Newspaper Page Text
comparative view of our commercial
regulations with other countries,
arid urges us to retaliation. The
great contrail there endeavoured to
be established, is between the systems
of France and Great-Britain ; he
should proceed, he said, to lay be
fore the committee ao accurate flate
ment of certain fafts with which that
report being compared, it would be
seen whether there is solid ground
for the inferences endeavoured to be
eftabiifhed in it.
To view the fubjeft plainly it will be
necessary to advert to the situation of
affairs before the revolution of France,
the commercial regulations of that
country lince that period has been
produced by momentary interells,
they are not therefore Inch fads as
the legislature should proceed upon.
He produced a table made, he said,
by a gentleman of commercial know
ledge, comprehending a comparative
of our commerce with Great-
Britain and France before the revo
lution. With a view of conciseness,
the scope of this table has been con
fined to thole articles which are of
consequence to our trade. We are
accustomed to hear continually the
genero'firy and liberality of the French
towards Us greatly extolled, and the
conduft of Great-Britain as fevercly
reprobated it might therefore be
expedtd that this table would con
tain instances of advantages allowed
on the one hand, and reftriftions laid
on the other; but the reverse of thi§
expectation he said, will be realized.
It will be found that in France, and
the French Well-Indies, we are not
more favoured than in the British
dominions, except in the trifling ar
ticles of lifh-oil; and that Great-Bri
tain and her iflancls hold out to us
feVeral advantages not enjoyed by
other nations, that are of very great
Importance. Mr. Smith was proceed
ing to read the table when mr. Ma
dilon rose to ask what period it relates
to ; mr. Smith informed that it was
built upon the Bate of things before
the French revolution.
Mr. Smith, then read his tab’e,
through which it will be fuilicient to
follow him, when he commented on
it. Having mentioned the authentic
documents', oiv which it is founded,
such as proclamations of the king of
Great Britain and statutes of their
parliament on the one hand, and ar
rets of the French government on
the other, he proceeded to make fume
observations on the principal exports
from this country.
Flour, the article of fir ft importance
among our exports, is more favoured
by Great Britain than France. France
lays a duty of 1-8 per cent, on it, and
no more on that imported from other
nations. Great Britain lays a duty of
4s. 3d. per quarter, until British flour
yifes to 50s. when ours pays a duty
not above 6d. The fame system as
to grain prevails in Great Britain.
These countries are good flour mar
kets, prices are high and duties low,
and the French not equal to their own
conlumptioo, for when they are, our
flour will not pay freight and charges,
this will appear by attending to the
price of that commodity. The ave
rage price, in abundant years, is 5
1-3 dollars. It ought to be 6to 2-3
in France to bear exportation from
Pennsylvania.
France will generally produce e..
nough for her own consumption,
while Great-Britain, it appears by a
report of a committee to their legif-
Jar tire, is more and more incompe
tent to her own supply, which rnuft
every day render our market there
better for that article.
France lays no duty of any conse
quence on our flour, becauie they
have no fear of our importation rival
ing the sale of their own.
In the Weft-Indies matters bear
different afpeft. France prohibits
/set importation of our flour there b v .
a peruias.- law. Io be lure t
colonial governments had the power
to enaft temporary suspensions of this
law, but these were only exceptions
to the general rule, and are not to
be calculated upon. He believed the
secretary of state mistaken in his asser
tion, that latterly the prohibition had
been taken off, unless he applies his
observations to a period fublequent
to that to which his report extends.
There was, he was told, an arret
in 1789, direfling the lufpenfion for
fome parts of the islands, but it was
soon after repealed.
In British islands this article stands
upon quite a different footing. Our
flour may be imported free of all du
ties, and other foreign flour cannot
be imported there, even in British
bottoms.
Heproceeded to give a view of the
operatations of these different systems
in 1786 and 88.
In 86 we exported to Fran~e
21 barrels only, to her co’onies
1808. In the tame year, to Great
Brtain none; but to her colonies
45,198 barn Is.
In 88, to France 2375 ; her co
lonies 235. In the lame year,
Great Britain 828, to her islands
59>93 8 *
Here then is a prodigious differ
ence in favour of Great Britain in
the article of flour. It is true that
in 1791, 92 and 93, there were very
large exportations of this article to
France, but as this was the effefl of
the convulsive situation of that coun
try, it is no criterion to build upon.
