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& fIUSR £ g jLSaa
mb. ’witws, or gl:©2:*;sa,
©:» •*■».© t wp»;*’*■
M <V:!.i>r. b. and pennissicut, before be proceeded,
, ‘ cctimi- re Y-i'sion «neb inigl|t naturally arisw
f i.f'Vbc •‘low.Ttblo geotl< roan from
-. ri i.etjt •re ■ ting himself. That
.t•i iui 11;. *j rr<: .! l;i tie Journal* of the 1-1 th
t - ‘V : vr r ; |M rif’i inconsistency in
,t . Idee the duty on Itroa n
( i, r , a: , a iiji.f to‘wo or two and a half
'. •»•;, ~r ; a {.; the' riicle was then from sixteen
to a. i to. .i i:s, tad t(l': duty he voted for as a rere
.. , -» ... urn,!-/ M!r'rM(> Th" honorable geutle
, coiiid have Annul a more ju?t mm recent cause of
J.int him. Asa member of the Cotmniltce
of l! av- and Mi nus, at this very session, lie bad voted
for reporting a bill, rn which the same article now valu
ed at about five cents was pro posed to lie charted with
a dot. of two cents, or forty per cent*— Ilis apdlngy was
to be found in Ins un viiliugucss, by a sudden coangt.*,
to ruin largo bodies o. tne:,—in Ins uttacfiiitonl to tin*
union, the harmony4 mil tlie happiness of his whole
couufrv. Wide!, was F longest, bis love of Peace, or
the gentleman's lore of Ji met;! This sample of their
fabrics would enable tll committee to determine.
A short time since, l e hid urged the observance of a
sound legislative ra!/;—majorities vote, minorities talk.
It might shetn, as sor.i 'times happens to better men titan
him S' If, there was route slight disagrement between
precept and examp r. Iri reality it was not so. He had
the really justification of a politician’s alibi —a change
of cir niinstanses. Ho had been il* the majority, and
voted; he-uvu in tho minority, and he talked. Proper-
If understood, and a proper understanding, was indis
pensable in all things. lie was perfectly consistent.
Yes, sir! said Mr. YV. wc were in a nvjority; it was not
contested. He are in a minority. Ilow does it happen?
Has our majority thawed away under the melting breath
of executive pleasure? His it been dispersed; like a
nullifying mob, by the President’s Proclamation! Have
we been routed by the Siamese'twin logic of the gentle
men from Connecticut, [Messrs. Ellsworth and llun
tington] or the more powerful lungs of the gentleman
from Pennsylvania? [Mr. McKenNan.] The enquiry
may not bcwlioly uninteresting to a portion of the peo
ple of the United States, if the motion of the gentle
man from Connecticut, [Mr. Huntington] prevail,
this bill is defeated. In the present temper of the com
mittee, it must prevail. I'n the Committee of the whole
on the state of the Union, we cannot have the ayes and
nocs. VV »eannot catch the eels in the gill-net; and as
the people of tbs South will be unable to imagine why
such concessions, as they thought were offered, should
he refused, he felt it to be his duty to assist their inqui
ries.
Ho considered this, in effect, a proposition to contin
ue the present tariff, for the purpose of carrying on the
war against Soutli-Carolina. The merits of the conrro
versy were host summed up by the pithy saying of an
eastern manufacturer —of what use is the Union with
out the lurid! and what good will the Tariff do us with
out the Union.? The proposition to the South, then, is
this: “You shall pay taxes for the conquest of South
Carolina.” Now, sir, said .Mr. W., I put it to your can
dor to say. if we arc to fight Ibr manufactures whether
the manufactures ought not to pay the expense of the
war? So far as his voice went, they should do so. 11.
would not vote a man a musket for any such purpose.
But there was some tiling still more extraordinary—The
high tariff party of the .North & East say they pay an
equal, or greater portion of these taxes; and they only
ask for the poor privilege of being allowed to tax them
sches for the protection of their own industry! And so,
sir, they mean to light us for the right to tax themselves,
arid insist that, injustice, we must pay the cost of the
campaign. Compared with this I)r. Franklin’s French
man with his poker, was mild and reasonable. Mr. YV.
said he put this proposition, not to Soutli-Carolina—she
had decided; but he put it to Virginia, to North-Carolt
na. Who says she sleeps when liberty is in danger and
Nathaniel Macon lives? He put it to Georgia, to Ala
liama, to Mississippi, to Tennessee, to Kentucky. All
had an interest in the question; and he reminded ail,
“ Tun rev agitur paries cun proxiinus ardet .” South-
Carolina says she will endure this systeni no louger. If
you. insist 011 ruining the concern by your dishonest ex
travagance, she asks h ave to withdraw from the partner
ship. You say she shall stay and he ruined; and if she
won’t you ask ns to h ip you to blow her brains out! O,
most holy Union, which must be preserved by cannon
and bayonet! Happy republic! by the grace of God and
gunpowder, one and indivisible! Shall we not head
our bulletins like revolutionary France, when, in an ex
taev of affection for gill mankind, she proclaimed fra
ternity or death! May wc not say with her poet, the
ke unless of ivh sc epigrams nothing can equal, hut the
instrument. Which would ' ive rewarded him had he .been
discovered?— * • «
)|.-.le be! age, qn.iud I'hoMin? dit a I’lminine,
“Soy. ns frftres! on je t’nssoiinhe!
