo Jud^e of
the world for (he rectitude of our inlontions,
do, in the name nnd by the authority of tho
good people of these Colonics, solemnly pub
lish and declare tlint these United Colonies
nrc, nnd of right ought to ho free, nnd inde
pendent States ; that they are absolved from
all allegiance to the British Crown,nnd that
nil political connection between them nnd the
Slnto of Great Britian, is, and ought to be
totally dissolved ; nnd that os free and inde
pendent States llioy hnve full power to levy
war, conclude peace, contract alliances, es
tablish commorce, and do all other acts and
tilings which indopondent Statos may ofrighl
do."
The Congress which inode this Declara
tion of Independence for the United Colo
nics, had become’ a regular organized Gov
ernment, and had been governing the coun
try for two years previous thereto, raising an
nrmy, providing ways nnd means for the de
fence of the country, nnd making laws which
tl.o Colonies felt themselves hound to obey
Immediately after tlio Declaration of Inde
pendenee, tlio different Colonics assembled
and adopted their Slate Constitutions, and
referred expressly to the Declaration ol in
dependence by tlio Continental Congress in
justification of their acts.
In 1778, the old articles of Confederation
were agreed on in Congress os “a perpetual
Union” between the Stales, nnd rntified liy
the different States nt different periods. They
carried the country through the Revolution
nnd were sufficient in lime of war for its gov
ernment. But when peace was restored, i
stronger nnd Letter Government was reqnir
ed, and the Slates mot again in Convention
The presenl Federal Constitution was agreed
on in 1787 liy “the people of the United
Stales, in order to form a more perfect
Union.”
It will thus he seen that, at no time, was
Soutli Carolina independent, hut nlwnys con
nected with some other power. Till 1774
she, with the olhor Colonies, wns a subject
to Great Beitain- Then sho united with all
of them in Congress, nnd in 177G, ns one
united people, threw off the dominion of
Great Brllem Tho Union wns formed be
fore State government were formed. The
Stnto governments grew out of tho Union
and weicbegolton by that Union which de
dared their independence. For two years
had tho Colonies been united in the Conti
neirtnl Congress before they became States.
Not only wero the States brought into ex
istence by the Union, and freed of their for
eign bondage by the Union, hut under the
Union they have lived, and grown,nnd pros
pered, ns no States ever did before. Youn
gcr Stales hnve since come into the world
under this same Union ; nnd now, when the
family circle lias thus increased, nnd are nil
lmppy nnd blessed, South Carolina steps for
ward and denies that she is the daughter of
this Union ! She does worse than that.—
With unrivalled impudence sho declares
that sho is the mother of the Uuion ! and
with unholy and unnatural feelings, claims
the right of destroying her own offspring;
instead of nursing nnd cherishing it I
or a vestry, seeing that vie must have
somebody to quarrel with 1 had rather
keep our New England associates lor that
purpose ihnn to sec our bickerings trails-,
erred to others,’’
THURSDAY MOBNINCb SEPT- 4,1801
Jf KNOWLKS, ED1 TOR7*"
NOMINATIONS OF Till
CONSTITUTIONAI. UNION PARTY.
Are not Messrs. McDonald and Stiles, and
their followers dear lovers of the glorious
Union, when they use such paltry humbuggs
to deceive the people aed arouse their hat
red against the government ? Again we say
to the people, beware of tho Nashville lea
ven, which is emphatically hypocrisy and de
ception I Heed not the idle clap-trap of that
precious hatch of patriots, who went a se
cond time to Nashville to save(l) the Union 1
Tho preservation of this Union by Rhett and
McDonald, and Stiles, would be that exten
ded by the wolf to the lamb.
For Governor.
HON. HOWELL COBB.
Fon Congress.
COL. E. W. CHASTAIN,
Of Gilmer.
For Senator.
COL. JOSEPH WATTERS.
Fir Representatives.
II.OtD COUNTV,
WILLIAM T. PRICE.
CIIATTOOOA COUNTY,
ROBERT OAMRON.
GORDON COUNTV,
THOMAS BYRD.
AUE9ITS coil TUB CUHItlBU.
Dan’l Mix, Summerville.
Judge Wooten, Dirt Town.
