Newspaper Page Text
For the support of a blacksmith’s estab
lishment stipulated in the sixth article ot the
same, one thousand dollars.
For the purposes of education, stipulated
in the same, one thousand dollars : Provi
ded, hoirenr, That no part of the appropri
ation for tiie Florida Indians shall lie paid
to any Indians who have been engaged in
hostilities against the United Slates, unless
in such change of circumstances he may in
duce the President of the United States to
direct the same to be paid.
TO THE PAWNEES.
For the limited annuity, stipulated in the
third article of the treaty with them of the
ninth of October, eighteen hundred and thir
ty-three, four thousand six hundred dollars.
For agricultural implements, stipulated
in the fourth article of the same two thou
sand dollars.
For the purposes of education, stipulated
in the fifth article of the same, one thousand
dollars.
For the support of two blacksmiths’ es
tablishments stipulated in the sitlt article of
the same, two thousand dollars.
For the support of foir fanners, stipula
ted in the seventh article of the same, two
thousand four hundred dollars.
TO THE CHEROKEES, WEST.
For the purpose of education, stipulated
in the fifth article of the treaty with them,
of the sixth <if May, eighteen hundred ami
twenty-eight, two thousand dollars.
For the support of four blacksmiths and
assistants, stipulated in the fourth article of
the V" cal y them, of the fourteenth of
February, eighteen hundred and thirty
three, two thousand eight hundred and eigh
ty dollars.
For the purchase of iron, steel, &c. eight
hundred and eighty dollars.
For the support of a wagon makerand a
whcelwhright, stipulated in the same, one
thousand two hundred dollars.
Forthe expenses of transportation and
distribution of annuities, salt, agricultural
implements, tobacco, tools, Jcc. and other in
cidental expenses, twenty nine thousand five
hundred dollars.
For carrying into effect certain stipula
tions in the treaties concluded with the Sen
ecas of Sandusky on the twenty-eighth
February, eighteen hundred and thirty-one
with the Senecas and Shawanees, on the
twentieth July, eighteen hundred and thirty
one, and with the Shawanees on the eighth ■
August, eighteen hundred and thirty-one,
sixteen hundred and ninety-five dollars and
sixty-two cents.
For expetisvs attending the execution of
the treaty with the Creeks, of the twenty
fourth of March, eighteen hundred and thir
ty-two, in relation to locating reservations I
and certffving contracts, seven thousand del- '
lars.
For expenses attending the execution of,
the treaty with the Choctaws, of September, ■
eighteen hundred and thirty, in relation
to locating reservations, live thousand dol
lars.
For the purposeof carrying into effect the :
treaty made with the Caddo Indians on the
first day of July, eighteen hundred and thir-;
ty-five, forty thousand dollars.
To defray the expenses of removing the |
Winnebago Indians who reside south of the j
Wisconsin to the “ neutral ground,” or such
other place as may be assigned bv treaty, I
and for their subsistence for five months, for
ty thousand dollars.— Provided always, that.
no part of said sum of money shall be used (
unless the said Indians will agree to remove,
and actually do remove to a country to be !
assigned to them on the southwest side of the ;
river Missouri.
To defray the expense of holding trea
ties with the Indians in the vicinity of Green j
Bay, Indians within the Slate of New Y ork,
the Winnebagoes north and south of the j
Wisconsin ; and with the Sacs and Foxes
north of Missouri, twenty-two thousand dol
lars.
For holding a treaty with the Chippaw as
of Saginaw, five thousand two hundred
dollars : Provided, That the compen
sation to the commissioners for holding said
treaties, shall be a per diein allowance on
b-
lor one hundred and seventy-five rifles
for the Potlawatatnies, two thousand four
hundred dollars.
For the expenses of the Ross delegation
of twenty Cherokees, thirteen thousand dol
lars, to be paid to John Martin.
To defray the expenses of Richard Field,
a Cherokee Indian, who attended at the
Seat of Government, at the request of an
agent of the Government, in the winter ofi
eighteen hundred thirty four—thirty five,
four hundred and fifty dollars.
