Newspaper Page Text
Southern Banner Extra, Athens, fia., Jan. 18,1881.
THE FCTTRE OF THE .NEGRO LV THE
SOUTH.
BY HOWELL COBB.
I
(From the Christian Union, Dec. 22.)
The country has spoken decisively
by the ballot. The protracted ex
citement and intense anxiety incident
to the election of 1876 will not be
repeated. We all can and do rejoice
at this result. Business is quietly re
sumed. The republican can eat his
thanksgiving turkey rejoicing that
Garfield is elected and the country
has quiet. The democrat must re-
juice that we have present quiet, and
the pledge of the republican party
that peace, plenty and prosperity
shall not be disturbed the next tour
years by any reactionary political
legislation for party purposes.
The time seems auspicious to con
sider the future ol the negro in this
country—especially in the South.
Just now the Northern mind will be
occupied with the wants of the South,
aa you are pleased to term this negro
question in a recent editorial written
on the eve of the late election. Will
you consider what I say before form
ing and acting upon your opinion as
to the pressing needs of the South ?
1 hope so, for our common good—
more especially the goed of the
negro.
I think all will admit the voice of
the country as uttered in the late
election has no uncertain sound in one
particular—‘ leave well enough alone.’
Whatever other sounds are blended
with it, this deep undertone is un
mistakable. Peace at home and
abroad, prosperity present and pros
pective, prompted this utterance.
And it was the pledge ot the republi
can party not to disturb the causes
which led to this prosperity which
secured it power for the next four
years. Other causes doubtless ope
rated upon the public mind, but all
will admit that this was the decisive
cause which induced Mr. Garfield’s
election—especially in New York.
The business interests of the whole
country demanded quiet. The repub
lican party pledged itself to a sound
financial policy, to domestic tranquil- '
lily, and to abstinence from all dis
turbing political legislation for )«rly
ends.
In the light of its past history the
republican party has assumed no more
grave responsibility to the country
than that involved in its policy for the
next four years touching the future
of the negro in the South. From a
Southern standpoint the voic" o', the
country on this question is unmataka-
ble. The business interests of the
w hole country demand quiet through
out the land. Four > ears of qniei
under the administration of Prestdem
llayes was the result ot rest from
parti-an political legislation—legisla
tion wlHMislly directed toward the
South. This four years’ rest from
political intermeddling between the
white and black man of the South,
together with continuous abundant
harvests throughout the land, has
brought the whole country to the
high road of reluming prosperity.
Disturb the iudustrial interests of the
South by a repetition of the political
legislation incident to the late recon
struction days, or kindred legislation
lor similar ends, and you will check
the returning prosperity of that sec
tion. The shock will inevitably react
upon tlieJEast and West. And then-
can not be conceived a more potent
cause—single cause—to bring about
a repetition ot tbe ruinous financial
panic of 1673.
The country lias condoned the blnn
dors of the republican party—among
them the political legislation touching
the negro incident to thep.-sums, un
certainty and perplexity of the day-
of emerging Iroui war. Tne renewa
ed lease of power to that party ha-
been secured by small majorities in
many of the Northern States—ma
jorities which may ea-ily be made
minorities by any unwise use of
I tower. These close S’ates of the
North wi l bold the republican parly
to a strict and faithful compliance
with its pledge to the country not to
disturb the peaee and growing good
will between the sections of the un>
ion, so needlul to the harmony and
prosperity of the whole country.
Thug understanding the late elec
tion, I see nos|>ecial cause for ahum
to the South. If it portends evil at
all it is to the whole Union, and the
South iu common only w ith other sec
tions of the country. I ace- pt the
result, therefore, with the firm con-
vie*ion that Mr Garfield’s adminis
tration will be memorable in the an
nals of our country for a w iso change
of policy of the republican party to-
watd the South. This is a golden
•ipportunity to tliat party to alone
for past blunders which the coiiuuy
has condoned. President Hayes con-
fronted a Democratic Senate and
House. However well inclined he
may have been, his position subjects
him to the 'criticism that otiier policy
was not open to him. Mr. Garfield
* will, however, begin his administra
tion with tbe House certainly reptibli
can, and possibly the Senate. Hence
the golden opportunity to dimon-
■irate the sincerity of Mr. Hayes,
and that the pacific policy of his ad-
his party. And until the contrary is
proven by its future conduct toward
tbe South, I cannot believe that the
republican party will, by an abuse of
the power now given, prove suicidal
to its own future, treacherous to its
pledge to the country, and ruinous to
every interest of all sections of the
Union. We liavo had a period of
passion, followed by a spasm of gush.
Now the sober second thought ot the
interests of trade prevails This will
abide.
