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• POUTHAL.
*JK. WILDL'S SPKIXn,
At the Co!iini!-isi diuurr, 01. the
I :iIU Sept.
Girca in honor of that portion of the Georgia
Delegation in Congress, icho voted against
the Force Bill of last session.
The following Toast having been drank—
“ The majirity of our Delegation in the
late Congress —Their enlightened and prompt
resistance of the Force Bill , evinced their
fitness and qualification, to sustain the rights,
and represent the true spirit of their con
stituents.”—
.Mr. Wilde rose to return thanks. In the
absence of those, he said, who would more
eloquently and appropriately have responded
to the sentiment they had just heard, it de
volved upon hun toexpress, as he might, their
feelings, and his own.
If to serve and not to please, was, as it is
said to be, bv the familiar wisdom of a South
ern people of the other Hemisphere,* one of
the three things enough to kill a man; to
please those we serve, must, on the contrary,
be one of life’s greatest pleasures. And if
those who were ptoaeod with our service, im
perfect as it tn'ght be—those who overrated
our good qualities, and were indulgent to our
faults—thought proper to honor us w ith a pub
lic testimonial of their approbation, such
kindness demanded, and received, a return of
the warmest devotion and gratitude.
To himself, this mark of their favor was pe
culiarlv ind deeply touching; because, though
he had less share in it, perhaps, than any of
those colleagues with whom he acted, it was
offered by those who had known him from his
boyhood. Ho stood on old familiar ground,
amid the witnesses of his early professional
career.upon the scene of more eager struggles,
and more valued triumphs, than any his flag
ging spirit could ever know again. lie saw
around hun well known faces, in whose hon
est smiles he had read approbation of some
youthful sally, at the expense of older and
nfiler counsel,by whom he was overmalehedjhe
heard voices whizh had cheered and encour
aged hi n in defeat and despondence, and
whose words had come over his memory
thousands of miles thence, like music he
loved, f Cheers] In short, he was among long
and well.frcd friends, who had helped to
raise him front the humblest fortune, to the
summit of his political ambition, [CAecrs] and
to whom it might be truly said, if he some
times forgot hints If, at least, he had never
forgotten them To such friends, what could
hr say, beyond the homely, yet expressive
phrase—•' Mv countrymen, for myself and
mv colleagues, from my heart, I thank you!”
The vote which had been the sul.j *rt of
their peculiar approbation, appeared to thos"
who gave it, a simple and obvious art of duty.
Most of his colleagues, who voted with him.
and, perhaps, all of them, believed, and had
avowed that belief, in common with several
successive Legislatures of their Sta e, and a
large majority of their constituents, that pro
tective tariffs were palpable and dangerous
jjpJii.tjpijs, of the Constitution. An act to
bean unconstitutional aet. With thuir opin
ions, then, it could not he singular, they
should vote tint*. The difficulty was, to
imagine, hmv they could veto otherwise.—
That difficulty was for those to reconcile, who
held protective, tariff's unconstitutional, yet in
sisted they must he enforced. His colleagues
wore, clear of it.— For himself, however, he
was bound to sus'aln his own vote, on dis
tinct, and it might he, on L*ss commanding
ground. He had never been able to bring
his mind to the conclusion, that the Tariff"
Acts were plain and palpable violations of the
Constitution, either within the cognizance of
the Judiciary, or liable to he nullified by the
States. Ho had said they were frauds on
the spnat of that instrument. He believed so
still. The justification of his vote, then was
to he found in his love of Peace—his attach,
moot to Union—his regard for the happiness
of the whole Republic : and his devotion to
the peculiar interests of constituents endear
ed to him hv all the ticß that ever bound a
man to fidelity and gratitude.
Though he bad not been able to find thp
tariff laws strictly and literally unconstitution
al, he had no doubt they were unjust, op
pressive, and pernicious. He had done his
best towards procuring a change in them.—
Failing in that, was he to turn round and
vote for every measure calculated to give
them new life and vigor?