J. T. Finley, Chnttougaville.
E. R. Sasseen, LaFnyotte.
HON. HOWELL COBB
Will address the people at the following
places, at the times designated :
Calhoun,
Saturdny
6th.
Spring l’lnce,
Monday
It
8lh.
Ellijay,
Wednesday
li
10th.
Ulnirsville,
Friday
ti
12th.
Dnl.lonegn,
Monday
it
15th.
Gumming,
Wednesday
((
17th.
Canton,
Friday
U
19th.
Wo are authorised by Mr.
Cobb
to say
that Judge McDonald is invited to attend
those appointments, and to participate in the
discussion upon equal terms.
Hon. ROBERT TOOMBS will be
with Mr. Cobb nt his appointments at Dalton
nnd Calhoun. Dalton on Friday Sept. 5th,
nnd Calhoun bnlurdny Glh. Go, one and all,
nnd hear both.
QfZfr. Several articles omitted for want of
room.
We are indebted to Mr. Richard Bu
ber of this county, for some very choice spe
cimens ol apples and peaches. Success to
fruit cullute in old Floyd.
Mr, Cobb’* A (litres*.
Our time burely permitted us to refer to
the very powerful and argumentative address
delivered by this gentleman in our City last
week. Clear, strong and eloquent, unencum
bered by tinsel, it went right home to the
judgment, and has produced the happiest ef
fects—-converting outright some, confirming
others, and convincing all who are not hope
lessly wedded to the Nashville platform.—
Mr. Cobh’s conciliatory and gentlemanly
port and icpublican manners, will make him
friends wherever he goos,and greatly strength
en the cause ho so ably represents nnd main
tains. Wo say to the people every where,
go out mid hear him.
Mr.’Cobb at Nuramerrlllo and CaFnyettc,
A friend who was present, nnd heard Mr,
Cobb at Summerville end LaFnyotte, in
forms us that on immense crowd attended
nt both of those places to hear him, and that
his speeches have already had a most linppv
effect upon the people of Chattooga and
Walker counties. At LaFayette the crowd
was immense, and the address of Mr. Cobb
is spoken of in the highest terms of approba
tion. Several new accessions to the Union
ranks, nnd the mountains in a blaze of en
thusiasm. To our friends below, we sny
—clear the track, a ball from the ‘'Look
out" lias started for the sea-board and will
sweep everything before it.
Mr, Cobb n Dlsiiulanist.
For cool assurance, and great fertility of
invention, we think our fire-eating friends
are placing themselves beyond the reach of
competition. With a sang froid, inimitable
as it is undesirable, they wilt make the most
sweeping charges against their opponents,
and when proof is, demanded, in its stead,
they astound you with something still more
absurd, and monstrous, and fabulous. Air.
Cobb wns first a traitor, then asuhmissionist,
then a Federalist, then n bnnkrupt, then a
Jrec-soiler. And what next ? Can you
imagine, worthy render ? Why he is a dis-
unionist. So says n writer in the Dalton
Times. Hear him :
“Mr Cobb is iur disunion, there is no
question about it, and he is for civil war and
revolution in the South.”
Wo wonder if our fire-eating friends will
vote for him. Let our friends prepare them
selves to hear next that Mr.- Cobh lias kid
napped his own negroes and is gn. his way
with them to Canada in a flying machine.
Tlio Southern Patriot.