The future of the negro in the
South, however, is too momentous a
question to be decided by simple con
sideration of either the passing busi
ness interests of the country or the
temporary power of any political
partv. The question of the negro iu
our midst iuvolves our indnstria! and
political future, and these should be
considered in dealing with him. But
there are deeper considerations and
higher obligations involved in his
presence here than the mere use ot
the negro lor industrial or political
.advantage. These are only incideuts
to the higher duly to "id him iu the
full development of-his latent main.
ho- d. The sudden emancipation mid
subsequent enfranchisement of the
negro imposed a difficult duty a|>on
the South. Mark my words—upon
the South. Fur upon the South pri
manly rests the responsibility of solv
ing the pmblem imposed by the
changed condition ot 4,000,000 ne
groes—a problem involving every in
terest. of the Sooth, social, industrial,
moral and political; a problem not of
theory or speculation, but a vital fact
The solemn fact which the South has
to face ami handle is 4,000,000 slave-
freed in her miilgl in a moment—
4,000,000 freedtneu in one mad mom
ent made citizens and voters—only
one condition unchanged—ignorant,
wofully ignorant and depraved.
The primary duty of the South to
the negro, and duty of tiie North to
the South in her effort to discharge
her obligation to the negro in her
midst. I will discu-s in aim:her corn-
condemned, but when once inangnr-
ated he acquiesced in, and even fos
tered, in tbe vain hope that peace
would ultimately be the result of
what bis reason and instincts fore
warned him must prove .unending
strife. The only peace of that p -Key
was death. What wa« the actual re
sult ? Distrust, alienation, a'itago:i-
isin, where trust, union, co-operation
was esseni ial. The politic d revoln-
tion of 1874 gave a check to the in-
ci-ive policy. What is the re-uli ?
The Sbuth, in common with the
North, is enjoying returning pros
perity. The two i-accs are making
strides toward cheerful co-opcrali n
in accepting the situation, ami work
ing together for their conuu-m weal
—industrial, educational, moral and
political Let the North learn then
from facts, that any aid, by political
legislation or otherwise, pi oil. re! the
negro other than through the medium
of the good will and institutions of
the Southern white man is short
sighted, and must prove detrimental
to. the common interests of. the negro
some. Yet through faith we live in
the hope that even this continuous
chastening, though for the time it
seemeth grievous, will eventually
yield the peaceable fruits of righteous
ness. No one can deny that, we have
been sorely exercised thereby.
If the North will recognize that
God reigns over the South ; that the
South has a conscience guided by a
Christian faith; that the primary
duty to the negro devolves upon the
conscience of the South; that interest
unites with conscience ; that the duty
of the North to the South is to leave
the while and lilack man to work out
together, under God, their common
destiny; that any aid from the North
which may be needful must lie prof
fered through the white man of the
Sou'h—through the institutions of
the South born of the conscience and
interests ot the white—then the future
weltare ot the negro iu the South is
assured. The while and black citizen
ot tbe South will remain friends for
ever. They were never alienated
■ilier limp by unwise aid to .tbe
and the whitMian. other'c-mrse negro, tendered by the North direct-
must retard and not hastiai the negiu’-; ly to the negro upon the false as.
growth. . -aniption that enmity of the white to
This, then, is the first great want of the black citizen existed,
the South—white ami black—for the j Do you still*doubt the wisdom of
North to be convinced, and to act i trusting the negro’s future to the eon
upon tbe conviction, that the white I science’ and interest of the South?
man of the S .nth is the only medium , God has so trusted the negro’s future,
through which the nesjro can be aided, j Souml philosophy and experience le
arn) that sell-protection will make j mount rate that his only hope lies here,
him a willing . recipient ot every aid Will the North assume to be wiser
proffered. This work may. appear j than God! Will the North turu a
slow, but it will prove sure an I per- j deaf ear to argument (bunded on faith
manent. The inci-ive p -licy in any ! iu God, and sustained by philosophy
form engenders antagonism, hate, and , and fact!
pursued relentlessly must eml in Let us see what the eon-cience and
chaos. The policy I indicate is th I interest, under Go !, of the South has
only one which will ceim nt the two j done and is doing voluntarily in
people, white and black, and give op- I Georgia ; a negro college at Atlanta,
portnnity forrhe »• luti-mof a problem | G;i., pennanemly endowed by the
at best difficult ami lull ol friction, j Constitution d Convention of 1877,
It is not pertinent to suggest the i wh it the inc : s<£e p .licy was dead;
prejudices of -the white, the unequal a common-school system being stead-
chance of the Idack, etc. All this j j|y perfected throughout the State of
granted only emphasizes the truth that! Georgia, with equal privileges and
the white man and the black'of the I f icilities to the negro and white ; mu
municaticn. This is already too long I S° u U> must lie friends. Co-operation , uicipal common schools in Savannah,
Athens, Ga., Nov. 6, 1880,
II.
