Newspaper Page Text
Americans Shall Rale America.”
PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY DWINBLL A FINLEY, EDITORS
VOLUME 10.
555
■ .
- —r- ,jm
i -/J, t-
TERM8-*-$2 00 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
ROME, GA., TUESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 1855.
NUMBER 45.
^ * j LETTER FftOI BOS. JERK CLEIEHS.
(EtlC Home (Sontttt! »«*■»■* W» PodUM on me imrlcaii
9 Question.
PCBUtHBD ITUT TDESOAY MORNIXO.
BY DWINELL & FINLEY.
i of Suboorlpttoa:
b uriircit m itm,
Paid vnani six uoxras,.......
Paid at m ud or teat. ....
$2 00
$2 SO
$3 00
of Advertising:
AdrattKanU will be Inserted
UM. Miscellaneous Adrertise-
Meats ok $1 foe snare of 12 Unes or leas, for the
first and 50 cents for each subsequent insertion.
Vs.ll
WONDERFUL AND EXTRAORDINARY
CURSOR RHEUMATISM OF TWENTY
YEARS’ STANDING.
Never in a»y Bfc harol had so much pleas
ure, in doing any thin* ns in giving this cer
tificate to the world, awl. I hope it may ho the
«nms of thensaudi of my feliow-creatures be
ing relieved from that dreadiW disease, rheo-
mitiiin My wife has been aflicted with it for
twenty yean, moot of the time suffering exern-
. oinfin* pains in every part of her body. D»t-
ing tio appetite whatever, she was reduced to
ataeotaakeletoa. So violent were the puns
that ahe seldom oould sleep without taking
large doees of opioas. Every joint was swelled
very much, and her knees, hands, and neck,
covered with large lumps. She could do no
kind of work, the sinews and muscles being so
hard and contracted that her Umbo fere drawn
together. so that she eras obliged to be in bed
eeSantiT In this condition she had been for
twenty jean, without ever getting any relief
Aa> ..mi thin* she used, until she commen
ced the us* of EG. FARRELL’S ARABIAN
UNDfENT,the first bottle of which produced
■ n great change. She has now used five bottles,
«~i the swellings have nearly all gone down;
pa*n has entirely left her; she sleeps well and
•eandly; is asote fleshy than ever she was in
her fife; has an excellent appetite, and spins
and sew* ail day. By the use of a few bottles
mere she mart he as well as ever she was. If
any one doubts this wonderful cure, he has only
te call at my residence near Peoria, and learn
thecferoamstanocs from my wife’s own Ups, or
he can farther inquire of any of my neighbors.
SAMUEL ELS ON.
H. a FARkELL’S ARABIAN LINIMENT
is also no excellent remedy for palsy, sprains,
; hrwises, cramps, chilblains, bums, pains, tooth
ache, sere eyes, ete^ and in horses or cattle is
tike best remedy in the world where an exter
nal application is required.
Lomkomt for Comnterfeit* !
The public ure cautioned against anothe
counterfeit, which has lately made its wppearr
asee. called W. & Farrell’s Arabian Liniment,
the meet dangerous of all the counterfeits, be-
cause his having the name -of Ferrell, many
wffl buy. it ia gNii' faith, without the knowl
edge that a counterfeit exists, and they will per
hapo oaly diseover their error when the spun
oas ■»■«*—* has wrought its evil effects.
The genuine Mudfe » u»iv»fttXrtl only by
H. O- Farrell, sole inventor and proprietor, and
wholesale druggist, No-17 Main street, Peoria,
UBaoia, to whom all applicatioms for Agencies
asast hu addressed. Be sure you get it with
the letters H. G. before Farrell's. thus—H- G.
FARRELL’S—and his signature on the wrap
per, all others are counterfeits.
Sold by Kendrick A Pledger, Melville
G.B.F. Mattox, Mt. Hickory
C. Brown. Coosa P. O.
Brunner A Moyers, Summerville
Robert Battey,Wholesale Agent. Rome
. had by re rniarty authorised agents througfaont
HShPriee 25 and 50 eeuts, and $1 per bottle.
AGENT8 WANTED in every town, village
and hamlet in the United States, in which one
. it nut already established- Address H. G. Far
rell as above, accompanied with good reference
na to ^wgagtor.rcspoaafhiHty, Ac.
CASKET SHOP
And Blind and Sash Factory ! t
STABDISB ft BLAKEMAN
iceossors of Jas. M. Snmter, contin-
luo to manufacture all kinds of FUR
MXTURB and SASH and BLINDS on the
moot reasonable terms, at the old aland on
Broad Street. Marehl7.—ly
ATLANTA
MACHINE WORKS.
(lavs Atlanta won focndrt.)
T HIS new Company isnow preparfB»££j»
ed to do work on abort notice, of
heavy and light Castings from
the latest Improved patterns oflron, Brass
or Composition, allot which will be warran
ted. Tanking, Borings and Drilling done to
order. Also, screw catting of 10 feet or un
der of any size and thread required. Heavy
and light forging of wronght Iron or 8teel
done to superior style.
# PARTICULAR ATTENTION Is called to
tbetr patterns for Mill Gearing, for Merchant
and Custom Flooring, and Saw Mills, Gio
Gearingofall the usual sizes, and Bark
Mills always kept on band. We are also
prepared to build stationary Engines upon
the latest improvements. All of which will
be sold low for cash. Copper and Brass
take n in exchange for work at cash prices
^^AMBS L DUNNING,
john McDonough,
WILLIAM RUSHTON.
P. 8. All ofthe above company are prac
Meal Mechanics, and give their indivldna
attention to the business. fan. 9, '65
R. RIPLEY,
ATLANTA, GA.
TYEALEB in China, Crockery, and Glass
JL/ ware*; Lamps of all kinds ; Oils, Cam*
, and Alcohol by the bbb Terms
Jas 9,1855 ly
T.
phiae, Fluid,
Cubfasdn
J. M. TOMLINSON,
._ ' \i ■ j •
T)LAIN, House Sign, Coach, Passenger Cars
I Fresco, Ornamental and Decorative Painter
Also manufacturer of Gilt Glass Door Plates
Wjndow Signs, Numbers for Public Houses
Churches and Street Numbers.
Opposite Jacob Haas A Co. White Hall Street
Atlanta, Ga. Jan 9.1855 ly.
F. M. EDDLEM AN & BRO.
Atlanta, Georgia.
-Keep constantly on hand and for sale on
the lowest cash prices, a large assortment of
BOOTS, SHOES, LEATHER, LASTS,
PEGS, CALF LINING and BINDING SKINS
SHOE-MAKER'S TOOLS, Ac. Ac.