He could not perceive the obligation. Upon
what principle was it muintainedt that as soon
ns he could not obtain the amemlmen of an
unjust and oppressive law, it was his duty to
increase its evils, and aid in rendering it
more effectually and practically unequal and
oppressive! Where was that obligation to
stop? If he of the minority, was bound to
assist the majority by his vote, in enforcing a
wicked and absurd law, which they would not
repeal, was he not equally bound to assist
them hv his counsel also ? Must he not say
to them. “ Gentlemen, vou have left a loop
hole here—there is ‘a flaw yonder—these
irons are too light—and those ring holts arc 1
defective. Have the goodness to provide us
with heavier tetters, and give me a hammer,
that I may help you to rivet the!” (cheers)
No honest man would sav he was under any
such obligation. On the contrary, tho lan
guage he had a right to hold, was this: “You
deny us justice, and are fatally bent upon mis
chief. I have endeavored to point out to too
the road to Peace, Harmony, Prosperity—
your own happiness and ours. You refused
to follow it. You are resolved on measures
that may braced civil strife—shed kindred
blood—convulse tne Union,and afflict human
ity. Goon Isince youjshut your ears to advice,
and to entreaty; but from me, you shall
have no help, no counsel, no encourage
ment!”
Mr. W. said ho considered every vote given
to the enforcing act, as a vote indirectly given
to the tariff policy—a vote to strengthen arid
perpetuate it. For that reason, hu bad lefi
his bed of sickness to say No! and for the
aatne purpose, if it were possible, he. would
have left the place of rest ho mo6t coveted,
Ihs Grave.
It would lie taking too narrow a view of the
subject, lie added, to consider that measure
alone. They could not separate tho law to be.
enforced, from the law enforcin',’ it. Tile acl
they condemned, and the tariff iPich it sus
tained, were art and pari *n the same syst id.
and differed from each other only a* principal
and acc as try. He did not mean to give th<-
Instorv of the last session. Tucy all knew 11
There is an I uhlan saying te tint efftt.
GEORGIA TIMES AND STATE RIGHTS’ ADVOCATE
had opened with tne brigh st prospects. A
change in the Tariff had been strongly re
commended by the President’s message, and
tne recommendation was followed up by tne
secretary of the Treasury. 1 hey had the
best reasons to believe it was an ad frustration
measure, and would be supported by the
whole strength ot the Executive government.
The Bill of the Committee of Ways and
Means —Vcrplank’s Bill, as it was called—
had been launched amidst plairtiits, and borm
on in triumph : an I never, he might be per
milled to say, as an humble tiibute to a gen
tlemau and a scholar, now in private life;
never was the fate of any measure entrusted
to more faithful hands, than his, whose num
it bore. With the exception of the represen
tative of some districts eminently manufactur
ing, no one was uissatisfied- llle* o J
question for a while was, \\ ill the South ac
cept it ? Will it quiet Carolina ? But scarce
ly was it known that the South would be
pacified, when coercive rnensiin s wer r. -
commended, and the household troops de
serted us.
Mr. W. said he spoke to tacts: He was
thereto tell the truth to his constituents—
mt to eulogiz** or vituperate men or parties.
He meddled with no man’s motives : tie could
not search the heart: actions spoke for them
selves. The plain matter of fact was soon
stated. The orpportunily of modifying th
tariff, and pacifying the country, was offered
ro those who claimed to be the exclusive
friends of the Administration, and, in an
especial manner, the Vice-President’s friends.
They were exhorted, entreated, implored
to use it. They refused. The opportunity
came, in turn, to their opponents. They
seized it, and the danger which threatened
the country, was averted. Butin the inter
val, while it was certain that one party would
r Tuse, and uncertain whether the other would
act, what had lie, Ins colleagues, and thesi
whom they represented, before them? The
continuance of nn unjust tariff, for the im
plied—almost for the avowed, sole purpose, of
coercing South Carolina. Aye, sir! [continu
ed Alr. W. addressing the President,] it be
gin to be more than whispered in our ranks,
“The Tariff must be modified—O yes, the
Tariff will ho modified—But not yet —noi j
now—not this year—South Carolina must be
quelled first.” When such evil councils pre
vailed, it was time to calculate the value of
the Union—aye, and to prepare to preserve it,
by other means, than those suggested by
aspiring cunning, to political rashness. Such
calculations had been denounced. lie dared,
even yet, to make them. The Union was the
most valuable of their possessions, save one:
but there was one more valuable—Liberty !
( Cheers ) What made, the Union ptecious?—
The security it gave to Freedom. Fence fully
maintained, then, in the true spirit of the
Constitution, it was inestimable.. Forcibly
or* s rved, by supporting perversions of tnai
instnim nt, with cannon and bayonets, ii be
came at once, venomous am! impotent—in
image of the scorpion stinging itself to ib-ath.