lie lugged pardon hf the House for his had French;, at
1 aist, his had I'ronun'uatior. of it. If they knew under
whit ireum stances his lilt'e knowledge of the language
was acquired, th.-v would excuse■ him. He would not
ventu to trausl ;t", mindful of the proverb; but a free
vorsio , adapted to the times, might read,
“ >! blessed age! when loving Senates vote,
“I.et us be brotiieis! or I’ll cut your throat!”
Ay y sir. redress is refused—secc - ion is denied—
oppression is continued—and the sword of the Federal
Executive is to be flung into the scale of the federal
judiejarv ! Discordant concord and perpetual union,
arc proclaimed by sound of trumpet, and upon pain
of deaili. Perpetual union! on such terms, it is the
Dutch irtnkcepers universal peace! when the amiable
enthusiast, whose memory Paul and Virginia would pre
serve when his philanthropic visions were forgotten,
published his proposal for pacifying the world, mine host
seized on the idea for anew sign. It was inscribed
indeed, “.4. la paix universelle;” but the design was
a churchyardl .Such was not the peace of the peace
makers to whom the benediction was given. It was not
tin peace of God, or peace of freedom; it was the peace
of these described by Tacitus:
“Salitndinem faciunt, paccm appcllent.”
Bat it is said, what other course than coercion is left
us? South-Curdina has nullified all tariff laws, wheth
er for revenue or protection. If wc pass this bill, will
she not nullify it also! Will it satisfy her? Mr. YV.
said lie had no authority to speak for Soutli-Carolina.
If lie could sav it trould he satisfactoi y, he should be
cautious of doing so. For that very reason, it might ho
unsatisfactory to others. Tins was one of the instances
in which J ontenelic’s inaxiiu applied; if yon have your
handful o( truth, do not open mare than your little lin
ger. Thus much was certain. Tlie bill by no means
concedes an that Carolina claims as a matter of strict
right; but it may present terms which for the sake of
harmony, site would accept. At aU events, it suspends
the operation of iier ordinance, if we pass it. On this
po.jt there seemed to him to he an erroneous itnpres
oion. Nothing could be clearer, than, if any law pass
es, the Convent,o:l must he called again, and in the
meantime the law operates. If the law afforded even
reasonable hope of a return to juater councils, could it
be doubted tint Soutli-Carolina would pause? Upon
the passage of this bill, or one similar in principle, «!?:-
pended, he believed, the |»eace and integrity, of the
Union. It it was lost, he repeated, the prop) of the
, ' should know how. why and hv whose fault it was
• , ’ l6 r ps;*°u»:hility rested on their represent.!-
' j 3 *' t, A' r ' voul 1 h<ll <l ‘ltem to a strict necouht. If on
iweten’ud y f W w U l‘ l ,e *n between real and |
Ly,,',. 1 • fl th ” IHiwnt measure!
» fiward -Mr. YV. adverted to tiie iVudent’e
message at the hrginuing of Congress, recommending,
*n strong an,! plain terms, a modification of the tariff,
lias he, asked Mr. TV., at any time advanced other
opinions? Has he esoteric and exoteric doctrines? YY’as
anv gentleman authorized to sav the President did not
desire the passage of this hill, or at this time? He
'.voidJ yield tlie floor for such a sentiment. No. There
was every indication that he desired it should pass—that
it should pass a' this session—speedily—at once.
Next in its official importance, on question of reve
nue, was the opinion of the Secretary of (he Treasury,
i'.ais was well known from his amnia! refvort, ami his
communications with the Committee of YY’ays and
Means and the Committee on Manufactures. lie spoke
of public transactions, not of convert.tirnssccrctor con
fidential. If there had beori any such lie trusted he
knew better what was due to the sanctity of social in
tercourse, than to violate it voluntarily. Nor would his
vanity, if lie had been the depository of a State secret,
the first, and no doubt, the last lie would have been
trusted with have induced him to hint at the important
and mysterious character of Ids charge. lie spoke of
matters open and avowed ; of tilings authorized to be
communicated, and in fact, stated to the house by the
chairman of the Cormnitec on Manufactures, [Mr. Hoff
man.] He was uarrehted, then, In saying tlmt the l ill
had the appropriation of the Secretary of the Treasury ;
that it would give the necessary amount of revenue,
without, in his opinion leaving any inordinate excess or
destroying the manufacturers.