(From the riirintiun Union. Dec. 29.)
I said in my first communication on
this subject that primarily the duty
was imposed up n the South to devel
op the latent manhood ot the negro,
It is needless now to consider who wa-
responsiblc for the suddet. thrusting ot
4 000.000 negres up-m the South uts
terly unfitted to discharge the duties
of citizenship—unfitted alike in in-el-
ligence and moral character. It is
quully useless to inquire who is re
sponsible for th-- negro’s low condi
tion mentally and morally. The only
practical ques'iou is upon whom rests
the obligation to liberate him spec-li
ly from the th-aldom of ignorance,
and to CfeyjUe his moral character.
A correct apprehension of this ubliga
lion is alike vital to the n.groand the j wou , d educate and elevate him mor-
peop'e ol this whulc country. 1 mams
their only hope. Antagonism, j Augusta, Macon, Atlanta, and -mailer
produced and continued by the si rung j towns in tbe State, with equal privi-
arm of th- gpvernm.ui' thru-t be- , leges to white and bh-ck; tbe impulse
tueen tlum, ran bare but one of two i f»|t in almost every town in the State
ends. Remove this foreign pow. r to in nigurale common-school systems,
which sustains the negro in the mi- with equal piivilege- to white and
equal struggle, and instantly superior i black—no outside pre-sure, hut the
intelligence, wealth and chaiac'er j volutn ary action of the conscience and
prevail. Continue the powe> to its interest of white citizens of Georgia.
certain end, and society will b- sub
verted. Strife will only end thus in
desolation el the South.
The Soil' hern white man, however,
if left to wmk out this problem with
the friendly co-operation of the negro,
would use every effort to develop the
uegro into jtu intelligent, honest,
virtuous, permanent citizen, Would
accord him all ids equal rights ns a
citizen ; would permit hi n to reitp iu
common with tiie white iieighboi the
trails of theirnniled industry; wouPl
encourage hmtlmTieeoihe a property
' owner, with its conservative |iower;
tain that tins duly devolves upon the
white man of the South ; that he may
be trusted to discharge the duty ;and
that all other aid to the negro must be
through that channel. 1 heir common
domicile, interests and destiny impose
this duty upnu the Southern wtiite.
The interests—iudustrial, social, mor
al and political—of the white impel
him to give to tiie uegro citizen iu his
uiidsl every opportunity tor the full
d'velopmenl of his manhood. High
er, howevei, than mere interest is the
Cbtistain obligation of man to bis
neighbor. The while man of the
South is the negro’s nearest neighbor,
and tbi- tact imposes primarily upon
the Southern white the Chri-tian ob
ligation to : id tiie negro in his strug
gle tor moral and intellectual devel
opment. Conscience aud iuteiest
unite in con.-traming the white man
o the South to the di-charge of this
duly. Tne future of the negro in
volves the future of the white. Un
der God’s'providence, their _ interests
are inseparably finked together.
Any injustice to the uegio wi 1
inevitably react upon the white. In
industrial pur-uits tire interests of the
white compel, if bis conscience did
not, strict justice to and fair dealing
with the negro. Their mutual de|iein
dence imposes fidelity upon each. In
politics, tiie debauched negro voter
will debauch the white. The negro’s
only protection against ti i- result is in
meutal and moral training. The sal
vation ot the white is in the elevation
of the negro character. The negro
cannot go down alone. He must drag
the white dowu to his own level The
protection ot the negro and tbe white
alike from political degradation, is to
he found alone iu the full development
intellect uafiv and morally o the ne
gro. And ihe speedier the elevation
of negro character, the belter for the
Southern white ; any conduct of the
Southern white toward the negro re
pressive iu its effect, will inevitably
react detiitm-ntully to his own inter
est and character.
Bear with me here, for at this point
the vital errors of U-e past were made
t>y the North. The haired of the
white man ot the South to the uegro
citizen was assumed—an inevitable
conflict ot races was assumed—and,
logically, legislation was enacted bring
ing to bear the stroug arm of gov-
ally, so th.it he may appreciate and
intelligently- discharge all his duties as
a citizen ; and would have him grow
as speedily as practicable to tine man
hood, moraiiy, mentally and politi
cally.