1 he secretary of state is of this opi
nion : he does not think it right to
found calculations upon any other
than the former fettled state of tilings.
Mr. Smith proceeded to compare
the other articles of our exports,
and tor>k a view of our imports and
flare of our navigation as influenced
by the regulations of those nations.
The usual time of adjournment
arrived while he was yet up,
and the commbtee rose, and the
liouie adjourned as soon as lie had
concluded his observations.
[The proceedings of Tuejday , the 14ih
ult. not having yet reach < and our hands .
we are necejjttated to pass on to the next
dav, and leave the p’ejent chojm to be
filled up as opportunity occurs. J
Wedneflay, January 15.
Mr. Ames, on the fubjeft of mr.
Madilon’s propositions, wanted to
have the printed state of the negotia
tions between Great Britain and the
, federal government reipefting a trea
ty of commerce ; and iikewife a
paper from the secretary of state,
which the house had ordered to be
got ready and be printed fome days
ago. He wished gentlemen not to be
in a hurry in deciding on a btilinefs
of such prodigious consequence as
these propositions. He wished to de
fer going into a committee till the
papers could be had.
Mr. Madison said that it was iome
what Angular that an objeflion should
be made to the going into a commit
tee for the want of these papers ; this
want ought to have been Hated on
Monday. As to the idea of a friend
ly difpdfition on the part of Britain,
for entering into a treaty of com
merce, he was convinced that Britain
had no disposition that way. This
he inferred from fome pafiuges in the
speech of the president, which were,
at his desire, rend by the clerk.
He trusted that the house would
not hesitate in relolving itfelf in
to a committee of the whole iin
mediately, in order to difeufs the pro
positions.
Mr. Ames thought it requisite to
have the papers laid before the com
mittee which had been d.refled to be
printed. He said there never had
been an inft.ince of any (übjefl of the
kind being pushed forward as the pre
sent. Such Was the vastness and com
plexity of the evidence, and lonie t f
it was foobfeure, that it was impofli
ble for the house to have yet found
leisure for embracing a well founded
opinion. Ihe gentleman who (poke
last had said, that the papers called
for could be of no consequence in di
refling the resolutions. This affer
tlon was in itfelf a very proper reason
for printing the papers, that the
gentleman, by having an opportunity
of reading them, might be convinced
of their importance. Air. Ames said,
that he believed there was an amica
ble disposition on the part of Britain.
He grounded his assertion on an ac
knowledgment that had been made
fome time ago, by one of the British
ministers in parliament, who said,
that he expefled soon to lay before
that house a commercial treaty be
twixt England and America. Ihe ;
gentleman had laid, that he ffiou'.d \
found our measures on the dis positions |
of the several powers of Europe to- j
wards us. That was right; but it
was requisite to be informed of those
dil'pofitions before forming these reso
lutions.
It was moved, seconded, and agreed
to go into a committee on the relolu
tions. Mr. Trumbull in the chair.
For fome minutes there was a ge
neral silence in the house, till at last
mr. Clark rose, and observed, that if
no gentleman had any thing to fay to
this question, it was proper to take
the votes on the firft resolution.
Air. Forrest then roe. He said
that if Britain had distressed our
foreign trade, and let loose the Al
gerines upon us, it was much better
to negotiate than to quarrel With
them. He rejefled the resolutions
n totoo Our fooling with Britain
was as good as we had any right to
expect. He did not mean this in re
gard to tonnage, but he thought ‘t
was (6 in other refpefts. The reio -
hit ions now before the house might
produce couriter-refolutions, and then
we are no match for Britain. Ame
rican commerce formed only one sixth
part of her foreign trade, but British
commerce formed one half of ours.
We should fuffer more than her, be
-1 a life our internal resources were in
ferior to thole of Britain. It would
be disgraceful to commence an at
tack which we could not support. It
was needless to’ speak about the chl
polition of this or that nation. In
trade there was no friendfhip ; every
one did the heft he could for himfelf.