The character of the Secretary was a guar
anty that whatever he interred lie believed. [Mr. YY.]
was no eulogist; but when lie had occuaion to speak
of any man, he would do equal and exact justice. No !
he retracted that expression ; equal and exact justice
was beyond the power of man. Put lie would do his
friends a little less Ilian what lie thought w*s justice, that
he might riot (latter them through partiality ; and Ids
adversaries some what more that lie might not censure
them from prejudice. YY'hatcvcr else the Secretary was,
lie did not want civil courage. On that floor, where Mr.
YY. had known him best, his opinions, right or wrong,
were always boldly avowed and manfully defended.—
Had he changed since thou? W*uU am a.-,jcit it?
YY'us there any one there who would hazard the asser
tion that Louis McLane, ever wore two faces, uttered a
falsehood, or betrayed a friend ? There could not bn
attributed to him, therefore any more than to the Presi
dent, two sets of opinions, private and public.
YVho else was there, then, whose views of this matter
could he supposed to exercise a material influence on
the fate of tlie bill? The N ice President elect ? Is not
lie, too, said so he in favor of a reduction of duties so
the revenue standard 7 Is not he, too, desirous that a
hill should pass for that purpose, at this session? YV"
have the strongest assurance that it is so. But she jige
i3 sceptical, and demands proofs. The posftionsjof this
gentleman is in many respects critical and full of diffi
culties Far be it from me to add to his embarrassment.
But at this time, and on this subject, there can ho no
faultering. Ilis past conduct in relation to it is not clear
from ambiguity. The temptations that beset him are
strong. YVhat then? Truly, great men arc ever great
est in the crisis of their fate. Noble and generous spi
rits rise with the danger, and are equal to tlie emergen
cy. In this he is confidently affirmed to be with us ;
but I warn some of his friends who have been with us,
but are with us no longer, that tlie best evidence, per
haps tlie only evidence, which tlie South will accept of
his sincerity, is their votes. To them, then, 1 appeal;
to them 1 address myself. Os what use is it to speak
to the high ttirifl'men of the House?—the opponents of
the administration and yet the advocates of coercion.—
Pheir choice is made—their sanguinary purpose uttered.
To whom, then, lull to our political fiiends shall we look
in the day of trial? YVherc else shall wc ask aid?—
where else can we find hope? To them 1 turn, not to
exhort, 1 have no vocation ; not to lecture, I am no pro
fessor ; but to expostulate, as friend with friend. Until
reccntly.we stood in tlie same ranks, fighting the same
battle^, struglmg against the same adversaries, aeknow-
Icdgeing the same loaders. If they now waver in their
faith or courage, may we not without offence entreat
them to stand by us in this our last great danger ? Is it
not due to them, as wed as to ourselves, that onr thoughts
of each other should be expressed fratdtly, but not bit
terly? If wc have come to the point at which we can
no longer act together without the violation of some du
ty, or the abandonment of some principle, let tlie fact
be avowed and the motive admitted. Tints, and thus
only, if we must seperate, can both escape reproach,
and hereafter, neither can complain of being deserted
or betrayed. I invite them then, to examine the strength
and weakness of their own position. The circumstan
ces under which tlie bill came forward, had already been
adverted to. All the auspices, whether of men or days
were happy ; all the the omens favorable. YVho could
he better flitted for a work of conciliation than liis ho
norable friend from New-York 7 [Mr. Verplank.]
YVhcrecould wc look for so much zea’ tempered by so
much nru I ?ncc, and above all,- forsincerrtv unsullied !>v
a doubt 7 The very sun shone forth upon iiis bill at the
moment of its first readmit ; and, in its earliest stages,
it was borne-along by triumphant majorities composed
in part of tiic very gentlemen to whom 1 now address mv
sclf. By whom is this destructive motion made? By an a
vovved advocate of the high tariff and restrictive system ;
by an ardent opponent of the present administration ; by
a determined adversary of the favorite and leading noli
ticiau of New-York.
By whom is it supported ? by tlie most resolute and
unwavering enemies of State Rights, the doctrines of
Jefferson, and the republican school of politics.
l'or what purpose ? To destroy the hill. The ob
ject is not concealed ; on the contrary, it is distinctly
announced. Y\ lien I said to the gentleman from Con
necticut, [Mr. Huntington] the other dav, that accord
ing to his argument, the bill would not give ns revenue
enough, and his motion went to reduce it still more, he
felt the force of the objection. YVhat was his reply 7
“True, hut the gentleman from Georgia must he aware
that the motion, if successful, will ho followed up by
others to raise other duties, and thereby to get the in
crease of revenue required.” In plain terms tea and
coflee must bo made free, that wool ami woolens and
cottons may ho subjected to prohibitive duties. The
gentlemen to whom this appeal is made, hold the fate of
the bill in their hands. It this motion succeeds, and it
will succeed, if they support it, the bill is lost. YVill
they bear with me while I hazard some conjectures on
the consequences ? 1 have no gift of prophacy. I pos
sess no powers, and employ rio instruments of divination,
other than such as are common to cverv one of ordinary
sagacity; but what will be. must spring from what is, just
as what is must have proceeded from what has been. To
transmute the past into instruments of divination, other
than such as are common, the future, is the true alchymy
of intellect. Let us see what we can extract from the
alcmhick.