For expenses of three delegates from the i
Seneca nation of Indians who have atten-1
<led at Washington during the present win- i
ter, six hundred dollars.
For the removal of twenty-one thousand
Creek Indians and their subsistence for one
year, including subsistence of those recent- ,
ly removed, in addition to the balance of
one hundred and fifty-five thnusad dollars, i
of former appropriations, one million and]
twenty-three thousand five hundred and fif
ty dollars. Provided always,’That shall
not be lawful to make any contract with a
ny person or persons for the removal of said
Indians, or any part of them, at the expense
of any individual or individuals, except
inch contract is made in pursuance of •rea
sonable notice, publicly given ami with
such person or persons as shall have of- |
sered the most favorable terms to the Gov-I
ernment.
Forthe removal of Seminole Indians and ;
their subsistence for one year, in addition lo a
balance of thirty-three thousand dollars for for
mer appropriations, one hundred thousand dol
lars. t
For holding treaties with the Indian tribes for
the purpoo*of extinguishing the Indian title to
the territory between the State of Missouri and
the .Missouri river, two thousand dollars.
I o dclray the expenses of a delegation of the
Pott.iwataniie Indians, on a visit to Washing
ton City, two thousand six hundred and thirty
dollars.
Sec. 2. And he it further entitled, That the
Secretary of War he, and he is hereby authori
zed to cause the accounts of tlie commissioners,
appointed under the act of Congress of third
March, eighteen hundred and twenty-five, to be
closed oy transferring from the appropriation
therein made for defraying the expenses of
tieating with the Indians, to the appropriation
for “ making the road from the western fron
tier of Missouri to the confines of New Mexico,”
stick amount, as may be necessary for this pur
pO«e.
See. 3. And he if further enacted, That the
Secretary of War be, and nc s nere. t authori-
: Zed to allow and pay to David Bleurly, out of u
| ny money in the I teasiiry, not otherwise appro-
I P'iated, the amount charged to his account and
[ accounted for by him on a draft drawn by him
|on the War Department, on the twenty-sixth
j January, eighteen hundred and twenty-nine, for
I the sum of two thousand three hundred twenty-
I seven dollars and twelve cents, tor provisions
| purchased for and applied to the use of certain
'emigrating Creek Indians.
I Sec. 4. And be // further enacted} That
i the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby
| authorized and directed to invest, in a man*
liter which shall be, in his judgement, most
' sate anti beneficial for the fund, the sum of
■ thirty three thousand nine hundred and
• twelve dollars and forty t ents, being money
in the Treasury as the proceeds of’ lamis!
! purchased from the Seneca Indians ofl
. Sandusky by a treaty concluded on the
j twenty-eight ot Febuary, eighteen hundred
| an thirty-one, from the Senecas anil Shaw
anes by a treaty concluded on the twentieth
jof July, eighteen hundred and thirty-one.
I and from the Sliawanese, by a treaty con
'eluded on the eight of August, eighteel
hundred and thirih-one, and upon whicl I
sum the United Slates are, by stipulation: I
in t! e said treaties, bound to pay to the sail
Indians ami annual interest at the rate oj
five per centum : Provided, That the suit,
I Secretary shall make no investment of th? 1
i sum, or any portion of it, at a lower rate i
jor interest, than live per centum per an
j num.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That
|it shall be competent for the President, to
i assign to the Indian Agent at Miclnlimack-
I iliac, in addition to his proper duties the
! duties of Superintendent of Indian affairs
; for ail that district of country heretofore
constituting the Territory of Michigan
and lying east of the line established as
| the eastern boundary of the Territory
of W isconsin, by the act of congress of
the twentieth of April eighteen hundred and
I thirty-six: Provided, however, That no
j additional compensation cremohm ent shall
i be granted on account (if the said duties ;
jam! the President may require the said a
, gent to reside at such place as he may
| think lit, within the said district.
JAMES K. POLK,
I Speaker of the House of Representatives
M. VAN BUREN,
I ice President of United States, and.
President of the Senate.
Approved, June 14, 1836.