Wc ought to have given this valuable pa
per an especial notice long since. It is pub
lished at Greenville, South Carolina, and is
doing noble service in disseminating sound
doctrines upon the great questions which
now agitate the country. It is one of the
handsomest sheets that comes to our table,
B. F. Perry and C. J. EJford, Editors.
of i
Mr. Jefi-erson on Secession.—Mr. Jef
ferson has never been suspected of being
Federalist. His reputation was won by his
efforts against the black cockade federalists of
the East. As long ngo as 1798, soon after
the ndoption of tho Federal Constitution, he
cemmenced to v. ar against the hersesy of se
cession, which was then entertained by some
of the people of Virginia, who had becomo
outraged nt tlie conduct of the Federalists
He then wrote a letter to n distinguished gen
tlcmcn in tlint Slate, an extinct from which
has recently been re-published from an
old -opv ol the Sbuther-i Quarterly Re
view as follows:
“Bui if, on u temporary superiority of
tlie one parly, tlio other is to resort to o
secession from the Union, no Federal Gov
ernment can ever exist. II, lo rid our
selves of I lie present rule o! Massachusetts’
and Connecticut, we break the Union,
will the evil stop there 7 Suppose the
New England Stales alone cut off; will
our nature he changed ? Are ivc not
men, still to the south ol that, and with all
tlio passions of men f Immediately we
shall sec a Pennsylvania and a Virginia
party arise in the residuary Confederacy,
and tlio public mind will be distracted
with tlie same parly spirit. Wlmt a game,
loo will the one party liavo in their hands
by eternally threatening the oilier, that
unless they do so and so, they will join
their Northern neighbors I ii wc reduce
our Union lo Virginia and North Carolina,
immediately tlie conflict will be establish
ed between tlie representatives of those
two States, and they will end by breaking
into their simple units 1 Seeing, therefore
an association of men who will not
re] with one another is a thing which.
Cuba,
The news from this Island is ofn very ex
citing nnd painful character. The unhappy
nnd mournful fate ot Crittenden and his
brave comrades, has produced a profound
sensation throughout tho land. There seems
to have been some misconception, in refer
ence to the state of feeling in Cuba, and the
Now Orleans papers end Lopez come in for
a large share of censure. That the ex
pedition wos too hastily gotten up, nnd but
illy provisioned nnd equipped, is generally
ndmilted. How the matter will end ao one
can at present forsee.
Death of Da. Oi.in.—The papers an
nounce the demiso ol this distinguished pul
pit orator and divine. Ho died nt his resid
ence in Middletown, Conn, on the 15th ult.
He was extensively known und admired at
the South, and the last Southern Christian
Advocate, contains an eloquent tribute lo
his memory nnd worth.
More IlnuibuBgery.
We would especially caution our friends
•gainst tho wholesale system of bumbuggory
and deception, by which our opponents are
at this moment endeavoring to dupe and mis
lead the people. The last gull of any note
which has como under our observation, is the
" Alberti case.” We should not have re
ferred even to this, but for the fact, that
hand bills purporting lo give its history, are
scattered broad-cast through tlie country -
Now all we have to say iu regard to this
case is, that the government ot the United
States, had no mote to do with it than a man
in the moon. Kidnapping by the laws of Penn
sylvania, and indeed by the laws cf most of
the States, is, and ought lo be a Peniten
tiary offence. He was convicted of this crime
and sentenced accordingly. We think he
probably innujumt;—but this is a matter
ennsylvania
Sovereignly.
There are few words more frequently used,
nnd none more generally misunderstood and
miiapplicd than the one which heads this ar
ticle. Wc have heard lor years, and still
hear a great deal said,—and eloquently too
—about State Sovereignly, Fedoral aggres
sions end usurpations, nnd Federal impotence
until the people are beginning to imagine
that it is not only their light and duty to glo
rify their State Governments ns containing
the quinlescence of true sovereignly, hut to
look upon acts of the General Government,
which m the least conflict with their views
and interests as arbitrary nnd unlawful.
And wo beiievethat much of the ill-feeling
and opposition which now oxists in the land,
and which threntenBthe stability of our free
institutions, is attributable to a misapprehen
sion upon the part of the people of the true
structure nnd powers of the Fedoral nnd
State Governments, respectively.
Now the term sovereignty, cannot bo ap
propriately applied to any power on earth—
it is not certainly possessed by the States in
dividually, nor by the United States collect
ively; and although we very frequently speak
of the sovereign people, the expression is not
strictly correct. It is true thnt with them,
exists the power to make, modify or destroy
governments, but the possession nnd exer
cise of this power does not mako them ipdi
vidunlly or collectively sovereign; for the ve
ry existence of government implies the sur
render of certain private rights and preroga
tives. And it is equally preposterous to sup
pose that the people can impart thnt to i
governmenCwhich they do not possoss them
selves. Sir Edward Coke very properly de
clared, that sovereignty was not a parliamen
tary word. Ifit could not be properly ap
plied to the King or Parliament of Great Bri
tain, it certainly should not find n place in
the political vocabulary of a Republic like
ours. It should he eschewed especially by
our Southern Rights friends, who have so
grent a horror of consolidation.