Jan '«1855, ly
T* S. WOOD & CO. HOME, GA
Dealetv jn watch**, Clocks, Jewelry,
' Silver Ware, Cutlery, Plated
and Brittannia Ware, China,
Musical Instrument*, Walking'
Canes, Fancy* Articles, Ac., Ac., Ac.
REPAIRING NEATLY EXECUTED, ;
g>y 1 •.
RICHARD A. JONES
Stan is
BABBLE,
DEPOT,
Madison, Ga.
AND HEADSTONES
ARTHE
way* on Hand*
Hcntsyille, July 12,1855.
Dean Stn .—I have not before had time to
answer your letter in relation to the new order
of Know Nothings, nor have I now at hand all
tha statistics which are necessary to a tell elu
cidation or the aufajeet. Very possible, iu the
opinioui lam about to advance, I shall find, my-
aelf in antagonism to yourself and some of those
old Mends to whom you allude. At all events,
there Is no impropriety in asking you to read
oaretelly, not for the purpose of contradicting
or finding fault, oor yet for the purpose of im
plicitly believing, but to reason, to consider, to
reflect. If there is truth in what I write, let no
previous pnjudiee dim its brightness—if there
Is error, lot no personal partiality prevent iu
detection and exposure.
The vio'enee which has heretofore character
ised the discussions on this subject, is unbe
coming at all times, and particularly so upon a
question involving so muoh about which men
may reasonably differ. I know not why I
should think lees of any one for differing with
me upon Know Nothingism than upon Democ
racy. He has the right to the maintenance of
his opinions, and if he is honest no just man
will denounce.
It is proper for me to say that I ’never was
in a Know Nothing Lodge but once—that I do
not know a single sign or pass word, and could
not to-day obtain admission to any Council in
the State, unless it was through the interven
tion of a friend; but I endorse their platform,
and propose to defend! their principles. They
are the principles of.Washington and Jefferson,
and what is of even more importance, they are
the principles of the Constitution.
When one of the seven wise men of Greece
visited the Court of Periander, of Corinth, ho
was asked, “What is the most perfect popular
government V’ He answered, “that in which
the law has no superior.” This answer, which
contains a whole volume' of truth and beauty in
a single line, is the foundation of the Know
Nothing creed. They made it in the begin
ning the basis of their platform—not designed
ly, for very probably the answer of the Sage
has not been remembered, but reason, reflection,
and am earnest patriotism led them to the same
resale Accordingly we find that every mem
ber is imperatively required to acknowledge
the laws as established by the Constitution, to
be supreme. Obedience to its mandates is in
culcated as the highest duty, and disobedience
is certain to bo followed by expulsion. Thns
ter, I am sure the most violent will agree with
me, that there is something to applaud.
The remaining portions of the platform may
be disposed of satisfactorily, I .hink, if not as
briefly as the first. Americans shall rule Ame
rica—in other words—for I mean to deal in no
equivocation—no elusion—to cover up nothing,
dodge nothings deny nothing. In other words
then, that native born Americans shall fill all
offices of political importance under the govern
meat. I do not mean mere money offices such
as President of a Bank-—aiiroud, or other
corporation, bnt every office which gives to its
holder dny influence on the legislation of the
country. These are the offices from which we
are pledged to exclude Foreignes, and this is
the position I am prepared to maintain. It is
not denied that we have enough, and more than
enough competent Americans to fill every office
we have to bestow, but it is urged that such a
distinction is odious and unjust to'our foreign
population. How is it uqjust ? He has been
deprived of nothing but his emigration here.
Tn his own land he did not even have the right
of suffrage. His property was never for an
hour secure. His personal liberty was constant
ly in danger. He could not write'or Speak bis
sentimeuts with impnnity. He was ground
down with taxes. A press gang might at any
time tear him from-tbe busutu of bis family, or
an oppressive landlord turn that family hotue-
less upon the world. Ail this is changed. We
have given him the right to vote. We have
given him peace. We have given him security.
We have given him independence, and now be
cause we will not give him the right to make
the laws by which we are to be governed, he
forgets In his arrogant ingratitude the hundred
blessings we have showered upon him, and re
pays the safety of the Altar by malignant as
persions of the Ministers to whom he owes his
protection. It is a delusion to talk about the
rights of foreigners. Privileges is the proper
word. We were not bound to extend to them
the right of suffrages. We were not bound to
give them protection, liberty, peace, independ •
enee. All these were voluntary gifts. Ii was
philanthropy in its broadest sense. Nor is there
one of the millions who flood the country who
would not have exchanged his own land for
ours even if the Constitution had denied him
the privilege of voting. The other advantages
he obtains would have been sufficient to have
made him anxions for a shelter beneath the
wings of the Eagle. Where then is the injus
tice ? He has all he asked, more, much more
than he would have been willing to take. But
it is argueo that exclusion from office fixes an
odious brand upon him. Without stopping to
remark upon the absurdity of sneh a position, it
is sufficient to lay that the brand is already fix
ed by the Constitution. It is npon him now,
and will remain upon him until that instru
ment is torn out from the archives of the na
tion. The second Section of the first Article
prescribes that no one shall be a Representa
tive in Congress who has not “been seven years
a citizen of the United States.” He may have
been twenty or more years a resident of the
country before bis naturalization papers were
taken out, and yet be must remain seven years
longer before he can occupy the post of a Re
presentative. Here is a distinction and a broad
one. It is idle to talk about degrees of infamy.
If exclusion for life renders a man infamous,
exclusion for a term of years must have the
sume effect Both alike presuppose a differ
ence between the native, and the foreigner.—
Both have the same operation, and both, wheth
er justly or unjustly, give a preference to na
tive born citizens.
The third section of the same article pre
scribes that no person shall be a Senator who
has not “boon nine years a citizen of the Uni
ted States,” There the distinction is broader.
As the office rises in importance—as the danger
arising from ignorance, or preconceived opin
ions becomes greater the more careful the fra
mers of the Constitution were to secure the ser
vices of Native citizens, until at last in the
highest of ail officers Foreigners are excluded
entirely. In the first section of the second ar
ticle the Constitution declares that “no person
except a Natural bora citizen” shall be “eligi
ble to the office of President,” and the twelfth
amendment declares that no foreigner shall be
eligible to the office of Vice President. It thns
appears that foreigners are obsotutely prohibi
ted by the Conetitution from filling the only two
offices which emanate directly from the whole
people, whose incumbent are elected by the
whole people, and who jyro in an especial man •
nertbe guardians of the rights of the people.