ANDREW JACKSON,
I certify that this act originated in the House
of Representatives.
W r . S. FRANKLIN, Clerk.
[Resoj.i rto.v, No. 10.]
A RESOLUTION to apply the unexpended
balance of the appropriation for the Potomac I
bridge to tiie nnpiovement of Maryland'
avenue, leading theroto, and for other purpo
ses.
Resolved, by the Senate an d House of Reprc
rcsentatioes oj the United States of America in
Congress assembled, That the balance of tiie
appr. pnatio.i lor the construction of the bridge
across the Potomac at the city of Washington,
remaining unexpended, after" the said bridge
shall have been repaired, in obedience to the
directions contained in the joint resolution pas
sed for that purpose at the present session of
Congress be, and the same hereby is, appropri
ated, to bo applied, under the direction of the
Commissioner ot the Public buildings, towards
tiie graduation gravelling and planting of the
Maryland Avenue, in said city, from its eastern
extremity to the said bridge in equal proportions
on the east and west ol the Capitol according to
distance.
Sec. 2. And be it farther resolved, That it
shall be the ijiity of the Commissioner of Pub
lic Buildings to attend to draws, cause the bridge :
to be properly lighted, to guard against wanton i
injuries and obstructions, and to preserve a due I
police on and near it, so as to ensure the safetv I
ot passengers and of the public property ; thatj
said Commissioner shall receive tor bis services I
the yearly compensation of three hundred dol- •
lars, and be authorized to employ three assis-I
tants, at a compensation not exceeding one dol- j
lar fifty cents a day.
Approved, Ist July 1836.
From the Constitutionalists.
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
W e can offer nothing new upon the subject
of the next presidential election ; this subject
has been canvassed by all parties in its various
bearings, and presented to the people in all the
forms and shapes of which it was susceptible.
Our remarks can, therefore, have no originality ;
however we have ventured to write them in the
hope that they will lead to a more sober and
dispassionate examination of the subject and
consequently, to conclusions more in accor
dance with propositions established. All we
ask from our readers, is to the exercise their
judgement on our remarks, with candor
and without prejudice.
1 Why arc the vvhigs and Nullifiers so bitter
ly opposed to the election of Mr. Van Buren ?
We must acknowledge that many of them op
pose this gentleman on the same principles that
they have opposed the administration of Gen
eral Jackson ; but it is undeniable that a ma-
I jority of the opposition, are actuated by other
motives. If Mr. Van Buren succeeds inbisc
lection the other candidates can never pretend
to the high office of President of the United
States; they are either too old, or some
other political combinations may be
formed which will bring on the political
arnea some of the other characters.—
Mr. Webster Gen. Harrison, and Mr. White,
will have to retire from any contest heieafter
for the Presidency. Air. C'layand Mr. Calhoun
| have already retired. If no other political com-
I binations he formed before the expriation of Air.
Van Buren’s tetra of service, the same party
I which will have elevated him to the presidency
: will have the power to elect his successor.—
■ Thus any distinguished member of the opposi
tion will be deprived oftlie chance of attaining
; the highest office within the people. It then
I appears to us that the bitterness and the zeal
| with which Mr. Van Buren is opposed,
iis more owing to the ambition of men,
• than to principles ; is more to be attri-
I Irnted to the dishearntening perspective
i thcothcrcandidatesand their friends have before
them than to any real danger that may be ap-
I prehended of the administration of tiie govern
i ment by Mr. Van Buren and his friends. IfMr.
Van Buren is elected, the political prospects of
the other candidates and of their friends m-e,
blasted forever: hence the opposition which lias
sprung up against the republican candidate for
the, presidency.
2. Why do we see union men in Georgia
oppose the election of Mr. Van Buren? Is it
on account of principles? It cannot be. The
union men have supported so far the princi
ples of the administration of General Jackson.