Jtd any who heard him, consider War among
the States, as one of the ordinary, approved,
and constitutional ineai)3 of preserving tin
doubted, that, without a modification ol the
Tariff, the enforcing act would have been the
signal for civil, aye, and for 6ervile war?—
Many of their North rn and Eastern brethren
did not believe it. Hone-t and honorable
men had told him so, and he was sure they
were incapable of falsehood. But he spoke
to those who knew it to be true! He spoke
to men, who knew that Carolina would have
resisted force with force—that Regiments,
ves Divisions, of r, emits, from Georgia and
elsewhere, would have joined her.' Some
would have joined the other side, ton. States
must gradually have been involved. Brother
would have been arrayed against brother
their Union propagated, like the Koran, with
fire and sword—and a bitter struggle, like
that of Wilig and Tory, continued, till their
Country had become a mass of ashes, slaked
in blood.
If any one had a peculiar right to complain
ofSouth Carolina, said Mr. W.,it was us.—
Not merely for her bad management of a good
cause, either. We had other and older
griefs. In the day of our adversity, when wc
struggled for like principles, the encourage
ment she afforded us, was jibes and jeers. I
was natural, therefore, that those who listen
ed only to the voice of old resentments, should
exhort us, to “ laugh at her calamity, and
mock, when her fear cometh.” But this
would have heen neither magnanimous nor
wise. Virtuous men cherished no liatri ds in
jurious to their country : prudent politicians
indulged none, in conflict with their own
true interest. South Carolina had Cults, it
was true—inconsistency—.exaggeration—
rashness. Still, in its origin, and its ultiuiati
consequences, her cause was our cause.—
(Cheers.)
Resistance to unjust taxation, was the com
mon object, and common interest, of the
whole South. It was only on the character
and measure of that resistance, we differed.
In her motive, and her aim, then, Carolina
was right; in time, means, circumstances,
and degree, she may have been, and he be
lieved she was wrong. That which she be
lieved to he a remedy within the Constitution,
Itc regarded as a remedy beyond it. It was
one, moreover, which all the Southern Stab s
were not prepared to adopt, because all had
not vet realized the extremity of their wrongs,
nor abandoned all hope of redress. IFhat
then? Because they differed about the pro
per means, were they to desert the com non
end? The impetuosity of Carolina hail pre
cipitated her into a false position. Enthusi
astic h aders,and a brave and generous people
moving tipon wrong tactics, had well nigh en
gaged themselves in a defile, where it tvouid
have been impossible to advance with safety,
or retreat with honor. What was the duty of
the other Southern States? What was their
duty, as Georgians ?
If, in premature conflict with a common
adversary,into which they had been hurried bv
inconsiderate or undisciplined valor,their fel
lows were about to be overwhelmed and
crushed by a superior force, should they cold
ly look on, and say they were justly punished
for their folly; or, remembering only that
they were brethren us the same faith—chil
dren of the same soil—men of one dime—
one blood—one soul: should they not rush
forward and cry out, “ For our friends and
our good cansi—On Southrons! to the res
cue! [ Loud cheers.
If they would mike common quarrel in a
military conflict, would they not interpose in
i civil struggle, in the peaceful war of words
.inJU..K? Ko though Virginia! mid he lev
id Jtl'J hcnoK-J thr OM lEtrinion (ot it ?
Mr. W. said he did not hesitate to avow it:
no. was that the place when- such an avowal
requir'd any extraordinary courage : he was
Southron to his heart’s core ! Southron in
cvi ry t u:g, but a few delusions. He had
seen much~of their country, and travel was a
school in which something might be learned,
lie had found friends, and lost prejudices,
every where. Among their Northern and
Eastern brethren, lie had met with much to
ulinire, with sornethingto condemn. He had
iot hesitated to defend them, when their de-1
fence, though just was u 'popular; and in j
-pile of the obloquy it brought ujwn him, I
whenever it was necessary tie would do so
again.
But every where, and at all times, his own
h ane had been first in his affections. lie
i.id no faith in very diffusive patriotism. He
who does not love his own State, hotter than
the rest of the Union, docs not love the Union
all as IK II as m.MsELr. In love of the Union j
lie, (Mr. \>.) wotiuld yield to no one. Long j
might it flourish, entire and in harmony ! But I
if ever tne time did conic, when it would bo j
roqiiisitrf*for him to choose between its parts,!
he should not need the quiddities or the en- j
tities ol political metaphysics, tr decide his |
choice. H was made already. The South
was his country, and he adopted the senti
ment ol him who was southern chivalry per
sonified : “always in the right, if possible:!
hut ever successful, right or wrong !” (loud 1
cheers.