What stronger distinction is it possible to make
between the Native, and the foreign born citi
zen? In comparison, with that, hour poor and
how weak is the mere resolution of a political
party that they will not vote for foreigners ? If
the declaration of such a purpose by those who
are called Know Nothings is odious, unjust, in-
famous and tyrannical, what will you do with
that Constitution we all profess to revere 1 From
that green and living root they extracted the
essence of their creed. Whatever of wisdom—
whatever of patriotism—whatever of sincere
devotion to liberty and the, country may encir
cle them, is drawn from the same healthful
source. Strike them down, and you aim a blow
at the supreme law of the land. Strike them
down and you prepare the way for amendments
to the Constitution which wilL soon bare your
vassal* in fact, if not vassals in name, to those
who grow by your hospi tality, and fattened up
on your charity. I am not unaware that it is
customary to ridicule the idea of danger from
foriegn influence. Wo are excitingly pointed.
i Natives. These figure* are not accurate, we
will take them as they are given us. It must be
remembered that of this three millions of for
eigners, a very large proportion are voters. It
is the unvarying law of emigration that muoh
the greater numbor of every body of emigrants
are males. This was the ease even in Caiifor.
nia when the emigration was only from one por
tion of our territory to another. All of us can
call to mind oases in which the head of the fam
ily alone is a foreigner, while the wife and chil
dren are natives. Those go to swell the num*
bor of Natives on tho census books, while the
voter—the efficient and controlling power, is
set down ns one foreigner.
Lot us look at the other side: Of the twenty
millions of Americans, shout one-half are fe
males. This disposes of ten millions. Of the
remainder, at least two-thirds are children and
boys too young to vote. That disposes of near
seven millions more, and brings the number of
voters down muoh nearer to an equality than is
at all agreeable, or than our opponents are wil
ling to admit. These facts have not been un
known to, or unmarked by Politicians. There
is not an aspiring Demagogue in all the land
who has not, time and again, made himself con
spicuous as tho advocate of Foreigners. Wil
liam H. Seward, with his -cold, calculating,
heartless selfishness, is the leader in this race of
adulation to whatever is of foreign extraction;
and many bettor men who ought not to be nam
ed in the same breath are hastening in his foot
steps. Even the veteran soldier whoso lira had
been passed among bullets—whose nerves bad
never been shaken in the deadliest conflict,
when ho was a candidate, quailed before tho
vast influence those strangers hadacquirdd, and
the “foreign accent” became asmusioto his
ear. Two public acts in the recent history of
tho country exhibits still more strongly the dan
gers of the foreigo influence, and admonish us
to check it while we have yet the power.
In the autumn of 1849 Father Matthew, an
Irish Priest, who had acquired great celebrity
as a Temperance lecturer, paid a visit to the
United States. He came to Washington and a
resolutio was at onoe introduced to allow him
the privilege of the floor of the Senate. This
was opposed by Mr. Calhoun on the gronnd that
it was lowerin. the dignity of the Senate, and
cheapening its honors. By myself and others
upon the further ground that he had while in
Ireland indulged in denunciations of slavery
and taken part with the abolitionists against the
South, which I considered an unwarrantable in
termeddling with matters that in no way con,
corned him. Notwithstanding these objections
the resolution passed by a decided majority, and
Father Mathew took his seat upou the floor of
the Senate. Not long afterward Gen. Pillow,
who bore upon his person the marks of honora
ble wounds recently received in the service of
the Republic, visited Washington, and found, to
his mortification no doubt, that the place which
bad been occupied by a Catholic Priest was in
accessible to him, a native born American, and
late a Major General in the wars of his Country.
Nor was he alone a sufferer. Every officer who
served in the Mexican war, not a member of
Congress, or an existing Stale Legislature, was
in a tike manner excluded, with perhaps the
single exception of Gen. Scott, who had receiv
ed a special vote of thanks during the war of
1812. which of itself entitled hiin to admission.
It will not do tell tue that respect for the cause
of temperance produced this astonishing result
The Congress of tha U. S. are not remarkable
os disciples of temperance, and that very day
there were perhaps not si -c Members of the Sen
ate who did not drink wine at dinner, or brandy
before.
The Irish vote was the controlling cause—tho
desire to conciliate that large body of natura
lized citizens, who looked ud to Father Matthew
as a superior being. It was this which gave to
the Foreigner and the Catholic an importance
above and beyond that of tho soldiery whose
biood had been poured out like water ou the
plains of Mexoco. It was this which induced
the Senate to forget what it bad been —to throw
aside the sever dignity which has so elevated
them in tho minds of me, and to exchange the
character of Roman sages for that of servile
sycophants. There was a time when that high
body was composed of sterner stuff. There was
a time when such aproposition would have been
treated with the scorn it deserved. But that
was before the Irish Exodus. Now if we ven
ture to question foreign merit it mast be done
with bated “breath.” If we venture to deny
any foreign demand, however imperious, we are
threatened with political annihilation, and yet
I am told we are in no danger from foreign in
fluence. When the Senate of the United States
has bent before the stn in where are we to look
for that public virtue whicb.is sturdy enough to
resist it ?
The other case to which I allude was still
more ontrageous. L. Kossuth had been active
ly engaged in exciting a revolution in Hungary,
bat when the hoar of trial came be shrunk from
the danger be bad evoked and flying across the
frontier took refuge beneath the Crescent of the
Turk. An immense amount of sympathy was
at once manufactured for him, and our Govern
ment, not to be behind tfae public expectation,
dispatched a vessel of war to bring him to our
shores. Of course this was done under the spe
cious name of sympathy for struggling freedom.
But if there had been no German votes in the
United States I am very much inclined to the
opinion that sympathy would have expended
itself in some less costly manner. But not
satisfied with bringing him here both branches
of Congress passed a resolution inviting him to
Washington. He eome in all the pomp which
surrounds the Monarcasof the old world-arm
cd Guards paraded before his door to keep off
the vulgar populace. And we who would not
have tolerated such conduct for one hour in the
President of the Republic, bat only sammitted to
it on the part of this Foreign mendicant, but
actually invited him within the bar of the Sen
ate. He entered with all his guard about him.