The first and least evil which may proceed from the de
feat oi this measure, if the blow comes from the quar
ter which threatens it, will be to throw the power of set
tling tins vexed question into other hands. Is (his an
imaginary danger! YVhat says the horoscope! Are
there no starry influences—no impending pianctarv eon
junction or opposition boding evil to the great and little
politicians of the North? May not Ilesper regain the
ascendant ? in phrase less mystical, is it not a law of
power that minorities divide, and minorities combine?
if the North and East coalesce to support the pr.uctples
of tlie Proclamation, may not the South and YY'est. to
" horn they aro less acceptable and familiar, unite to're
sist them ? And w hat can he fairer or more natural ?
It the giant and magicians conspire how can they bode,
fcateil but by Nullification and 01,1 Harry ? Peace is a
gilt too precious to he rejected, come from what hands!
it may—The country must he saved, Jet who will moi
it. A ciril war muitls prevented, whoever is pacifica
tor. The power is in the hands of my friends. It n the
first wish of my heart that they shook! use it. I invoke
them to do so. I entreat them by every motive o! fel- |
low'-ip, of party, of patriotism, of buunmnity I But if
they refuse; if 'their destiny is written ; if even party
spirit loses something of its influence by an unnatural
alliance with reason and justice ; still 1 repeat, the coun
try must he saved, and let the honor be his to whom the
honor shall shall be due. Have our friends considered
flow they and their leaders, and their constituents, must
feel in such anew coalition as their votes will throw
them into. Once more I beseech them to pause if the
part they must take is not already fixed, the company
they must keep already chosen. Once more, 1 remind
them, that, iftlicy involve tiiis country in a civil war,the
administration, sooner or later, will have for its adversa
ries the whole South, its oldest and most steadfast friends
and for its new allies those who have pursued it with flic
bitterest ridicule and tlie deadliest enmity. Before they
throw themselves into this false position, i invite them
to view with me the arguments which are used to seduce
them from their Republican principles, their party
attachments, and their Southern brethren.
YY’e have heard that we must not submit to he bullied
by a single State. YVc must not legislate with a sword
over our beads. VY’e will not be dictated to by Sout Ji-
CaroJina! Against listening to tin s- miserable sugges
tions of false pride, we were cautioned by my friend
from New-York [Mr. Verplank] in language so'elegant
and touching, that nothing can be taken from, nothing
added to it without injury.
In family quarrels the best heads and hearts arc cvpj
ready to make the greatest allowance for errors of judg
ment and infirmities of temper. .Stickling on points of
ceremony in such cases is ridiculous, la entering in
to domestic broils, the etiquette is that, fixed in other
cases, by old Frederick, of Prussia,” the greatest fool
( goes first-”—But bad motives will ho imputed to us. —
We shall be said to have yielded to our fears. And
what course of conduct can we pursue, to which had
motives cannot be imputed ? Bad motives have been
imputed to me, Mr. Chairman, to you and toevery body
else. Is that to be a reason for neglecting our duty I
Then we must never do any thing. The verv course
gentlemen are pursuing to escape the imputation of had
motives, will expose them to that very imputation.
For example; an extract was pointed out to him the
other day in a newspaper, which stated “it is also said
that Judge Marcv has written to tlio Van Huron mem
bers of Congress, that they ;nust stick to the existing T
ariff, and oppose any reduction of duties until Caliioun
shall he so thoroughly down as to prevent all danger of
his political resurrection. After that is done, it is inti
mated that something might ha yielded to South Caro
lina.”
Now lie [Mr. YY.] did not believe that Judge Marcy
had ever written such a letter. He had too good an o
pinion of his prudence. He had no idea the Vice Pres
ident elect had ever authorized any one to write such a :
letter. But the father-in-law ol Judge Marcy is under
stood to exercise a great influence over the [wlitics of
Netv-York, to have a deep interest in wool, and to lie ut
terly opposed to any reduction of duty on it. Judge
Marcy and the Y r ice President elect are intimate arid
confidential friends. The wi ml applies with little dis
crimination, the maxim “ nosititer a sociis ” and putting
all these things together, it is easy to impute bad mo
tives; and to suppose that one man spea.ks tlie opinions of
another. Now, the truth no doubt is, that the gentle
man in question [Mr. Knower] does entertain ari opin.
iori unfavorable to a modification of the tarifl'at present.