These,he believed were the feelings of a ■
majority of the delegation. They were.
unabie to comprehend, why the redress j
almost promised, at the commencement o! j
the session, should be so suddenly defer- j
red. They could not discover what new of- j
fence South Carolina had committed in the |
interval, and were still more unable to I
undei stand why, for her sins, Georgia, in
common with other tioutliern Stater, was;
to be subjected to vicarious punishment, \
by the continuance of odious and unjust
taxes.
U hen it was perfectly understood, and j
almost openly avowed, that no moditica- i
lion of tho Tariff need be expected, until I
Carolina was subdued—when the cost of!
her conquest in blood and treasure, was j
calmly added up—and the length of time j
it would be indispensable to continue the j
tapitl, for the repayment of this New
Dubt, was estimated, it became the dele
gation from Georgia, to resort to their A
iitinnetic. Though not very calculating
persons,they too made a calculation. The
alternative presented to the South, was
between taking part with S. Carolina, a
gainstlhe tariff, or taking the part of the
tariff, against South Carolina. The ques
tion was, whether they should light for
taxes, and pay the exponces of the war,
or give up the Union, to get rid of the tax
es. Aol liking either ot the alternatives,
they each, helunoied, had resolved, in his
own mind, that if there were any possible
escape h orn both, they would hail it with
pleasure—no matter what individual re-
A.ti'.iiiv.aw .... —
what personal ambition) might be defeated
by it. Eor his own part, he freely con
icsscd, that with him,the case was beyond
the limits of jiersonalattachments, or par
ty allegiance. He had Iqng since endea
vored to settle, in his own mind, an order
oi priority, among the natural objects ofa
politician’s solicitude : First, his constitu
ents—then, his country—next, his party—
and last ol all, himself. Ii there were any
who reversed that order, the Lord reward
them according to their works ! (tAerrs)
They had oilen heard that these tariffs
were less the work of manufacturers, than
of politicians. He believed it. Many
i .manufacturers professed to be as
anxious for a liberal and permanent settle
ment of the question, as themselves. He
had heard the opinion often repeated, that
an honest (Southern, and* an honest Nor-
thern man, could make a pretty good la
id'in four and twenty hours. After the
late of Verpiarick’s bill was foreseen, sev
eral Southern men were urged to at
tempt it. Though grateful for the com
pliment, if indeed it meant any thing but
common place civility,- those who had or
dinary experience and sagacity, perceiv
ed, but too plainly, tout the honest men
could do nothing without the politicians.
If any thing had been wanting to con
vince them, that tho principal manufac
ture encouraged by the turitT, was the
manufacture of Presidents,* they soon
liau absolute conviction. Just as they
were beginning to despair, another set
provided them with a substitute. He
meant noallusion to the principals,in either
case. Ail he said was this. The readi
ness with which majorities might be
taught to march, wheel, and face, was
surpi ising. It proved, if no more, the
high state of party discipline : “that’s all,
Eir—that's all.”
He had said, he meddled with no man’s
motives, lie had no more right to say
that the Enforcing bill was part of a com
bination toput down the late Vice Presi
dent, and put up the present, than he had
to say the compromise bill sprung from a
coalition to put down the Vice President,
and put up the Senator from Kentucky.
Everyman might think as ire pleased, and
he should quarrel with no one for their o
pinior.s. To his own,because they were
opinions merely, heaitached little* conse
quence, and if he mentioned them at all, it
was purely because he would not have, or
seem to have any concealments. He
dared say, there had been just as much
virtue, and no more selfish ness,on all aides,
tliau was common on such occa-ions. The
force ot circumstances, and the passions of
men exercised, perhaps, the most control
ling influence. They who thought they
had au antagonist in their power, wished
to humble arid cripple him. They who
had been at war, between themselves,!
when engaged with a common adversary, :
would naturally desire to make peace as
soon as possible. Their reconciliation
was hastened by their resentments ; and
they accepted from each other harder
terms, than they would have submitted to,
from their mutual enemy. There was
nothing tßßsidertul in all that.
the?- £'~!*bnnrii,hc hid ntitht r
affections nor antipathies. He harbored i
no ill will—He indulged no partiality. As
far as lie was capable of doing so, he had
rendered justice to the minds and services
of all. But it was not undervaluing any
of them, to say, that the elevation of no
one of them to the Presidency—no, nor
the election of any man who ever had, or
ever would, till that honored office, was
worth the blood of One American Citi
izen! ( cheers )
Must the peace of the country be al
ways disturbed, its prosperity obstructed,
its policy unnerved, by the never-ceasing
strife of ambition and its parasites !