The clank of Foreign sabres awaked the echoes
in the vestibnie of the Senate, and an eager
crowd of Republican* looked *n with wandering
admiration at the pageant If the Dead are
permitted to witness events npon Earth what
mast have been the feelings of the stern Fath
ers of the Republio when they saw the velvot
uniforms of a Foreign body guard Within the
sacred precincts of the Senate! Let as sup
pose them gathered about Zhe immortal Wash
ington, as they were wont to gather in the days
that tried men’s souls, gazing in sorrow and
silence upon the disgraceful spectacle. There
is Warren, Green, Sumpter, Marion, Lee, Shel
by, Williams. Wayne and a hundred others of
tbe mighty dead. They remember that it was
Girman cannon that thinned tneir ranks at Mud
Fort and Red Bank. They remember that
German shouts ran* over tbe field of Brandy
wine. They remember that German bayonets
were dimmed with patriot blood at Monmouth.
They remember Chadsford, and Chew’s house,
and many another field where they met the
hired mercenaries that England’s gold had
brought across tbe Atlantic to fasten manacles up
on a people who had never injured them, and re
membering this they turn to each other with the
mournful inquiry, “are these oar sons? are the
traditions of the revolution already forgotten ?”
Ah! shades of departed Patriots, there is an
engine of power in our land of which In vonr
day you did not dream. There are a few hun
dred thousand German votes among us, and
every Demagogue who aspires to the Presiden
cy, And oil the Sattelites that glimmer about
bim are viewing with each other in base conces
sions to German pride and German feeling.—
But the picture is a sickening one aud I turn
from it. God knows it was bitter enough at the
time, and I have no wish to dwell upon it anew.
Not satisfied with the honors heaped upon
Kossuth, Congress determined to extend tobim
more “materia* aid.” . Mr. Seward discovered
that he was the nation’s guest, and Introduced
a BUI assuming bis expenses as a national debt.
The account turned ont to be somewhat extrav-
gant. This plain republican martyr to liberty
only lived at the raw of $60q per day. Consu
ming in tbe twenty-four hours Champagne and
Borgandy which cost more than it would take
there were bills upon the Calendar ofthe Honse
for tho relief of destitute widows and orphans,
whose husbands had died in defence ofthe coon-
try, which Congress bos not had time to attend
to even to this day. Not so with Kossuth—be
drank his wine—eat his pores defoi* grae, and
Cougres instantly footed the Bill. Do you nsk
the reason? I answer widows and children
have no votes. The foreigners who wore to bo
conciliated by adulation of Kossuth, had many.
Others will say that it was not Kossuth bat bis
oause— thst he had boon battling for freedom
and they wished to mark their appreciation of
his efforts. As a tribute to tbe spirit of Liberty
it might have been well enough if we bad not
beon so lamentably deficient in paying that trib
ute to our own citizens. When General Jack-
sou had driven the British army from New Or
leans, and resoued tbe eountry from one of the
most terrible dangers with which it was ever
threatened, he was arrested in the very hour of
his triumph and heavily fined for the rigorous
discharge of his duty ; and yet Congress per
mitted more than a quarter of a century to roll
away without acknowledging the wrong or at
tempting to repair it. He was a Native Amer
ican—there was no foreign sympathy in his be
half—no foreign voters to conciliate. When
Gen. Honston returned to the United States
with the laurels of San Jacinto fresh upon his
brow, bringing an empire in bis hands to lay at
our feet, no'Congressional invitations celebra
ted hisarrival. No bills were passed to pay his
expenses. He was a native American and noth*
ing was to be gained by laudations of bis chiv
alry or his patriotism. When Gen. Scott had
oonelnded one of the most wonderful campaigns
ever recorded in history, he was called almost
in disgrace, and his army which be had found
untrained militia and converted into veteran he
roee, was transferred to oneof his subordinates.
Yet Congress offered no word of sympathy, ap
plied no balm to the wounded feelings of the
maebless soldier. He was a native American
and tbe voice of condolence was mate. Had
General Shields received similar treatment a
howl wonld have been raised from one end of
tbe continent to the other, and half tho tongues
in Congress would have grown weary lamenting
their wrongs.
With these foots before me, and all know them
to be foots, I must be pardoned for maintaining
that there is danger from foreign influence, and
the sooner it ia boldly met the better.
It is gravely urged as an injunction to the or
der of Know Nothings that it originated at the
North, and ought therefore to be regarded with
suspicion oy tbe South, and this reuson I have
seen advanced by such men asToorabsand Ste
phens of Georgia, and Preston of Kentucky—
gentlemen whom I know personally, and for
whose talents, attainments and moral worth I
have very gre«t respect. To my mind it is an
evidence of the weakness of my cause whon men
of fair abilities resort to sneh flamsy means to
support it. I do not know how the fact is, but
I shall concede that it originated in New York,
and then I shall proceed to show that there is
no spot upon the Continent where the people
have suffered more from foreign emigration or
where they have more imperious reasons for ar
raying themselves against it By reference to
tbe annual report of the Governors of the Alms
House, during the.year 1853, 2197 inmates—of
these only 536 were natives, and 1883 foreign
ers, supported at the expense ofthe City. And
now I propose to use on oar side the argument
of our opponents that there are only 3,000,000
Foreigners in 20,000,006 Natives. According
to that ratio there ought to be about 7 Natives
to one Foreigner in the Alms House. Whereas
we find more than 3 Foreigners to one Native.
No wonder that a people who rre taxed to sup
port such a body of paupers should be the first
te set about devising means to get rid of them.
Let us pursue the record—the" Bellevue Hospi
tal, in the same city, there was 702 Americans
—4134 Foreigners: now the proportion rises to
nearly six to one. There out door poor—that
is persons who had some place to sleep, hut noth
ing to eat and nothing to make a fire—957 Na
tive Adulte, 1044 Children—3131 Foreign Ad
ults, 5229 Foreign Children, or children born of
foreign parents. This number were relieved
during the year with money. Of those relieved
with fuel, there were 1248 Adnlt Americans and
and IS0I children. 10,355 Adult Foreigners and
17,857 children. Bat the record is not yet com
plete let us turn to the statistics of crime. In
the city prisons there were during the year 6,-
102 Americans—22,229 Foreigners-. I p;iss on
to an abode even more gloomy than that of pris
on call, and call your attention to those whom
God in his wisdom has seen fit to deprive of the
light of reason. In the Lunatic Asylum there
were admitted from the year 1847 to 1853, 779
Americans—2381 Foreigners. For the year
1853 there were 94 Americans, 393 Foreigners.