He may have expressed that opinion to his political
friends, as ho has a perfect right to «'/q. Neither Jtid"e
Marcy northc Vice President elect > are in tlie sliMitot
degree responsible for it; and tlie opinion itself may be
perfectly honest. Yet after all, such is tlie uncliarita
blcness of the world, that when 11 have a personal in
terest in maintaining certain very honest opinions, the
honesty of such opinions is thou; ;hf to he a scruple less,
than standard fineness. The popular notion of honesty
was best expressed by a burlesque toast which he re
membered. Some years ago, someone, lie forgot at the
moment who, had been toasted as “(he man who dares be
honest ill the worst of times.” A wag of Boston where,
by the bye, they manufacture the Best toasts, if toasts
are not their best manufacture- —wrote a ludicrous ac
count of an abolition festival, w ae-e Ocsar or Cuti'y was
thus made to travesty that sentiment, “Dc man—who
dur be lioness when he git nothin by him.”—That, sir,
[said Mr. TV.] istne only honesty -which, wins universal
credence. A failure to observe 'lt was tlie great mistake
of a distinguished gentleman from the YVest, who, eight
years ago, had occasion tc give a 'vote in that House for
President, and who afterwards became'Secretary of
State under the Presidency of the gentleman for whom
he voted, in that vote the person giving and the per
son receiving >t might be free f-orm the slightest cen
sure, Mr. \f, believed they Were so. Neither did Jjc
mean to be Understood as saying that in consequence of
that vote the gentleman referred to got anv thing. He
was not one of those who argue “post, hoc , ergo, propter
hoc. ' lie had not joined the vulgai clamor; but that
the fact ol his taking office had been successfully though
wrongfully appealed to as implicating the purify of his
motives, admitted of no doubt. Ilis honesty had been
assailed because it did not appear to be unprofitable.
YVho, then, can expect to escape censure if they profit
by their honesty? lie adverted to these tilings not to
wound the feelings cV much less the reputation of any
human being. For all the distinguished names of his
country he cherished an habitual fondness. Ho felt he
had an interest in them all as an American citizen. YY’lio
ever furnished their lustre, robbed him ofa portion of
his nirthriglit. The matters he referred to were men
tioned in no spirit of ccnsoriousnes.-r or unkindness, hut
as topics of philosophical argument and speculation.
They might serve ,to show gentlemen that the fear of
having had motives imputed to them, w as no safe rule of
action: for, in the instance alluded to, the (ii.'Mnguisbed
citizen upon whom such motives were, no doubt untru
ly, Supposed to operate, was at first disposed to decline
coining into the administration. But his friends per
suaded him that such a refusal would he attributed to
the timidity of an evil conscience. <fc their importunites
exposed him through the fear of danger, to thc.vcrv
danger they feared.
But, sir, continued Mr. YV. if it were possible that
any friend of the Y’icc-Presidcnt elect could entertain or
inculcate such a course as the letter-writer mentions,
nothing could be at once more ignoble and impolitic.
Even Sylla saved hiscouiUrv before lie chastised his en
emies; and was one as much better than Sylla, as Sylla
was greater than him, urged to remember his pettv in
teresidt. animosities when the republic was in danger?-
Sir the recent experience of the New-York statesman’s
opponents might teach his friends this salutary lesson,
never seem to prosecute a depressed adversary, if you do
not wish to raise him above vou.
But it will be urged, no doubt, that the Y r jcc Presi
dent elect ought not to be indeotified with the gentle,
man to whom these considerations were suggested, nor
they with Dim. They were not his men. nor any one
els#’* men. They were their own men. Undoubtedly.
Ho intimated .nothing to the contrary. But unhappily
again, “circumstance, that unspirituai God,” bore testi"-
mony against them, and, however hard it might he, the
rule of political judgment was the rule of\he prize
court. Circumstantial evidence out weighed positive
asseverations. The rule was harsh—oftentimes unjust:
hut it was the rule of the world, and the world alone
could alter it. Unfortunately these gentlemen were all
well known as partisans. Ho traced no gentleman
through ayes and noo»; hut unless his incrnm v deceived
him, upon every test question of party, they wero faith
fu! to their colors, far beyond himself. The Brink of i
tl:t Lulled -Stotts,the Choctaw r#tevi\atioiio, th# breach 1
of privilege, the YVio-.-.yvet collector, all proved their'
perfect orthodoxy; and could they who subscribed tlie
whole thirty-nine articles, boggle at the first question
in the catechism? YVherc is party discipline mere
feet than in New-York? Have they not punished my
friend [Mr. Vkuplanc::] with the ostracism for abroach
of it ! And if all honorable duty is forbidden, ougiit lie
not to be proud of his punishment?