Can such union men be consistent with them
themselves, in opposing a man who is pledged '
to follow the principles of the present adminis- j
tration, an 1 in supporting a man who has deser
t ted the tame principles, and wdio is now an a
| vowed enemy of the most important measures
of the present administration ? Mr. Van Buren
has been all his life a republican of the Jeffer
son school; but whetlu r he lias been a tariff
man, or an internal improvement man, is not
the question now. Will Mr. Van Buren follow
in the administration of the government, the
principles adopted by President Jackson? No
doubt he will. His interest his reputation, and
his fame, w ill lead him to a strict adheience to
the pi inciples of the present administration.—
The case with the other candidates is otherwise.
If any one of them is elected he will be bound
to follow other principles, anil to adopt another
policy in the administration of the government.
This is undeniable. If' the union men are sup
porters of the principles and policy of the pre
sent administration, how can they, with consis
tency, oppose Mr. Vat: Buren and support Mr
White ?
3. The great republican party of the United
States, of which the union party of Georgia
constitutes a part, arr opposed to the great mea
sures which the opposition advocate. The re
publican party were, and are still, opposed to
the Bank of the United States, and bank mo
nopolies ; they are opposed to a protective ta
riff, and to a system of internal improvements by
the federal government. Mr. Van Buren is
well known to go w ith this party in opposition
to such measures ; and it is equally known,
that the other candidates are friends of those
measures. If union men in Georgia are also op
posed to the same measures, how can they
consistently with principles, oppose Air. Van
Buren, and support one of the opposition candi
dates.
4. Air. Van Buren is a Northern man. So
much the better for the South in the present
condition of the country. His inflhience will
be greater, in the adoption of measures which
can be equally beneficial to all sections of the
country,and in the rejection of measures which
might have a tendency to produce discontent
and disturb the harmony of the Union.—Air.
Van Buren is with the South in regard to the
question of slavery in some of the Stales and
in the District of Columbia ; he is with us in
regard to a tariff for protection; and ho is
with us in regard to the rights and powers retain
ed by the States when they confederated. What
can weask more? Mr. Van Buren was with
Georgia in the contest with the federal govern
ment about the territory then occupied by’ the
Creeks, and has been with us in our endeavors
to obtain the free enjoyment of our land in the
occupancy of the Cherokees. Can we ask more
from him ? Could we be so unjust as to expect
that, if elected President, ho would act and use
his influence exclusively for the South ? Cer
tainly not. Then wc have nothing to fear of
the measures of his administration ; he will be
as attentive to the interest of the South, as he
will be bound to be to the interests of the North
and West. All we can ask, is an unequal par
ticipation of all the benefits of the federal com
pact, an impartial administration of the govern
ment, a literal construction of the federal con
stitution, and the rejection of ali proposed mea
sures, which may have a tendency to injure the
South, or to disturb the peace and safety of its
citizens. And cannot we rely on the pledges'
given by Mr. Van Buren, that he will so act,in
the administration of the government, as to de
serve the approbation of every member of the
party which will have placed him in the Presi
dential chair.
It seems to its, that too great an apathy
exists with regard to our approaching elec
tions. The minds of the people have b< t n
so steadily engaged about our Indian affairs,
that for a time past, scarcely a dish of poli
ties has been served up, and some have al
most forgotten, that a crisis is near at band, !
pregnant with consequences, involving their j
dearest interests. While making this re- :
mark, we especially allude to the Union •
Party. As for our enemies, they are ever ;
on the alert; and we conscientiously believe |
they have no superiors in vigilance, no e- !
qnals in adroitness and management. Con !
scions of numerical weakness, they essay to j
supply the deficiency by intrigue and man- >
agement; and often, while we hear notai
whisper concerning their movements, deep |
rooted plans are laid, and never tiring a- i
gents employed in their perfecting. Wbv i
stand we, comparatively idle, while our ene
mies aie at the very door of temple? Let
us arouse from our lethargy, bestir ourselves
like men, and the day will again be ours.
We have the same Congressional Ticket
(Union) presented, which was our choice
and pleasure to elect before. It is compos
ed of well tried men, good and true ; men
opposed to the speckled, amalgamation par
ty,sailing under the colors of Whiteism,
Harrisonism, Whigism, Nullification, &c.