These tables might be made more complete
by adding Organ Grinders, -Strolling Mendicants
and Professional Beggars, bnt of these I have
no reliable data, and therefore pass them with
the single remark that I have never seen a na
tive American who belonged to either class.—
These figures are far more conclusive than any
language could be to prove the necessity of ar
resting the tide of emigration. Let every Amer
ican impress them deeply upon his memory.—
42,369 Foreign paupers and invalids, 2381 Lu
natics, and 22,229 criminals taxing the industry,
and blighting the prosperity of a single City.—
In that list of crimes is embraced murder, rape,
arson, robbery, perjury, every thing which is
damning to the character of the individual and
which is dangerous to society. In our section
we see bnt little of the evils of emigration—
comparatively few come among us, and those
are generally of the best classes of their coun
trymen. It is not as a State that we suffer most
but as an integral part of the Repnblie. The
crime, vice, disease, destitution and beggery
which flows in with every tide of emigration af
flicts ns but little ? it is through their political
action; in their capacity ot voters that the curse
extends itselftons. When thousand upon thous
ands are carried to the polls and made to vote
in fovor of any man or any party for a shilling,
corrupting the ballot box, and rendering liber
ty insecure, then we suffer—then the law of self-
preservation gives as a right, and makes it a
duty to interpose. With such dangers thicken.
Ing around us tho memorable order of Gen.
Washington should be upon every man’s lips:
“Put none but Americans on guard to night,”
In time of peace your public offieers are your
sentinels. Put hono ou guard whose bosoms do
not swell with exulting pride at tho mention of
Bunker Hill, of Monmouth, of Saratoga, or of
York Town. Put noneon guard whose national
traditions are not confined to our own common
wealth. Putnone on guard who oan dwell by
the hour upon the eloquence of Daniel O’Con
nell, but have never heard the namo of Patrick
Henry. Putnone on guard who turn with cold
indifference from the Niagara or Now Orleans,
to boast of Marengo, or Leipsio, or Waterloo.—
They do not love your land as you do—they will
not watch over it with the same absorbing in
terest. Oppression, not choice has brought him
here, and though he may foel a certain amount
of gratitude for tbe shelter he has found, he Still
looks book to the green fields of his ohildhood
—ho remembers every stone upon the highways
—he reads the history of bis native land,,and
E artnkos in tbe pride of its great evonta—in his
eart of hearts be feels that thore is his home,
and those, his holiostaffeotions are garnered up.
Fear, necessity, Common sense, may keep him
hefe, but he loves not tho land of the stranger
—cares nothing for its formor glories—sheds no
tear over its former disasters.
With what reverence can the German regard
the name of Washington when he remembers
that his pathway to freedom was strewn with
the bodies of German mercenaries? What
exultation oan the Briton feel in the fame of
Jackson when he remomburs that it was won
by trampling tbe lion banner in the dust? It
is not in human natnre that they should feel
as ws do, and we are false to ourselves when we
put them in power, or givo them the direetion
of the law.
Perhaps no party in this country has ever
been the subject of so muoh inveotlve as the
Amorioan Party. All the depths of the lan
guage have been sounded to flash up degrading
to the-foot that there are but three millions of' to food a respectable foraily in North Alabama, - . , „
foreigners, while there are twepty millions of fora twelve month. At that very moment | epithote.to be applied to men whose sins oon- preparation of this letter; but it is sufli- ing oonflhuod with indroi
stits in loving thnir own blood something bet
ter than that of the stranger. Praotices whioh
are in daily use by other parties suddenly be-
ootne heinous sins when resorted to by tbe
Americans, and editors in tho excess of their
seal not unfrequently run into tbe most ridicu
lous ineonsistenoies. I have seen one column
of a newspaper filled with denunciations of
the secret feature of tbe order, while tbe next
not only purported to give the principles of the
party, but even the v ry forms of initiation.
One thing is eertain, either those forms were
forgeries, or all the indignant denunciations
of secrecy with which we hare been favored
were hypocritical pretences in no way credita
ble to those who employed thorn. All parties
obsorve more or less socrecj in relation to cer
tain portions of their tactics. Tho secrets of
a Democratic canons are as profound as those
of a Know Nothing Council, and the will of
every member is more completely subjocted’to
the control of the majority. A Know Nothing,
after his party had made a nomination, may
abandon tbe order, and then rid himself of ail
obligation to support it. but a Democrat who
has once taken part in a caucus is held in hon
or bound to abide the decision of that Caucus,
no matter how distasteful it may be. If the
term “ Dark Lantern Party” was applied to the
moon-light plottings of those who manufacture
in Caucuses and Conventions Candidates with
out consulting the will of tho people it would
be much more appropriate. The State and the
National Councils having both removed the in
junction of seerecy, that reproach is disposed
of: in point of fact it never existed. Their
principles were known from the beginning, and
be mast have been ignorant indeed who bad
any doubt of tbe aims and purposes of the
order. But it is alleged that it is a Whig trick
gotten up to injure the Democracy. Sneh ar
guments are the usual resorts of weak men,
who, when reason fails, attempt to enlist preju
dice in their behalf. The head of the Order is
an old fashioned Jackson Democrat. Wherev
er they have nominated eondidates they have
taken the larger number from the Democratic
ranks.
Judge Cone, of Georgia, who reported the
Platform adopted at Philadelphia is nn old line
Democrat. He was a member of the Balti
more Convention in 1844, that nominated Mr.
Polk, and reported the resolntions adopted by
that body as the principles of the Democratic
party. How stands the case on the other side ?
Mr. Wise confessedly owes his election to the
Whigs. Messrs. Toombs and Stephens, Whig
leaders in Georgia, are at the head of the anti-
American party, and so with Mr. Preston, in
Kentucky. Everywhere you find Whig leaders
among the bitterest opponents of American
principles and if it is a Whig trick, they hare
been a long time finding it out.
There is another branch of the qnestion which
Iapproach with more reluctance than will en
able me to consider it dispassionately. With
out belonging to any Church, I grew up in tbe
Methodist persuasion. It was the faith in
which my Mother lived and died and I conld
not change it If I would. Among the earliest
books which fell into my hands, I found acconts
of Catholic persecutions of the early Protes*
tauts. Of men, women and children thrown
into dungeons, stretched npon the rack, tortu
red with thumb screws, and finally burned at
the stake, for the erime of worshipping God
as reason and conscience dictated. Then came
the “order of Jesus” with tbe inquisition in
its train. For centuries every page of history
is blackened by tbe iniquities of the Church
whose Pontiff arrogantly claims to be the im
mediate representative of tbe .Almighty, and
who has not hesitated at all times to exercise
powers in accordance with that claim. Sub
jects released from obedience to their legal ru
lers—murder peij ary, incest—every crime made
venial if it tended to the advancement of the
church. I know it is said that these powers
are not now exercised or claimed. Where has it
over been abandoned when they had power to
enforce it. What is the nse of the confessional,
if the Priesthood do not still claim the power
of forgiveness for sins committed, or to be com
mitted? I have searched in vain for any an
thentie document which shows that they have
ever abated one jot or tittle of the pretensions
which characterized them in other years, and
characterize them now in other lands. I have
visited two countries in which the Catholic
religion is established by law, and I found in
both the same intolerance, the same bigotry,
the same hatred of the Protestant as of yore,
Even tho dead bodies of Protestants are denied
the right of burial in a Catholic grave-yard.