YVc have often been reminded of the power of the
Lnitcd titates. To what purpose? Is the mere gilt of
strength a reason,[for using it? Can it make right or legal
ize oppression? “Power without wisdom,” says the Po
et, “ig but armed injustice.” Either he says truly, or
we should apostrophise the sword With Dcvcrtux 4
“God, law, and priest, and prophet, of the strong!”
Power enables its possessor to bo inagininrinous. The
weak can never yield with so good a grace.—ls tlie best
part of possession tiicoulv one we are never to list!
'Besides, is the concession, made,to South Carolina
alone? Are there not itveorsix 01 bar States which have
suffered long, and who still entreat without threatening'
What the argument as to them? YVecuuupt take off your
burthens until, we chastise South Carolina. May tliov
not answer very reasonably, relieve us first and chastise
her afterwards. But if you insist 0:1 chastisiugjlier first,
and keeping on our burthens until "it is eltoQtctl, when,
are. wo to be relieved? A gentleman of much experi
ence, who thinks South Carolina ought to b : quelled,
[Mr. Adams] is said to have estimated the'eost oi the
conquest at ten millions, & and the annual loss to the
revenue during the operation, at three. YVhcn South
Carolina is chastised, vve who are invited to assist in cor
recting her, will find ourselves sharers in her punish
ment. Tea and codec may continue free, but the du
ties on tlie protected articles will increase. Having
warred lor taxes, wo shall pay taxes for the w ar.
But it we submit to one Slate, we must to another:
first, one w ill nullify, and then a second: (V if we vieid
to each of their demands, what is left of tlie Government
will not he worth having—it will become contemptible
Irom its weakness. The strength of tho government is
in the affection of its citizens* YY as France ever strong*
er than in the days of the republic? Does History show
any example of people rebelling against a Government
which did not oppress them? lias South Carolina no
cause of complaint?. The whole South says she has.
Seven States complain that they arc opnressed. The
President himself, in his message, admits the fact. Y> t
we must give them 110 redress, but chastisement, Rst
hereafter, otherStatcs should nullify without cause. A
Government, professing so be founded on reason, de
sires to consolidate its empire by stekl. It claims to
derive all its just powers from the consent -;f the govern
ed yet seeks to eke out its authority by a little gentle
force. Why and whence the revival of all this clamor
fora strong Government? Is not the Government which
lasted Thomas Jefferson trough the embargo and James
Madison through the war, strong enough for ony Presi
dent? Do wc not know the origin, the progress, and the
defeat of that sect in politics, whose favorite object it
was to establish a strong Government? That sect the
republicans of New York and Pennsylvania resisted,and
at last over-threw. Arc they about to be-converted id
the rejected heresy?—more federal than federalism?—
aye, arch federal? Lei me avail mvsclfof the authority
of the great apostle' of republicanism—lie who wrote
the political gospel of American independence. “ A
Government held together by the hands of reason, only
requires much compromise of opinion; that things e veii
salutary, should npt be crammed down the throats of
dissenting brethren, especially when they nm- be put
into a form to be swallowed; and that a great and al of in
dulgence is necessary to strengthen, habits of harmony
and fraternity.”f Sir, he was right, [said Mr. YV.] Gov
ernment, to use a comparison which would come*home
to the business of some of his Pennsylvania friends
Government is like iron; toughest when sofesf. If you
harden it to make it stronger, it becomes brittle.
. Even arbitrary monarch* find their best support in
the affections of their subjects. There is but one wav
to make “taxation no tyranny*” It is that recommended
by old Burleigh to Elizabeth—“win men’s hearts and
you have their hands and their purses.”
The violence ami precipitation ofSouth Carolina have
been objected to. If she is wrong in | lnr resistance to
the tariff, however moderate she might be she would be
wrong still. If she be right, she wilfl.ot cease to be
right on account of her violence. One of the strongest
political discourses Ire ever heard was delivered on that
floor by an honorable gentleman from Virginia [Mr
Randolph,] from the text, “the kingdom of heaven suh
lercth violence, & the violent take it by force.” That
speech had more effect Ilian anv one circumstance cx
cept the battle of New-Orlean's, in making Andrew
Jackson Picsulerjtfuf tho United States.