Fortunately in this country, the respective
powers and duties of the local and central
governments are so clearly defined by the
Constitution in plain and explicit language,
that none need be in doubt in regard to their
appropriate and lawful spheres of action.
We would enlarge upon this subject, but
ns tlie worthy editors of the Southern Patri
ot have furnished us with an nriicle entirely
to our notion, containing not only sound rea
soning, but vnluuble historical facts we shall
dismiss this topic by commending it lo the
perusal of our readers. It will be found in
another column.
derstood-, that letter i < intendedfor Georgia,”
or words to that effect. Now we bog the
people of Georgia to mark well this fnct ; for
we have our information from an undoubted
source, and to pause befure they give their
votes to a man who would thus trifle with
their rights and interests.
HR. COBB.
The people of Georgia, and Indeed the whole coun
try, owe lo lliis gemlcinun n debt of gratitude winch
they can never repay. Ilia dignified nnd noncilintory,
nnd yet decisive con rse In Congress, by which, in n
most critical period In the history or our Government,
he waa promoted to the 3d office In the Republic ; his
eiibfcqnont bold and able championship of tho Com
promise, In tho passage of which he largely aided—his
recent masterly vindication of those measures before
the people of his own Stale ; all these, nnd other ser
vices entitle him to the lasting gratitudo of those of
his countrymen who think our free institutions nrc
worth preserving,* transmitting lo posterity.We know
he has been vorv liberally abused for canvassing the
State, aa though he hnd for the Oral time Bet the pre
cedent i hut we wish from our very heart, that he Imd
time and strength to visit every hamlet, every district,
and every house in Georgia, nnd in his plain nnd mat
ter-of-fact style, to instruct the people upon the great
questions and issues whicli now agitato nnd divide
the country and arouse them to the defence of the
Constitution and the Union. The unceasing efforts of
uitraista and funntica to diffuse into tlie American
mind a spirit of disaffection and disloyalty to tile Gen
eral Government should illicit corresponding efforts
to thwart tiieir wicked devices. I-or more thnti twen
ty years, n party has existed in this country, strange
to sny, hostile to the Union. It has grown with our
growth,until tlie Dual virus of hatred and distrust, has
been insidiously diffused into the whole body, politic,
nnd threatens the utter extinction of out national exis
tence. Tho Government of our first nnd only love,
is presented to us by our inlatnnted opponents ns an
object fit only for loathing, dctestntlon nnd destruc
tion. Institutions reared by our patriot sires, and
which have conferred untold blessings upon mankind
nt largo: tinder which wo hnve enjoyed unpnralled
prosperity nnd happiness, arc lo perish nt the bidding
of fiery zealots nnd ambitious aspirants.
No marvel then, that this aittfming state of things,
has produced n profound sensotloh throughout the land,
nnd awakened n spirit of nnxious inquiry in tlie public
mind. Ncvor hnve wo seen the grent body of onr
people so deeply solicitous to know tlie truth, and
thoroughly to acquaint themselves wi-li tlie grent ques
tions which they are soon to decide, ns during the
presenl canvass. And well they mny be anx
ious, fur there is hut ti step between them and revolu
tion, onnrchy and dismay. Therenre none so hum
ble—none bo poor or ignorant ns not to appreciate iu
sonic degree the rational liberty secured to oil classes
under our present constitution. They have therefore
only to know that it is in danger to rush lo its rescue.
Wc know thnt disuniotiisin is doing Its worst to pre
vent the people from getting nt the truth, and thnt div-
unionis's ore endeavoring to counteract its force upon
their minds by tlie lowest nbtisc and cnlunmies against
Mr. C obk - still, thousands flock to heir him, and pa
ticntly and respectfully listen to his fuir nnd lucid ex
positions of the groat questions of the day, nnd go
nwny with more ardent devotion to the Union We
tepeut then, that for these well-timed und wcll-bcstow-
cd labors, Mr. Cobb is entitled to the gratitude of hia
countrymen.