—Men who do not believe that the
thread bare garment of a mis-called South
ern Candidate, can have any other efl’ect,
than for a time to conceal the character and
designs of quondam enemies, but now po
litical friends. Our election of members
to the Legislature and C'ongress, will be
viewed as furnishing some index lo the ap
proaching one in November, for Electors
of President and Vice President. It then
becomes every man to be at the polls in Oc
tober, and forthe Union men to show, that
despite of the vaunting of their enemies,
they have the ascendancy, and mean to
maintain it. Southern Spy.
THE SURPLUS REVENUE—CENTRAL
BANK.
1 he disposition which has been made of the
surplus revenue by the passage of the deposite
bill, throws upon the different States of the U
nion a heavy responsibility, and will call forth
the.energies of their wisest statesmen and ablest
politicians. It presents a question of deep and
absorbing interest to our people. We suddenly
find our State governments about to become the
holdersol large sums of money, and the inquiry
is at once made—what is to be done with it !
How shall it be disposed of, so as to be of most I
advantage to our citizens, and yet in such a situ
ation as to be available when called for? To ac
complish these objects wisely and satisfactorily,
it is important that the subject should be discus
sed and reflected upon—that all the views which
may be taken of it, should he presented to the
public —-that it should be canvassed freely—so
that as far at least as Georgia is concerned, her
Legislature may know the wishes of their con
stituents, and when called upon to act, take such
measures as are called for by an enlightened
public opinion.
It seems to be generally supposed that about
thirty millions ol dollars will he distributed on
the first ot January next; if that should bo the
amount, Georgia will be entitled to $1,176,000,
and it will devolve upon the next Legislature to
decide upon the manner of its disposition. Ma
ny plans will he suggested anil strenuously urg
ed by their several friends—indeed, vve predict
that it will be found to be the most fruitful sub
ject of debate, and the most difficult to dispose
01, that has been agitated in that body for many
years. I'o lessen, and if possible to prevent
this evil, it will be necessary, as we have said
above, to exchange views on the subject before
hand, that the people may be well informed,
and able to make known their wisltcs clearly
and distinctly.
TI!E ST INII ARD OFU N I ON.
Some among the most enlightencdof our cit
izens wish to see this money applied to purpo
ses ol internal improvement—they see anil feel
that Georgia has been lamentably backward in
the encouragement of works of that character,
and think that now is the most favorable time to
make amends for our want of energy hereto-
I foie. Others wish to see it ileposited in the
( entral Bank to be loaned out at the low rate
ol six per cent, interest, profits to be appro
pruited to internal improvement. In this way
the wants ol many persons who are now com
pelletl to pay a high rate of interest will be re
lieved, and at the same time something will be
done forthe benefit of the State.
Our own opinions on the subject are, that
works of internal improvement succeed best
when carried on by individual enterprise, but
we at the same time believe that this enterprise
should be encouraged and promoted by Legis
lative enactments. Georgia would its we think
consult her true interest, by offering to those
engagedin these works, the use of the money
which she will receive from the General Gov
ernment at a very low rate of interest—say 2
or 3 per cent. ; those who take it to give bond
with sufficient securety, that it shall be refunded
whenever demanded by the United States. The
interest accruing might if not needed for the
support of Government bo advantageously ad
ded to the Academy ami Free School fund, ami
thus effect the double purpose of promoting in
ternal improvement, and diffusing more gener
ally the means of education. Whatever portion
of the surplus revenue Georgia receives, ought
to be considered as so much deposited, for the
prompt p iyment of which when called on her
faith is pledged ; and hence she should so dispose
of it, as to be able to refund when necessary
without taxing the people. Aliich as we ob
ject to tie Banking system, therefore, wc would
even prefer to see it in the Central Bank, to
having it all expended in works belonging to the
State. If loaned to responsible individuals, for
the same purposes, and equal if not greater a
mount cl would be obtained, and their
management and foresight would enable them
to meet die demands when made without great
loss or inconvenience.