Much has been said in the course of this debate about
nullification. On that doctrine he had once expressed
an opinion, of which he had nothing to retract,
to explain. Nullification could do little harm but for
the help of the tariff. It reminded him ofa savin--
which Ire would quote for the gentlemen from Connect]’
cut, [Messrs. Ellsworth and Ht ntington] who had
quoted him; the devil would not do so much mischief
if it were not for the witches.”]: Tho gentleman had’
been pleased to extract from a certain letter of his such
parts as they thought made in favor of tllcir argument
and they referred to them with much praise, ami some
triumph. One advantage that letter at least procured
him—some slight credit for candor and fair-clcalimr and
a reputation for courage enough to tell the tmtli B ’But
■ f l.e was. a good witness for the East, lie was for the South
also.-ll's testimony, if it was worth tiny 'thing, must
he taken altogether. If it would he good to show the
origin of the restrictive •ystein, it would he good to prove
the deeply seated, all-preyading discontent of the south
ern states. It would avail a* testimony that Union and
tnc present protective duties arc incomputable. YV'e
must cliooso between them. *
The gentlemen from Connecticut, [Messrs Ilrvr
ington and Ellsworth] had recommended tohisatton
tton parts of Ins own letter. There were other parts
winch ho would recommend to theirs. If his memory
served him, he had (here said, .00 many would he found
n ever country to flatter and h.fimn, the inclanatmns of
whom or whatsoever may bo sovereign ; comparatively
few to argue with the masters of r otes or legions. For
the reason, then that if he were the representative of a
manufacturing district addressing at tltat crisis, iLtit
believers ,n the beneficent magic of the restrictive®
c.,he should attempt to nugitute their zeal and co ifi
dence, for the same reason, appealing to those who were
convinced of its malignant influence, it was ins dutvtn
sootnc if possible, their just indignation. Unless this
course of conduct was pursued by all who aspired to be
thought honest and dispassionate, must nofalienation
spicad and become incurable? Do „ot the gentlemen
Irom Connecticut, continued Mr. YV. asoire »„L ,1 ] .
honest and
tnc this question. The gentlemen have praised—have
they imitated me? 1 J dVC
YY ith respect to the character of tho ri«*ht tr. i
and the circumstances and limitations u," | which and
could be exorcised, this was not the til ,
them, lie would say but a word. i n ! ™V
instances which a State could say to j„ r adiate?
-Yon in luecfaedcra cenimusf disguise n , n
this is a great consolidated Government- * i ’
* hcvereux, hook 3, chap. 3. p. i„o.
I L ) r ®' no h and CorreSpondvnno of Tbonns L<r i
*» p*332, Uettert to IMvrtt-j i 1 *ioniafc vol.
to Ldwa.d Livingston, Uh. April, 1821.
Malta Mala non rgf.,et■
• ‘tuemon nisi provoertus ssgis. I
On tins head, hcToulrl notav ( ?W^ t s^,\ | VY
from the dech-ation and protest drawn dp by Ylm
son, with the intention of hung submitted to the t
laturc of Y irgima.* 11
“YV hi Ist tlie General Assembly thus declares th
retained by the States, rights' which they have!
yiekicd, and which this State will never v o |
yield, they do not mean to raise the banner ofrf
tton or ot separation from their sister states ,
with themselves to this compact They know^
lue too highly the blessings of their Union as t ?
nations & questions arising among themselve.. 0 °
sider every Infraction as so bo met by actaa . ’ . lo
They respect too affectionately the opinion' 5'
possessing the same rights under the name i t
to make every difference of construction a „
immediate rupture. Tltcv would inticcl C os -T
a rupture as, among the greatest calamities
befall .litem; hut not the greatest. ’j | lcrc ( >
grcai. r—submission ton Government of unlimiM
er.s. It only y. hen the hope of avoidin', this Z
come absolutely desperate, that further fb r!)
could not be indulged. .Should a majority of th
ties, therefore, contrary to the expectation
tins assembly, prefer at tins time, acquicsencc i„
assumptions ol power by the federal memberoffc
eminent, we mil be patient, and suffer much
confidence, that time, ere it be too late w j||...
tnem also the bittercbnsequbnce* in which that.
Will involve us ail. In tlie mean uliile
breast with them rather than separate from then,
misfortune, save that only of living under aGoven
ot unlimited power*.”]
A quarter of a century before, the patriarch h-1
similar language ; “1 thong!,t something edsemb//
cessarv to he said in order to avoid the inference,
qaybsßencb ; that a resolution or declaration s ' c ,
passed, in answering the reasoifincscf the Ai
have ventured into the field of reason, and dm
Cuiu.uitfcejof Congress, taking some notice toool
Mates who have either not answered at all, or ans
without reasoning ;2. making fi m , protestation:
the precedent and principle, am! reserving the n
make this palpable violation of the federifc om „'
ground of doing in future whatever wc n.iglunmv
fully do, ehpmd repetitious of these and other viol
ol the compact, render it -expedient; ;i. expnW
affect ion ite and Conciliate v language, cur warn,'n
•ment to union and to the instrument ami priii,
by which we are united, that wc willingto sacn!
tins every thing but tire right* of self-mvcrnm
those important |K,inls which we have never vieldw
m winch alone wc see liberty, safety, and iian w ,
that not at all dtsqxricd to make every incusiired
or ol wrong a cause of scission, we are wiilitw to
on with indulgence,and to wait with patience])!
passions ami delusions shall have passed am ,
the Federal Government have artfully excite,| 0
its’own abused and conceal its designs, fu|| v cw |
that the good sense of th.- American people, ami
attachment to those very rights which tve are no;
derating, w ill before it shall he too late, rally w
round the true principles of our federal compact,
was only meant to give a general idea ol tho
plexton and tonicsof such an instrument. .Mr. M
came, as had been proposed, does not concur ii
reservation proposed alone; and from this 1 rcccd
(illy, not only m deference to ids judgement, hut bci
as ire should never think of separation, but for rep
and enormous violations, so these when they occui
he cause onough of themselves.”]