NOTE IT DOWN,
It is known that Mr. Rliett ofSoutli Caro
lina has on more than one occasion compli
mented Go”. McDonald, and alluded to his
co-operation in the formation of n Southern
confederacy, and many have wondered why
McDonald’s late noncommittal loiter to the
Charleston co-operation committee has been
passed over in silence by Mr. Rhett and his
organ the Mercury. We are able to give the
public a solution of this matter. A gentle
man from South Carolina, who is a disunion-
ist, in conversation upon this subject the oth
er day, said—‘.bat when in the presence ot
Mr. Rhett, the character of Mr. - McDonald’s
letter was referred to on a recent occasion-
'sfaad;
out let or hindrance from any of the part'es to
the federal Compact. Other powers and pre
rogatives were retained by the States and
may be exercised by them wi'hout fear or
molestation. If the States ever were sove
reign—which we deny—they are not so
now, for they hnve actually divided their
sovereignty or powers with the General Gov
ernment, and given to it exclusive jurisdic
tion over all national questions, m perpetuity.
All this talk then about State sovereignity, or
federal sovereignty, or any other sovereignty
ns applicable to any kind or grade of govern
ment in this country is entirely unmeaning.
To possess and exercise certain powers with
in prescribed limits is one thing—to possess
and exercise supreme power without limit or
restriction is another, and quite a different
matter.'"
Fortune is, our system of govern
ment issosiinple, undyetso wisely arranged, -
with its checks nnd balances—its powers ate
so accurately defined, its legitimate sphere of
action so clearly marked out, that it ran not
go estray without the instant knowledge and
interference of the people. An occasional
abuse of powet upon the part ol both the
Slate nnd General Governments may he ex
pected; this we have more than once witnes
sed since the adoption of the Federal Consti
tution—still we have ever found in that glo
rious instrument, n self-adjusting, remedial
power by which harmony hns ultimately been,
restored, our noble Union, saved, and the
Republic has still gone on conquering hnd to
conquer in its career of greatness nnd benefi
cence. Long may it live the love and ptide
of every American heart.
1 yo
ed, t
It will be recollected, thnt Mr. Stiles has ircquently
in his speeches, nlludcd to Mr. Cobb's vote on the Or
egon hill, and in a moat offensive manner associated
him with frccsoilcrs. In hi.- address tho other d .y,
Mr. Cobb gave a satisfactory explanation nnd triumph
ant vindication of his conduct upon this subject, nnd
showed torn the record that he did not Vote (or the
hill on its final passnpc, nlthough said bill wns approv
ed by Mr. Polk—thnt previous to the acquisition of
Mexican territory when tho question wns unimpor
tant hnwaswilllng to apply the Missouri Compromise
line to that country, but that so soon na there wos a.
prospect that other grent monsurcs involving the righti
ontl interests of the South would come up, he r.-fn.
ed to vote for that bill, until the whole quealion should
he fairly adjusted.
Bat what will our readers think when wc tell them
thnt Wm. II. Stiles, late Minister to Austria, nnd tlie
present Southern Rights candidate for Congress,
VOTED FOR THIS VERY OREGON BILL. Will
they believe it 1 Let them refer to tlio proceedings of
the 2d session of the 28th Congress, if they linvc doubts
upon this subject. For this vote wc do not censure
Mr. Stiles, but we do censure him, for endeavoring to
prejudice tho minds of the people ngainst Mr. Cobb,
for doing precisely what he himself did.. Indeed
cannot trust ourselves ptoperly to characterise anil la
bel lids conduct of Mr. Stiles towards an old colleague
nnd friend. Let on indignant people mark the man
who would injure without provocation another for do
ing precisely what he himself has done.
SOVEREIGNTY INDIVISIBLE-
Thousands of honest minds are misled by
the misapplication of terms—tens of thou
sands have been bewildered by the inappro
priate use of the word sovereignty. The
States, say our political teachers, are sove
reign, and sovereignty cannot he divided,
therefore the States are supreme. The whole
difficulty upon this subject may be traced lo
false premises nnd false assumptions. Now
we assert, that absolute sovereignty is only
possessed by Deity—thnt it never has been
delegated or impnrtcd lo any individual or
government on earth—it never can be ; for
there never can exist two or more supreme
heads; “ The powers that he, ure ordained of
God”—not the sovereignties that be. Tlie
terms, strength, power, influence, mny he
appropriately applied to individuals and states,
but notthe word sovereign; berico this term
is no where found in tho articles of confeder
ation, in tho constitution nor in the laws of
Congress. It is sui generis, adopted by cer
tain modern schoolmen to accomplish a spe
cific object. Had they stopped and defined
it, the people would readily have discovered
that it could not have been npplied with any
degree of propriety or truth to the American
States, united or separate. The word “ pow
ers, 1 ' is the one used by the Constitution, not
“ sovereignty.’ 1 It does not say--“ all sove
reignty not delegated to the' Federal Gjv
ernment, &c.—for the framers of that instru
inent knew thut the Statos could not divide
out and impart that which they never pos
sessed, they therefore declare “that all pow
ers’’ &c. Power is both divisible and distri
butive,hence when the Constitution was. fra
med, there was an explicit grant ot certain
powers and prerogatives to. the GencrJ G.ov-
atom
MR. CHASTAIN.