Tbe masses are tnught to believe that the rot
ting corpses of tho faithful would be polluted
by the neighborhood of a brother who had in
life a different creed. In Spain an assemblage
of more than fifteen Protestants for the pur
pose of religious worship is declared an unlaw
ful assembly, and all the remonstances of Eng
land have failed to ameliorate this detestable
tyranny. What we see existing elsewhere,
wbat we know has always existed wherever
Catholics had the power, we may surely dread
for ourselves, without being liable to the
charge of excessive timidity, particnlarly when
we see the rapid strides they are making to
power and influence among us.
From 1840 to 1850 the number of Catholics
in the United States doubled, and now they
exceed two millions of souls. At that rate it
will not take them long to acquire all the pow
er they want, and when acquired they will not
fail to exercise it- In the very nature of
things the Catholic must be a persecutor.
When be believes that every Protestant is on
the highway to hell—when he believes that it
is charity to torture, an-t piety to murder those
whom he looks npon as enemies to his God, it
Would be absurd to expect mercy, or look for
toleration.
Another great danger we have to dread is the
prevalence of the mischievous dogma that the
Pope is superior to the Constitution, and can
absolve his flock from oaths to support it I
know how bitterly this is denied ,* but if Amer
ican Catholics do not acknowledge it, they are
widely different from their brethern elsewhere.
History is^L ll of instances of kingdoms laid un
der interdict, monarchs excommunicated, and a
whole people doomed to purgatory for some real
or imaginary fault of thoir rulers. Wo all re
member that a King of France was Assassinated
by a Priest at the bidding of his superiors —
We all remember that a King of England was
compelled to walk barefooted, in sackcloth and
ashes, to tho tomb of Thomas A. Bocket, and
that tho great Bruce wandered for years as an
ontlaw, hunted by assassins and bloodhounds,
for daring to punish a traitor to his country
within the precincts of a Catholic Church. The
best way of judging a tree is by its fruits, and
these fruits are fomilar to us alb
It is objected,- however, that the Constitution
secures to every man the right of worshipping
God as he pleas, and that in proscibing Catho
lics wo are guilty of a violation of that instru
ment. Not at all. The same constitution
which gives them the rights of cons
cience, socUros to me also the right of voting as
I think best. It does not compel mo to vote
for a Catholic, any more than it oompcls mo to
vote for an Abolitionist. One may be just as
sinoore in his belief as the other, and both
be equally dangerous to the country. Of that
each voter must judge for himself. There is
no proroetion to change tbe Constitution, none
to pass a law inconsistent with it. Tho
Amorioan party Undertake to show, precisely
as the Whig and Democratic parties under
take to show for themsotves, that it is safer for
the Union, safer for religion to ptaeo none but
American Protestants in offioo, and tboy leave
it to their countrymen to docido upou reason
and argument bow far they are Wrong. We
do not propose to dostitrb their public worship'
—wedo not propose to declnr nn assSflnbiage
of Catholics unlawful, but wo elatin'the pri
vilege of voting to suit ourselves. £4&n see no
difference in the evil tendeney ofthe higher
law of Mr. Seward, higher law of
Archbishop Hughes. J_do not chrJbse to vote
for eithor, and he who mo'io,
is guilty of tbe very proscription be oohJenfs.^
I wish I could have devoted more time to
oient to give a tolerably correct idea of tbe pos
ition I occupy upon tho question to whioh you
have called my attention.
I am very truly and respectfully yours, Ac.
Jbhe. Clkxoxs
J. E. Perblbs, Guntersvillo, Ala.
jFrom tbe Louisville Journal of Ang. 15.]
The Biots la Louisville.
(Continued from latt week'* ittue )
Caroline Wall, wife of John Wall, on oath
says: She is an Irishwoman ; her hnsband
an Irishman, and a Roman Catholic. On the
evening of the 6cb inst, about 6 o’clock, I was
going home from the grocery of Mr. Brown, on
Tenth and Market streets, Louisville, passing
down Eleventh street to Main ; when I reach
ed Main street, at Eleventh, I heard the report
of fire-armr, and looked up Main where it came
from, and'saw a man fall near Chapel street, and
a great many shots wore fired in quick succes
sion from the north side of Main street, direct
towards Chapel. The man who was shot and
fell I learned had just come ont of O'Connell’s
grocery, on tbe corner of Main and Chapel, in
company with a man named Dougherty;
Rhodes died in a few moments, as I learned
thore. There was no crowd sbont at the time,
and bnt very few people, and no disturbance,
save that caused by the shooting 1 . Rhodes was
not disturbing any one when shot, that I know
of. I saw tho shots fired from the windows of
Quinn’s row. I think Rhodes bad a carpet-bag
in his hand when shot. I did not know Kim,
bnt was informed on inquiry that bis name was
Rhodes. Dougherty was also shot a moment or
two after.
There were a great many Irishmen in Quinn’s
row, some of whom were relations of my hu;. t
band, and they were very often together. For
some weeks previous to the election of the 6th
of August, 1855, they (not my hnsband) were
preparing for a fight, and proenred and had
many arms, pistols, and guns; and, on Satur
day night before the election I saw many of them
with arms, and they had resolved, Iheard them
eay to, to attack the procession, bnt it turned
out as they afterwards told my hnsband, to be
too numerous, and so they let it pass. They
had been led to believe the procession would be
small by those who opposed the Know Nothings;
this I heard them say. I saw many of them
with arms six or eight days before tbe last elec
tion, and they said they were ready for it.
I have not seen my husband since Monday
last, nor heard of him. I fear he was finally in
duced to join them in Quinn’s row. They had
begged him t> receive arms in his house, bathe
declined. We did not live in Qninn’s row.
her
Caroline x Wall.
mark
Jefferson County. Set.
Subscribed and sworn to before me, August
10,18*5. J. L Dozier, Examiner
Basil Rhodes, on oath, says: I am the tether
of Theodore Rhodes, who was killed on Mon
day evening. Angust 6th, inst, at Main and
Chapel streets, Louisville. I reside at the cor
ner of Main and Eleventh streets. Chapel is
between Tenth and Eleventh streets.