If commerce was interrupted, the
loss of revenue mull be supplied by a
tax raised from the yeomanry of the
United States of America. There
might be various motives for wishing
to flop that commerce, with which he
was unacquainted, as he was but a
very young member. He was not a
ftot kholder, nor a banker, but he was
a landholder. The tax mull fall on
that class of people, and he was there
fore againll it. The condition of our
navigation with Britain, he had al
ways considered as detestable ; but
this was a very bad time to resent im
positions of this nature. England
had persisted for more than a century
its atiher ng to her aft of navigation ;
and it could not reasonably be expefl
ed, that fiie would be induced to give
it up as far as concerned America, by
j anv efforts from that quarter. Mr.
! Forrest repeated his aifertion, that,
excepting as to navigation, the United
: States were treated as well by Britain,
j as they could expect to be. The pre
-1 lent time was very ill chosen for an
attack ; and if the duties were finall,
they could operate as nothing farther
tharfa tax upon the citizens of this
country. If it was v. anted to raise
them very high, it would be better
at once to prohibit altogether the im
portation of British manufactures.
Mr. Fitzfimons declared, that in
the course of this difeuffion, he had
not heard one tingle argument ad
vanced, which, admitting the premises
to be true, could perfuatle him to gh e
his consent to the fit ft of the refidu.
dons. It was poflible that he migfl
agree to fome of those that followed.
He was perfeftly convinced, that a
judicious system of regulations could
be of infinite advantage to the man.
time interest of America. He was of
opinion, that the firft resolution was “
by far too indefinite. Ihe substance
of the whole arguments advanced on
both tides tended only to eftahhfh a
faft which was already perfectly well
known, that the governments of
Europe afted, in regard to the com.
merce of the United States, just as
they thought proper. The lesson
was a very good one, and he trusted
that, with a proper attention to tem
porary circumstances, this country
would improve by it.
Mr. Madison regarded file objec
tion of the gentleman as entirely of
anew kind. He had refilled his con
sent to the firft of the resolutions, be
cause it was indefinite. But the pro.
positions laid before the house a few
days ago, with rel'peft to the Al
gerines, were fully as indefinite * and
yet the gentleman who spoke last had.
recommended them. The order of
proceedings, in the present question,
were perfeftly candid and regular.
They were confonanr to the practice
of the gentleman himfelf.
Air. S. Smith, of Maryland, rose
next, and arrtfted the attention of the
house by a series of finking observa
tions. He began with an apology for
prefilming to request the no ice of the
house, as he was unaccultomed to
speak in public. He felt himfelf called
upon by the moft forcible of all mo
tives, the interest of his constituents,
to give his opinion. The duties pro
posed by the present resolutions were
not designed for the purpose of railing
a revenue, but for the fake of driving
commerce into a different channel
from that which it at present held.
He said, that fonew audio vail a fub
jeft was fufficient to intimidate a
fpeaker. Britain only can supply us. ,
The next confederation vas. that, if .
we could flop their trade, where fiaall
we be able to get manufactures ? A
tax on our constituents mull supply the
place of the deficiency Os revenue that
will be the consequence of these pro
positions. As to our treaties of com
merce, mr. Smith said, that he was
not a great admirer of such tranfac-’
tions. He understood, that we give
as much as we get. Those treaties
had produced much mifehief, as they
had afforded a pretence for the pri
vateers of other nations to come into
our ports and bring their prizes along
with them. Suppose that we were to
make a diferiminating duty of five per
cent, this upon an importation of,
seventeen millions of dollars, would
amount to eight hundred and fifty
thousand dollars, and this sum would
be a tax upon our constituents, in
favour of nations with whom we had
commercial treaties; for those nations
cou'd not, of themselves, supply us
with manufactures on terms as cheap
as Britain. This Lft country takes
three fhiHings and sixpence per pound
duty on tobacco from Spain, and only
fifteen pence per pound of duty from
us. But Mifliilppi could supply Britain
with all the tobacco that me wanted;
and thus, by a Angle ftrokeof the pen,
we might lose our best market for that
vast staple. As to Spain, American
flour generally goes there ; she is aa
excellent customer, has done us fume
injuries, hut more benefits. We muff
not therefore hurt ourlelves from a
spirit of revenge. Portugal came
next in order. She was one of our
best friends, though we had no treaty
with her at all. The behaviour ot
that court, with refpeft to the Al
gerines, tranfeended all praise ; and
he hoped that America would never
forget her debt of gratitude.
We were going, by the propositions
on the table, to enter into a com
mercial war with one half of Europe*