A further development of those ideas was to lie
in his h tter to Mr. Giles, from which Mr. YV. in
leave to read a couple of passages. “I sec as to
ami with the deepest affliction, the rapid stride,
which the federal branch of our government is:
ciug towards the usurpation of all the rights res
to tiie States, and the consolidation in itselfofallpo
foreign and domestic; and that too, by .cousins
v. liicli, if legitimate, leave no limits to their power,
together tlie decisions of tlie federal court, tlie doc
o! tlie I resident, and the misconstructions oftiicc
tutional coispuct acted on by the legislature of lit
era. branch, and it is hut too evident that the three:
branches ot tnat d.ipartment are in combination l,
their colleagues, the State authority, of tliepowen
veil by them, and to exercise themselves, all fuic
foreign- and domestic.—Under the power to rr;
commerce they assume indefinitely that also over
cultere and manufactures, and call it regulation ti
earnings ol one ol these branches of industry, and
too, the most depressed, and put them into the [>o
of' the other, the most flourishing of all. * * 1
Anil what is our resource for the preservationi
constitution? Reason and argument? You tin
well reason and argue with the mnrhic columsencii
i hem. s in: representatives chosen by ourselves!
arc joined in tiie combination, some from inc
; ievvs ol Government, some from corrupt ones, suf
votir.g together to outnumber the sound parts, am
majorities of one, two, or three, hold enough to<
ward in their defence. Are we, then, to standi
arms? No I tiiat must lie the last resource, not
thought ol until larger and greater sufferings. If
infraction ofa compact of so many parties isto be i
ed at once as a disolution of it, none can ever be k
which Would last one year. YVe must have pat
and longer endurance, then, with our brethren
under delusion; give them time for 'reflect ion am
pericnee ol consequences, keep ourselves in a sit'
to profit l>v tlie chapter of accidents ; and separulc
0! ; r companion!! only when the sole alternrjices It
dissolution ol onr union w ith them, or submission
Government w ithout limitation of powets.”^
If tins hill fails, said Mr. YV., I entreat our fi
to consider wlmt is the next stop, if you will not
you must 1)0 called on to enforce. The choice i
tv., en t.ii.i il and a not imr measure which must ben
less— not for want of words to characterize it as
served, but because they could not be used with
breach of older. Ho could not say what was d®
'he other end of the capital; but this lie could say
was present the other day ut the consultation of:
of learned physicians. The case was one of tlci
and debility brought on by ill treatment,and tlie rc
proposed was the lancet and blue pills. ’I bis is'h
scription of our political empirics. Tiie cry is, l
tlie Rcpubcc I—h t me tell them sir, “Ww#®
•piaifi a mm'bo perictili
It no longer admits of a doubt, the clmiceof our ti
most be made between coercion and conciliation. Thi
v. ill soon identify Carolina with the whole South; the s *
will unite the .South against Carolina. Coercion is net
or prudent; nor always Idrlunuto even when the dispar l
stiungili is greatest. Austria attempted to coerce da;
f-jiaiii to coerce the Nethorlauds, England to coerce
North American cnlem-es, mid, in otir days,Turkey to"
Greece, YY hat was tlie fate of coercion? 'llierr ' a
deed, been one successful effort. Hustia hut coercedl >
Is she proposed to us as an example J
ill tile Struggle betwaen.lhe Doited 'staler and a
l.'eep peace, vi et nnnia, by blowing up all inaltouti-n 15 '
is tiie alternative! it the State conquer she is outofn ,e
of course. Il you conquer, is she not out equally? ' ou
reduce l.c r to the condition of a subject provioce } ou
reward with her plunder seine pro-consular Governor,
ruling her w ith the despotism ot a master mid the »' as
nets el an agent, leaving behind you in her bosom*",,
“Jnitinu lull odium, et nuut/iwia nanuhik vulitus.
But she is a State no longer! You may grasps harro"
tre, and w aye it ove-r » Jtspeopled territory ; hut, in .
terminate the sous of D'urolimi, your doinitnon ov* r 1
•lb. v. 3, pTgcVfciti! *29. belter to W- ** Nicb
.September 5, 17‘JO. ] jA ,
Memoirs and •'orrespcfideneo of Tlios
pages (12 ami (13,1 TTL ; Ib.t7U
V lb. r.