Would the day never come, when, in
stead of candidates intriguing for the Pres
idency, they should sec the people seeking
for a President ? Is the destiny of the
Republic, perpetual agitation ? Did it
never occur to them to inquire whether
these pretenders were worth the trouble
they occasioned.
Without offence to any one, ho asked
leave to speak a blunt but honest opinion.
From the lately distinguished and highly
popular Major Jack Downing, down to the
humblest of his rivals, there were ten thou
sand men in the United States, any one of
whom would make as good a President, as
(lie best of those, for whose sake tilt* country
was convulsed by factious ; and from that es
timate. to avoid ail suspic on of sycophancy,
“the present company were alwaysexcepted.”
[Laughter vnd cheers.]
Let it not be inferred, that he intended to
recommend carelessness in the selection of
their agents, or to insinuate their universal
selfishness. Far from it. The choice of
those in whom they confided,was worthy ot all
care; and a disoelief in public virtue, is po
litical Atheism. Government implied tiic
necessity of officers to administer it; and
the instruments were secondary in impor
tance, only, to the work- It is on the instru
ments, indeed, that the goodness of the work
depends. “Principles, not men,” therefore,
was the cant of men without principles. lie
abjured it. Principles, before men, was the
true reading ; for without men there could he
ino principles. He meant to be understood
ias saying this, and no more. Proper tools
I would always he found for public works. The
| interest of men, therefore, in comparison
with tiie preservation of principles, was not
worth a thought. It was here wc offended :
Our sin was idolatry. Instead of keeping,
the political commandments, wc had fallen
into man-worship:
“It i« the abject property of most,
That being parcel of the common mass,
Ar.d destitute of means to raise themselves.
They sink and settle lower than they need.
******
Conscious of impotence, they soon grow drunk
With gazing, when they see an able man
Step forth to notice ; and besotted thus,
Build him a pedestal, and say, stand there,
And be our admiration and our praise I
They roll themselves before him in the dust,
Then, most deserving in their own accouut.
When mostextravagaiffin their own applause,
As if, exalting him, they raised thertiselves :
And sober judgment, that he is but man,
a ; 0..—.n him cm.
That in due season, lie forgets it too ! j
But the worst evil was not thttr own de
basement, or the. infatuation of their idol.
The bitterness of party spirit was often in
proportion to the worthlessness of the object.
Tho blue and green factionsof Constantino
pic, massacred each other, in compliment to
(lie heroes of the circus.— Vv hat did they see,
even then, in their own country? Nullifica
tion had spent its force, for good or for evil.
The Union was safe. Civil war was no lon
ger a) onr doo.ru. In * h» C»<»U€. of
the Union party had declared the object of
their devotion was secure, their services
were no longer needed, and they retired from
the contest that tneir country might enjoy
repose. The Nulhfiers, too, proclaimed a
triumph: the Tariff had been struck down,
and the Constitution preserved, in respect
to both, he spoke neither in a complimentary,
nor an invidious sense. He stated facts.
Even in Carolina, then, the question for
the present had Ceased to be a political one.
Agitating it longer, was like continuing a
war, to find out who first broke the puce.
Yet, hero in Georgia, we were as deeply en
gaged in discussing it, as ever,or rather tlie
collateral and less important topic of the mer
its, or demerits, of Andrew Jackson , Martin
Van Burcn, John C. Calhoun, Henry Clay,
aivl Daniel Webster.
Thus it was, even when important princi
ples were involved, the original cause of
contention was abandoned, as soon as per
sonal interests were admitted : and, forget
ting our country, and the main point in con
troversy, wu quarrelled about "Some incident,
because it was connected with a man !
If there was any thing, a few years since,
in which Georgians were unanimous, it waes
attachment to the Union, and abhorrence to
the Tariff. Now, to his astonishment, some
es his old friends were so enraged with the
Nullifcrs, that they half justified the Tariff:
while others were so outraged by the Proc
lamation and the Force act , us to be disgusted
with the Union.