Another great want ot the South
is that the Noith Itarn to believe, and
act upon tiie belief, thai Goil reigns
directly over the South .is well as the
North. The North mus lie convinced
that the South is nut devoid of intel
ligent co-science and is not abandoned
by God. T: is want, which is the
reatest need of the South, I will dis
could not afford to wait till this
changed ot itself. The North was
prosperous, the South poor; the
North had free schools, the South
none. And the first thing for the
North to do wa» just what it did, 'go
into the Snuth without waiting for an
invitation am) carry its fi ee schools
and plant them there.
But this time hat passed. There is
not a Southern State now that has
not something of a free-subon] system.
There is no*, a State that would not
be glad of a better system. There i- .
not one which, as a Stale, is opposed
to the rudimentary education of tiie
negroes. To-day the thing for the
N<>, th to do is to work with and
through the South. The South may
lead if she will, ard we will follow.
The nation ought to make national
appropriations to be expended by the
Southern States. The Northern mis
sionary associations ought to secuib the
aid and fellowship of Southern work
ers in their missionary schools. If we
are not mistaken they are working iu
this direction. They have stopped
planting primary schools and art-
maintaining normal schools. That is,
they are helping the South to help
herself; and Mr. Cobb and all those
who with him arc prepared to hope
and labor and pray lor a now South,
may depend on it that the great body
ol the Northern people will be only
too glad to act on his principle and
work with the South for the negro,
just 03 fast as the South will give us
the chance. Offer us the partnership
and see if we do not accept it.
But. do not wonder that we do not
wait tor the offer. Thu North owes
a duty, and loyalty impels it. The
Nortli Irced the negro; freed him in
spite of the sworil and the bayonet ot
the South. The North gave him the
ballot; gave it him in spite of the
protests, not always gently phrased,
ami resistance, not always legally or
constitutionally carried out, from the
South. Whether it was right iu free
ing the negro, whether it was right in
giving him tbe ballot, we need not
here discuss. But having assumed
this responsibility, loyally to tbe
negro, loyalty to tiie South, loyalty to
the nation requires it to go on and
help to fit the negro^or fr. edntn and
the ballot. We had no right to take
him from the protection ot his mas
ter and deny him our own ; no right
to give him tbe ballot aud make no
effort to educate him to use it; no
right to thrust on the South a system
of free labor and tree voting which
equirc3 also free schools, and given
no aid in planting them ; no right to
sacrifice thousands of lives and mil
lions ot money' to destroy slavery and
do nothing to rebuild free institutions
where slavery’s ruins lie. The North
lias out its band to the plow and will
not look back ; but it will welcome
every such hand as that ot Mr..
Howell Cobb i tretched out to unite
^vith it in a work too large and too
important to be other than a work of
tbe whole nation, and of all in it who
love theif country and their fellow men.
cuss in my last qouiiuuuicalion on this j g,mixes white and black will be an un
subject.
Athens, Ga., Nov. 6th, 1880.
ministration represented the spot ot erument to protect the negro against
the republican party. 1 believe Mr. I the white enemy. Thu was what Mr.
llayes was sincere, and I trust he les Beecher termed 'he incisive policy—a
presented the contr< lliag sentiment of | policy which his heart and head alike
III.
(From the Christian Union, Jan. #.)
I propose to discu-s in this com
munication what I stated iu my last
to he the greatest waul of the South
in solving the problem tf the tuture
■if tlm negro That waul is that the
North lie convinced that G-;d reign-
directly ovei the South. The North
ern mind must be disabuse- 1 of the
impression that God is the Provi
dence of the North, and the North,
under God, the I’rovioence of the
South. It is sl-ange that the North
cannot see God in all this negro ques
tion. The South recognizes God’s
presence in all this trouble. God’s
ways are uot our ways—and the South
does not understand all his prove
donees in the negro’s presence here,
tout the faiili ot the S uith accepts ali
88 Of God. —
Ttie South firmly lielievej that God
overruled the coming of the negro
from Africa to America, his slavery
here
era clime
slavery _
reconstruction more wasting than
war; the slave suddenly fr ed and
then enfranchised. In all this the
South bows submissively to the/wili
ot an ovemdi ig God. The Christian
faith of the S >u h explains her res
signation, her patient endurance, her
cheerfui adaptation to changed cous
ditious, her hopeful spirit, her activity
amid desolation. The South through
exercise of this faith, has even borne
meekly the charge against her by the
North that all this patient resignation,
hopeful spirit and active industry only-
evidence the perverse cunning bl
willful baibarism. Candor compels
the confession that at times this last
infliction of Providence is very irk-
VV i-o pays the tax ? The white bears
nearly the whole burden. Has God
trusted the negro to barbarians?
Trust the negro, under God, to the
conscience and interest of the South,
tnd his future in the South is hopeful.