About 5 o’clock, P.M., of that day, I was
sitting at my door, when I heard the report of
fire-arms, and, on looking np Main, I saw my
son Theodore fall at Main and Chapel. In an
instant, I heard 20 or 30 shots fired in rapid
succession, so quick as to seem to be a volley.—
The shots were fired from the north side of
Main, afy son was on the south side of Main
when befell. I could see him distinctly; he
raised bis head and was ia a reclining position,
when I saw a man run from the north side of
Main to within 10 or 12 feet of my son and de
liberately shoot at my son three times with a re*
▼olver, when my son fell back and did not move
again. The man ran at once back to Qninn’s
row whence he came. This eli occurred in
moment. I had at the moment I saw my son
fall started towards him, bnt the firing from
Quinn’s row was very rapid and I did not for a
moment or two approach my son’s body* I saw
he was dead, for he did not move after the man
fired his pistol at him. At this time there was
no crowd in the street *nd no disturbance but
the firing above-named. I saw no crowd until
some time after. I removed the body of my
son, and while so doing, I heard other reports
of fire-arms, and looking aronnd, saw young
Graham fall. He died in a few minnts. My
son had]a family. He was shot in the neck and
in the forehead. Graham seemed to be coming
towards me when he fell.
My son was very tall man and wore a broad
brim white hat, and was easily recognized at the
distance I was from him. While declining he
seemed to baekan with nis hand te somo one
for hete. He was rober, and a sober man in
his habits. He was very quiet, peoceable, and
inoffedsive, as I think. Up to this time there
had been no disturbance on Main in that part
Ofthe city. B. RHODES.
Jefferson Co., Ecr.
Subscribed and sworn to before me Ang. 10,
1855. J. I. Dozier, Examiner.
Lester Parker, on oath, says that, on the 6th
of August inst., the election day, about 4 or 5
o’clock, he was going down Main, between
Fourth and Fifth streets, Lonisvilje, and saw
Theodore Rhodes just behind him. They
walked on as far as Pickett’s Warehouse, cor
ner of Eighth and Main, when affiant stopped
and Rhodes went on down Main toward Chap
el. Rhodes had in his hand a carpet-sack.
I have known him for fourteen or fifteen years
Well, and know he was then sober and had al
ways been a very sober, hard-working, indus'
trious man. He was also a man remarkable for
his peaceable and quiet disposition, I never
knew or heard of his quarrelling or fighting in
my life. He was a man of family,
A few moments after Rhodes left me, and
not more than ten or fifteen, I heard the report
of firearms, and, looking d>wn, I saw that the
firing proceeded from the honse of McDonald,
nn Irish grocer, on the north side of Main, op
posite Chapel street, from tbe alley above his
house, also from the house belonging to Mr.
Qainn. on the corner of Eleventh and Main, oc
cupied by Dennis Riordan. The firing was
very brisk and rapid; at least some thirty shots
were fired in n minute or so; the flashes from
the wiDdows of McDonald s house assumed the
appearance of a sheet of flame. At the time
there was no crowd of persons in the street;
a few persons were passing along the street;
and very few. There was no disturbance there
at the time, and no considerable assemblage
for twenty or thirty minutes afterwards. A
few shots were fired at McDonald’s house in
fiteen-or twenty minttteS after the first firing
from McDonald’s. I live at Portland, below
Louisvillo. During the fire, affiant was assist
ing to save tbe property, when an old Irish wo
man came out of one of Quinn’s houses, And
said to him (affiant)—“oh sir, if it had not been
for Burns, none of this trouble Would have
happened; he was tbe cause of all this shoot
ing." t. L. Parker,
Subscribed and sworn to August 9, 1855, be
fore roe. 0. H. Strattan, n. p.
About 5 o'clock, P. M-, of Monday last I was
standing on the nOrthWost corner of Market
and Eleventh streets, when the affiant heard
the noise of fire-arms on Main Street. After a
few fifesj affiant ran down to Main Street, and
when bo got to the corner of Main and Ete-
vonth he stopped, because there was a rapid
increase of the firing; in fact, thore seemed to
be no intermission between the sounds or
oraeking of the fire-arms. -One Long occupied
tho house of Quinn, at the northeast corner of
Main and Eleventh streets, and Quinn had ton
or twelvo two-stdry tenements above the one
occupied by Long. He '(Qainn) occupied
roams ah 've, in tho first, house east of Long’s.
When witnoss got to Main street, be placed
himself in suoh a position ns would enable, him,
to see where the shooting came from. He saw
plainly that there were two men at every win
dow in Quinn’s houses except one, which was
the house direc ly west of the honse occupied
by McDonald. He saw that each of the men
had two double-barreled guns or mnskets or
pistols, and he saw thorn shooting out of the
windows rather up Main Street. The shaot-
for fiteen
minutes after he got there. H» watched tbe
whole proceedings with Intense anxiety, and
he saw that one of the meu in one of tbe win
dows of Long’s boose bad noticed bim, for*
after thrusting tbe muszle of bis gnn out of the
window in tbe usual east direction, be tamed
it toward where affiant waa standing, affiant
stepped quickly back so as to be ont of harm’s
way, when the gun was changed to Its first di*
rootion. He saw Rhodes lying dead directly
opposite McDonald’s, and he saw Graham ly
ing 10 or 12 feet from Rhodes; and Graham, as
he thought; was dying when be first saw him.
He did die io a few minntes. He can have no
doubt but that they bad been shot by perso
out cf the windows of Qoinn’s bouse* thon;
be didn’t see it done. He has been for three *
four years market-master of Balls' City market-
bonse in the neighborhood ,of Qninn'e bonces
and he knew some of the persons whom be saw
shooting out of the windows. All be kew were
Irishmen. Ja*- J. White.
Jefferson County, Set
Subscribed and sworn to before me Angnst9.
1855. J. L Dozier, Exam’r,
John M. Teagarden, on oath/ says: That on
the 6th Aogust, election day, I was passing down
Cbapel from Market to Main street, Louisville,
when I heard report of fire arms, and saw per
sons running; at tbe same time I saw a-
fall on the oorner of Cbapel and Main, who tur
ned ont to be Theodore Rhodes. He fell on the
sidewalk near O'Connell’s grocery. The shots
came from McDonald's groceiy, across tbe way.