If his self love did not deceive him, find it
was not too presumptuous, in llieso clays of
'•hang», for any one to he sure of thoir own
position, he was where ho had been—A
gainst all protective tariffs—because they
were injurious to our whole country, ami op
pressive to the South ; and against all acts to
enforce and perpetuate them at the expense
of civil war.
Hut he was for the Union still, because
vigilantly watched, it might subserve, arid
not subvert, its purpose—the increase of Na
tional Power, without tho abridgement of
Popular Libert;/. To do this, it nuigt respect
! the Sovereignty of the States. ( cheers ) This
; vigilance should increase, rather than diinin
| ish, if the Proclamation, and tho Enforcing
act, were to ho taken as literal expositors of
the President’s -opinions. He said if, be
cause they had heard, that ho discriminated
and explained ; and because those who pro.
fossod to speak for him, seemed as anxious to
distinguish his doctrines from those of the
Senator from Massachusetts, as the Senator
from Massachusetts appeared desirous of j.
dmitifyinfc his dogmas, with those of the
President.
Hut, ifitiisv were, what then ? Georgia
did not make Rxccntivc opinions the rule of
Iter faith. She changed not, when they
changed. Our cause was not ruined, though
our chief might be in titc hand* of the adver
sary In the war wo lost tho Presitlcat, but
Uo Constitution always triurnplnd (chart.)
I v«wy r.
Tiie Enforcing act was now but distant
thunder, to warn and remind us, 'J he boll
had passed, and the sound was not danger
ous though terrific. Did any one imagine,
in the fulness of innocent, and more than
pastoral simplicity, it was only meant to*
frighten, not to hurt? What a pity they
should be mistaken.
Teubifiehs is a word that would contrast
very prettily with Nillifieus ; and, ren
dered happily ambiguous by our vernacular
pronunciation, might prove a significant ap
pellative, more appropriate and less cum
brous, than some of those complicated foot
and a half Ion? compounds, which few could
remember, still fewer define, and no one un
derstand. (cheers and laughter.)
He had intended to have said something on
one or two other topics, and amongst tho rest
Ratification. That ill-omened word remin
ded him of the sinister influence which the
Proclamation and Enforcing Act had exer
cised over their local politics. But the dan
ger was over from that quarter too, lie be
lieved. I'ariduia’s box was yet shut, and he
trusted they would keep it so, with, at least,
Hock within the lid.
Mr. VV. concluded by proposing the fol
lowing toast •
The Citizens of Columbia County —None
know better than themselves, the price of
Freedom . Perpetual vigilance—disinteres
ted zeal—devotion to Principles—inditfer
cnee to Men.
Prom the -V. Y, Commercial Advertiser.
The Way it was dime.
A letter from an authentic source, received
from Washington this morning, states sub
stantially, that Mr. Duane was altogether too
much of a tnan to resign his office, but u as
turned out in the true Jacksonian style. The
following arc the particulars as reported:
The Cabinet council convened at the Pres
ident’s house on Monday, when the Secretary
of State, Mr. AlcLane, the Secretary of War,
Gov. Cass, and the Secretary of Treasury, .Mr.
Duane, each presented written opinions, ad
verse to the view of the question presented by
the President at a previous meeting.
These documents having been severally
rear.—
The President declared that he had deter
mined upon the course to pursue; and turn
ing to Mr. Duane, required him to sign the
circulars to the officers of the customs, di
recting the removal of the deposites.
The Secretary of the Treasury replied, that
he had duly considered the subject in all its
bearings, and could not consent to the issue
ing of any such order. Whereupon
The President, who, as his flatterers tel!
him, “ was born to command,” turned from
his .Minister of Finance, (with a cloudy brow
no doubt) and directing his eyes to the At
torney General, said —
Mr. Taney, I APPOINT YOU PE GRE
TA RY OF THE TREASURY.
There was no mistake in this delicate in
sinuation.—Mr. Duane was no longer Sccrc
taiy of the Treasury.—Oliver Cromwell could
not have done it in better style.
Exeunt Omnes.
From the IT. States Telegraph.
The refusal of Mr. Duane to remove the
deposttes, and his consequent dismissal from
th ■ office by the President, and the appoint
ment of Mr. Taney, upon the condition and
the purpose of making the removal, before the
1 meeting of Congress, now so near its session,
raises a question, not only as to the power ol
the President, but as to the motive and etfcct
of that proceeding.