Inaugurate an incisive policy, political
or other, based upon the fal-e assuinp
tion that lie must be protected agaiusl
the white man of the South, and Ilia
future is li-peless.' The first will
guarantee free and full •levelopment
ot the qy'ro’s latent manhood. Xfe
second util eiid in the repression ot the
uegro or desolation ut the South.
I have purjhwly discu-scd this
question trom a uon-p ilitical stand-
poilt. It IS loo grave a milter to I -THE SOUTH, THE .NORTH, AND TflK
rest upon m. re business inrere-ts or ' NEGRO.”
political advantage. The true view of I (Editorial from the Southern Bannor.)
it is seen only trom the standpoint ol i Under this caption, the Christian
Christian charity—the duty ot man to j Union, of New York, has an editorial
man under Goo’s law, b il ling up n j in its issue of January 12lh, which we
all mankind. : transfer to our columns ibis morning.
If 1 am correct in inv conclusions, j Its spirit isopen, manlv and baternal.
any aid proffered the negro ot the j -4t one point, it is in error, viz: “when
South other tluiu though the channel the war closed there was not a single
of the good will and cosoperatiou ol the 1 Southern Stale that had even the ruin
■ South, rn white will he unwise and de- i or the seed of a true f.-ee school svs-
I trimental. And auv political legisla- J tem.” Bui let this pass. The great
tii. n for party ends whio'i 'gain ant a-1 questions that have been pending be-
1 tween Nortli aud South, have had little
i pardonable crime. j or nothing to do with tree schools,
i It may not bo out of place to say, j They have been far deeper and more
in conclusion, that there is one great j vital than education. Had there been
want of this whole Union—all sec-I a common school system in every
lion. U is this: we should in all | Southern Stale, it ia not likely that
things consider the good of the whole jibe e-sentiai principle ot northern in
Union. K ich citis- n ow.-s a mure di ! terference with the affairs ot the
reel doty to his iuiinedaie section. South, would have been other than it
“ Do tiie duly which lies nearest to i was.
you ” is a wise maxim. The aim and j The last paragraph of the editorial
wish paramount in every section, how j : s not quite in keeping with the main
ever, shuui.t be to promote the good ; body ot the Union’s article. Nodoitht,
ol the whole Union. It would be will j the North tell it sell under obligation
it we could forget there was any ; to help “fit the negro for freedom and
North, East, West or South, save to j tbe lmilot.” If a man get* his friend*
remember that in promoting the in— j into a new and difficult position, for
terests of either we advance the coins j which that friend has not the slightest
■non weltare of al'. ‘ preparation and for which moreover,
, j he has been utterly unfitted by all his
THE SOUTH, THE NORTH, and THE antecedents, it is certainly proper, on
NEGRO.
(Editorial trom the Christian Un'on )
The essential point in Mr. Howell-
Cobb’s Southern view ot the negro
question, as presented to the readers
of The Christian. Union in its last
three numbers, is, it we uudcrsrand
bitn aright, that the North should
work witn aud thiough the South iu
uiug to learn it. We can never
Christianize China’s tour Luodred
millions by sending missionaries to
convert them all. We must help
China to help her-elf. We must
educate Cniucse missionaries to preach
the Gospel to the Chinese. But there
are exceptions to ibis general princi
ple. When the war closed there was
not a single Southern' State that had
even the ruin or the seed of a true
free-school system. Iu most of them
teaching the laboring classes—that is,
the negroes—bad been a penal offense.
Tbete were many communities whioh
did not eveu know wbat a free school
was ; others which had been sedul
ously taught to hate it. The nation
the mere ground ot humanity, that he
should stand by his friend and see him
through ‘‘the untried hazards of the
State-’’ Anil so the North was in duty
bound to “ help” the negro. On ibis
point, Judge Cobb made no issue.
The issue presented by the Judge wag
as to tue true way, tiie wise way, the
statesmanlike way, and above all, the
Christian way of managing the “help”
given to tbe negro. This and this only
was ’he matter under discussion. The
policy adopted by tbe North to “help"
tbe negro has proved to be not a
“help’’ but an immense hindrance,
and furthermore, it has been a most
grievous wrong to the white race ot
the South. Nothing but the interpo
sition of Providence by means of nat
ural instincts and organic laws—in
stincts aud laws beyond the reach ot
unwise legislation—has kept the
scheme of “help” from being datal to
both races in the Southern Slates. Yet
this is in the past and let it all be for
gotten. A better day has dawned.
North and South can only bo wise and
true by beiug wise and true together ;
and in this spirit, we heartilyrecipro-
cate the kind temper of the Union,