McDonald is an Irishmar. In a momenta man
came from MeDonald’sand presented at Rhodes,
who was endeavoring toget np, and at the dis
tance of ten or twelve feet from R. deliberately
shot at him several times, and tamed to.McD'sj
and soon after, and as I believe, after Rhodes
was dead, another Irishman shot him with a enn.
The father of Rhodes then came and I went tm
to Rhodes's body and aided his father toremova
nu dead wben we * ot body!—-
Rhodes had no arms and was not that! know of
dieturbingany one when shot. A moment n
after Rhodes fell I beard * gnn fire and lookine
aronnd I saw young Graham foil and die almort
immediately. He was' coming towards Rhodes
when he fell. He was shot in the chest and near
the heart. J. M. Teagarnen.
Subscribed and sworn to, August, 8, 1855.
_ „ _. , O. H. Strattan, N. P.
George M. Kirk states, that, on the day of the
election, between 5 and 6 o’clock in the evenim?
he was going down Market street to tho Eighth
ward polls, and was stopped on his way near the
upper end of the lower market house- In afew
minutes he saw several shots fired out ofthaup
per windows of a house at the lower side of
Chapelstreet on Market Affiiant believes that
the shots were discharged from muskets or afrnt-
gons upon some eight or ten passers-by, who
seemed to be going alcng the street without any
exhibition of hostility or even of consciousneu
of the violence contemplated upon Two
or 1 three Americans were wounded. One was
reported to be killed. The wounded retreated.
They had no annsand called for arms. In a
few minntes, several now volleys were fired up-
on_a small crowd passing-down to see what was
going on. Affiant was unable to see the slight
est provocation at tbe place aforesaid for either
ofthe volleys of firing. He did not see anv ar
med person outside of the bonse from which the
shots were fired. .At or about the same time
several Americans were shot on Main street, as
he was Informed, from Qninn’s row. This affi
ant went immediately aronnd to XTatw street
and a dead American was being hauled aWhv
by Mr. Cocke in a wagon. He had beea ahot
through the heart. Geo roe M.
Sworn to j nd subscribed before C. W. Logan
notary public for Jefferson co., this 10th of An-
gust, 1855. C. W. Logan, Notary Pnb.
Joseph Hacker, on oath, stys be resided on
the 6th August, In one ofQuinn's honseSrin what
is called Qninn’s Row, on the north side of Main
street; between Tenth and Eleventh, Louisvfflv
He resided there about seven months. On that
day. he heard, while in his honse, a report fit
firearms, and on looking ont of the window h •
saw a man lying on the sidewalk, near O'Con
nell's grocery, on the comer of Main mid Chap
el streets, and in a few moments saw an-Irish
man pass over from McDonald’s grocery, sittn-
ted opposite O’Connell’s, and on the north *Li -
of Main, having in one hand a revolver, and i.t
the other a gun. He got within tenor twelve
feet of the man tying on the side walk, and.de
liberatety shot bim in the forehead. I saw tL .
blood come from the wound and also from' (i
wound in the breast; the man never moved af
forwards, I think. At this time there was i.«V
crowd there, and no one on the street that !
saw, except the dead man and the one whosL 4
him; but in a few moments some persons cam r
and removed the dead body. A man, an Amcr
ican, then told me I had better close the sh..<
tors of my windows, or I might be ipjored; an •
I did so at once. He offered me no unary, h
borrowed my gun to fight the Irish with, w < *
were firing from McDonald’s honse and othe
Irish houses along the row. He took the g it
away andl.didnot get it till to-day. 6
The Irish all along the row were well arm<*l,
most of them having two pistols each, and al «
a gun. There Were about ?b or i00 Irishme '•
living in that tow, I think, and they had inn. ‘
visitors of their countrymen. I saw many .»'
them often with pistols and guns daring »!• •
two or three Weeks preceding the August e! -
tion of 1855, and one of them, who had sevr> -
pistols, told a man in my hearing on Satur-! ; ''
before the election, that he was ready. Two •'
three weeks ago I saw Mr. Qainn cany a doui-
led-barfelled shot gun into his honse at tv >
different times. On the night of tfae riot th- *•
wasakegof powderin the alley opposite Qoin • -
houses, which I covered up with bed clothe-
prevent explosion. Mr. Qnlnn had called -■>
me and insisted npon my voting, notwithstan • -
ing I bad told him that I was not naturalised.
No violence was offered to me or my fiuni yl
The Americans aided me and my family ,«*'•
move out of my bouse whioh was horned, i* <1
told me to leave there or the Irish might sli- *
me. I am a German by birth and a Catlu»>v
in religion. Joseph Huchzr.
Jefferson County, set
Subscribed and sworn to before me Au^u t
9,1855. J.I.Doxibr, Rxamin r
Thomas W. Flavell states on oath: That 1
a nurse at the Louisville alms-honse; tha > -
was in a house (to see some women of hi-
qaaintanco) opposite Quinn's row, on A •
street, between Chapel and Eleventh streets, -
tween the hoars of 10 and 3 o’eloek on Moud >-
Ang. 5th inst. Ha observed in Qninn’s fa -tv-.-.-:
numerous men armed with pistols and t 4
knives; that he saw Irishmen passing In,
ont all the time and armed with pistols; < [■
these men saw him and seemed unwilling tc ■
low him to leave the house, and acted as if»
thought he was a spy. He states that hr
eaped from the house whilst some drays - *
on the street and when the men were not >
clng him. He doos not think he would 1.
been allowed to leave the houso, had the i
notieed him going away. The women he »
ted at said house told him that qn the prece
night (Sunday) they slept in their cloths,
to be able to loave'on the shortest notice. 1
an Englishman. Tho. W. Fla>'>
Subscribed and sworn to.before, me, A.
1855. O. H. Strattan, N...t
The undersigned is keeper
alms house, and says I
of .Tho. W. Flavell can,1
Df the Loul
i the state'!-
I upon as tin
Gailbbeat
J. F. Bickham being sworn, says he kcej
grocery store on the north side of Market sr-
near Eleventh; Louisville. About half ;•
o’clock A. M., on Monday, Aug. Gth i»i
was walking up Eleventh street toward
street; at that time I lived on EI.-’- ‘uth s>t\
As I passad tho cellar-door of l. -ngV ii
fronting on Eleventh street, I heard si-rm- L
men talking, and looked down oh the «ej| r
saw an Irishman have a pair of bullet, u;-
in his hands capable of moulding five of
bullets at one time; they were about six t-
long; and I noticed the necks of nnmero:- <, u
lets lying on the ground, and am oonfidev,
were engaged in mopping bullets. The.r. c j