Had the President referred the subject to
it rrj Tjur3t*om\l>lft s*. Lothor ho woulil
have felt authorized to order tho removal un
less he had obtained a vote of a majority of
Congress in favor of that measure- By usurp
ing the power to make the removal, he has
changed tho issue—much ot the mischief and
injury to flow from the removal, will have
taken place, and Congress, instead of being
called upon to decide upon the propriety of
permitting the public deposites to remain in
the Bank of the United States, will be re
quired to determine upon the propriety of re
storing them to that Bank. The first ques
tion would have been decided by a bare ma
jori y ; the other will require the concurrence
of two thirds. It certainly never could have
boon intended that the veto power should
give to the President such control over ti e
money of the people. We have always un
derstood that the Representatives of the peo
ple are the guardians of the public purse; but
that power is wrested from them by the act of
the President, and has been done under cir
cumstances, and at a time when there can be
no doubt it was done under a belief, that an
application to Congress to make the transfer
would have met the fate of a similar applica
tion made to the last Congress—-It would
have been negatived.
It will remain to be seen whether the Sen
ate will approve the nomination of Mr. Ta
ney, thus appointed to office, in open violation
of the power delegated to Congress.
W. know that the ruling passion of the Ex
ocutive is a thirst for conquest, and as he lias
throughout the whole course of his long life,
been at all times embroiled in a struggle for
conquest—in a trial for power—in wreaking
his vengeance—it is plain that the next ob
ject ofattaek in the Senate. Having triumph
ed ever every other victim—having prostra
ted the mammoth bank, what other adversa
ry but the Senate is worthy of calling out his
energies } To this point, then, will all his
artillery be directed, and here we trust, his
good fortune will desert him.
“Utitler wlticii King, Bvzciiiaii
apeak or die I”
Wo beg leave to put a case to the procla
mation-party, and, more especially, to our
dear Unionists.
England, Scotland and Ireland are called
the “United Kingdoms”—are governed by a
single King,and by the same Parliament.
But suppose that, by means of her greater
representation in Parliament, England op.
presses Scotland, to a very violent degree?—
As genuine Union-men, you would doubtless,
with your peculiar felicity at political reme
dies, advise the “ Land o’Cakos” to make
hasto and cure the mischief, through the
proper, conservative, constitutional, republi
can, moderate, safe and adequate measure, of
changing her representatives. Not that it
was they who volorl for the measure. They
were someone to five of tlioso who voted.—
But no matter: that is tho Union-pretcip.
lion.
Well; you change vour men: a wise
measure—for it a mu:;- a your people—arid
yrv-r adversary, too. Ifawcver, uuU tr? th’
not mend. On tho contrary, the vtT v ~~nl7
appe of which you complain is doubfod''upon
you. If people will let others impose uZ
them- grind their faces—pick their pocC,
—break their heads—and the like ; whv it
may not he precisely amiable, or fraternal n
honest, in the plunderers: but, as long as tho
plundered are paltry enough to bear ,7
shall say them nay? Who has a right
to find fault with their virtuous patient
or to reprehend their taste?
But finally, as endurance doe* not alwava
teach foibearance, nor pusillanimity insoire
respeet, let us say that England, marching
without check from one assumption to another
at least claims the wholesome power whirli
always should be vested in the laroer’secliut
of a country, of drubbing the other section
whenever ihe latter is sulky or the former arro’
gant. Ad rein venitur: they come to blow,'
the throat of a Scott or two being cut by t|uj
peace conservative efforts of certain
red coats, the Gaul’s metal is roused, at | as
and he lucks the assailants from Jonny Groats’
house halfacross the county of York ; making
with tho lucks aforesaid, certain apt comi,
rnents of broken heads and bloody noses
The English non, thereat, gather their bZ
and arriere-ban ; and fall u ; .oi, Scotland
Now, good sir, being a Unionist, wha .
would you say? Asa Scott, would vou
join the invaders ? Asa citizen, owuw bil
pat none regards to the whole country, v L|!l
you not be bound to assist in cutting the nc
cessary number of your countrymen’s throats
to reduce them to a due willingness to endure
meekly thereafter the legal kicks? Certainly
y°u would. Heaven forbid that wo should
doubt il ! rour allegiance would clearly be
due to England, precisely for the ri a < on
which ma 'c her oppress your own country
because, namely, England was the h,L,
part of the empire.