During the present exciting and very im
portant campaign we have endeavored to
keep the columns of our paper free from all
offensive personalities, Whilst we hare felt
it t:> he our duty to scrutinize rigidly the po
litical character and measures of our oppo
nents and disclose them to the people;- we
have studiously refrained from personal u-
huse nnd vituperation; wehnveneither used
them ourselves nor suffered our correspon
dents to do so in our ■ Journal. Indeed, we
hnvo nlwnys viewed n resort fo such moans,
ns evidence of a had cause; as pernicious to
social harmony nnd good fooling, and disre-
pntnble lo the press, Our views upon this
subject are unchanged, and our course, we
trust will continue the same, whilst we con
trol the columns of the Cornier. We have
no heart for throwing mud and dirt ourselves
nnd we haven higher appreciation of tho pub
lic taste thnn to suppose it would he nt nit
acceptable to the people or serviceable to our
cause.
The ridicule nnd abuse which are daily
helped upon Mr. Chnstnin by our oppouent*I
enn do him no harm. The stale calumny
that he wns bought up hy Col. 1unilm, he
has again and again hurled hack in the very
teeth of his trnducers, and challenged them ,
to the proof. It is true, as onr opponents'
sneetingly declare, he is from the mountains,
but the people of Cherokee Georgia, will
hardly look upon this- ns an unpardonable (to;
and wc greatly mistake the spirit of-the
Cherokee buys, if they shall Buffer Mr. Chas
tain to ho proscribed motcly because ho hnihi
from Noonntoolln instead of the .Sevarift
nnd Etowah rivers.
Moic thnn once has Col. Chnstnin served
the people in the Legislature of his native
State, and he wns then the favorite of some 1
of tlie very men who now so grossly abuse*
and vilify him. Then he was tho able and
popular Mr. Chastain—now wlten he stnuds
in the way of Messrs. McDonald, and Stiles.
& Co., ho is suddenly transformed from n
lion into an ass; from a gentleman into n row
dy; from a Republican into n Federalist, trai
tor, &c. Let the people look well to this
matter, and not suffer n worthy tuan to be
immolated to satisfy tlie cormorant appetltri
of disunionism. .
Hay making.
Although the late rains have somewhat rev
ived the hopes of the husbandman,.yet be
yond question, the coming year will be one
if great scarcity in many parts of the South.
Few oats were made, whilst the early ci
with here and there an exception,'is aln
an entire failure. The Spring wns also q
unpropitious to the growth of fhesweet pot*-
toe, and even with late frosts there will dof,
he an nvernge crop of this valuable esculent.*
With these facts before us, it behooves tb
farmer at once to adopt n rigid system
economy, nnd to gather up every thing tha
will conduce to tho sustenance and comfort *
of stock of every kind during thecoming win
ter. Here at the South, in addition to the
grasses which flourish in more northerly lati
tudes, we have the crab-gross, which usually
matures at a most propitious season for cu
ting und housing. It is of .spontaneous and
luxuriant growth, nnd when properly i
makes a most excellent forage, both for I
ses and neat cattle. If our agricultural Trie
will pardon us, we will make a few suggei
tions and give n few hints upon the su
of hay making, as the season for it is ne
hand.
Crabb-grass, (and indeed all grai
should he cut wheri quite green. We
noticed in the maturity of this grass, a
deal of irregularity; whilst some stalks, i
ripe, others wit) scarcely be in bloom,
should always be cut, however, Me
stalks become bard nnd dry; else a very 1
portion of the sugar and other kljidrf
nutritious properties which,
wlten green will be entire'
into a tasteless nni v