But heav ens preserve us ! What a sad oyer
signt we have committed! We forget a ir
tins while, to stay this Moody extremity ’ aw i
to re-establish every thing upon a footing 0 f
freedom and security for Scotland, by two A
tnosc simple and most efficacious contriran
cts, which abound in Union politics. Wa
were utterly oblivious that Scotland, with her
inferior vote in parliament, might “call a
convention.” Perchance such ' (Jonvrmion
being gainsaycd by the plundering minority’
might, like G lendower’s spirits, be in no haste
to come. No matter. 'Fake you no liend of
that. You are following the true town mail,
ed, and besides, if you be that amedamme—
that thing accursed—a nullificryou know full
well, that, could a Convention be called, you
would still, as before bo in the power of your
more numerously represented oppiessors.
Ah ! but then you have yet another glorious
relief! There’s Secession, which you can
resort to, whenever you conceive a taste for
hanging; or whensoever your oppressors,
having sucked you like an Orange, throw
you away, as one does an Orange-peel,
Columbia. Telescope.
Jefferson »sot a IfnlUfler.
1> e avail ourselves of the industry ol"ano
ther, in laying before our readers the opin.
ions of the sage of Monticcllo. Theflhillin
nave uniformly claimed Air, Jefferson as their
guide, their grand pio .err in all things—even
m the abominations of Nullification, it is
curious to see, in the following extracts
drawn, it seems from official documents, that
Mr. Jefferson repudiated every doctrine ad
vocated by the nullificrs, by upholding doc
trines and sentiments pr cisely the reverse.
We give them not as our own, but asJ/r.
Jefferson's opinions ; and leave them for the
agitators to “roll, as a sweet morsel under
their tongues.” —Federal Union,
"J'ffcrson not a Nullifcr." —Nonsense!
U is wonderlul to sec nion, neither drunk nor
mad, putting fortli such abominable absurdi
ties; and we are at a loss wli tlier, most to
pity the ignorance, or despise the villainy
that prompts them. “ Mr. Jefferson not a
Nullifier ! ’ A most w onderful discovery, in
deed, at this day. Hut there is no telling
liovv a good/or office will sometimes brighten
toe intellect—it has more virtue in dispelling
the “dull vapours” that envelope the brain,
t .an even Sir John’s “ Sherris Sack." And
we are indebted, no doubt, to the virtue/ of
the Office, lately conferred on the Senior E
ditoro! the Union, for this valuable discove
ry concerning Mr. Jefferson’s real opinions.
1 o the same source, we may look, for the rot
ny bright and shining qualities that adorn
the character of our most worthy President-
And to whose lot soever falls the distribution
of the “loaves and fishes,” he straight be
comes “the greatest and the best,” whether
it ho Andrew Jack-on or Amos Kendall.
The assertion that .Mr. Jefferson was not >
Nullifier, with the Kentucky resolutions sta
ring one in tho face, is too stupid to require
a serious denial. And yet we find the collar
presses teeming, daily, in greater absurdities
even, than this.
Free Trade f’rijiciplcv in Ohio-
We have recently conversed with an intel
ligent gentleman who resides in Ohio, who
informs us that tho opening of the trade wit’ l
Canada, where, American pork and wheats'®
■iiimitt. and free, and flour at a very low duty,
Ins had an astonishing influeneo in convinc
ing the people of that State of tne benefits
of I‘rre trade- They see an immense marnctl
open for their produce in a foreign eountr.'il
in addition to the domestic markets of A c ' f j
Orleans and New-York; and the farmers h ave l
begun to find out, that, as the American p® o- !
pie must eat bread and meat, they arc al«a. s l
sure of the home market, and thatil theycaa|
have a foreign market besides, it is that in* l '!
clear gain. Our informant says, that »g cn j
from Montreal now penetrate into Ohio, |
make contracts for produce ; that pork'Tl
that State actually goes to supply the I
navy on the Halifax, arm probably the ■
India stations; and that he hasseea nin J
glass, manufactured in Oh.s, *°l<l
Montreal. J J
In addition to all this, wo learn that
Rights doctrines have many ad'oeate*
Ino, and that a large portion of the | J
can party regard the principles of the
mation and the force bill with abhorrer ■
Phil. £«»“**• ■
Ship Hold. Wilson, owned
lias been seized a? Vera Cruz l” r ‘
on board several boxen of spin ,ol j _■
intended to be thrown into fir™ ,l „■
The sbip|>ers of the article a |( _
and the consignee liar been
information obtained that a « ({ M
on her voyage, has a large M
♦he same article. V five ■