Ihe objection urged against depositing the
surplus revenue in the Central Bank, th it it will
increase its power and enable it to exercise is
dangerous and controlling influence, is one en
titled to our serious consideration. True, it
| may make it a formidable engine in the hands
of ambitious and unprincipled men; but all
wealthy corporations have a similar tendency.
1 hev aic evils to which we only ought to submit
from the necessities of the case." We should on
ly suffer them to exist when a greater good is to
be accomplished by it. Whether the danger to
be apprehended from the Central Bank is
greater t ian the actual good it dispenses, wc
shall not attempt to decide ; but if we were to
judge of its future by its past cbarcter, we should
entertain no fears of it. We do not believe a
nother institution of the kind can be pointed out
any where, whose business has been transacted
I with more prudence correctness and impartiality
| than that of tiie Central Bank, and we have
I witnessed with mortification arid regret the ef
forts whieh are now m iking to poison the pub
lic mind in relation to it.
If those who make the complaints have cause
for them; let them obtain the evidences of cor
ruption anti present their case to the next Le
gislature.—ls they can show nothing more than
a reasnnable ground of suspicion, let them do
that, and ask for a Committee of the Legisla
ture to examino into the matter. The truth can
easily be reached in this way. But we do pro
test against any and every attempt to injure the
managers of that institution, or to destroy the
confidence of the people in it, tvhen we are pre
sented with nothing but mere assertion to sus
tain the effort. It is unkind between members
of the same political family, it is ungenerous
and unjust, if some great and pressing evil
existed, demanding immediate attention and re
dress, then tiiere would be cause for prompt and
public exposure ; but nothing of this kind is
shown. We only hear the general charge made
that the managers of the Bank are acquiring
political power which may be dangerous to the
people, but wc have no proof of the fact, or
that any improper efforts have been made to ac
quire such a power. Let those who would cre
ate an excitement show some better reason for
it than that certain office seekers have been dis
appointed in their expectations from that insti
tution, and there will then be more excuse for
their efforts. South. Panner.
From the Columbus Sentinel.
MESSRS. CUTHBERT AND FORT.
Messrs, editors: In reflecting upon
the unfortunate controversy ” which for some
time has been carried on in Milledgeville,
between two distinguished individuals and
their friends, (all members of the Union
parly,) I have thought it not improper that
the feelings of their friends here should be
expressed in relation to the difficulty ; and
that if those gentlemen have any regard for
our views and the interest ol the Union par
ty, they will at least give the following re
marks a passing consideration.
What is the origin of this difficulty? Is
it t.f a private or party character? If the
former, what have the Jriends and acquaint
ances of those two gentlemen to do with it
in a party point of view. Every one should
allow them to settle their own private differ
ences according to their individual notions
of right and wrong, and friends should not
interfere, and threaten serious and unhappy
consequences to the party to which those
gentlemen belong. If any injury has been
done by one to the other, the injured party
lias his redress as a citizen and as a gentle
man; but let him not carry his cause before
the party, and there make the downfall and
ruin of his adversary the test of the justice
of his quarrel, and, moreover, hazard the
very party itself. Who is it that will not de
fend himself when attacked, and particular
ly, if lie be a public man, and the attack is
made, as he believes, to deprive him of of
fice, or of political character and influence?
I make this remark not to reflect upon the
course of either party, but to show that de
fence, tinder the circumstances 1 have sup
posed, is right, is reasonable, and to be ex
pected.
If this is a political controversy, commen
ced on account of political eiror in either
party in the administration of the duties of
office, then I hold it to be sound policy that
one member oftlie party and his friends have
not the right to sit in exclusive judgment
upon the case, anti make their decision the
governing rule of the whole party. No—
our principles teach us that the majority
shall rule, and that if that majority deter-1
mine upon certain measures, or justify cer- ,
tain men, those differing in opinion should i
yield their own predilections to the popular'
or party will. If, then, one of the parlies
lias erred, for Heaven’s sake let him be tried
*Aintcus is mistaken when he calls it a con
troversy between Doctor Fort and Air. Cuth
bert. Duct. Fori lias never, as far as wc know,
or believe, written or published a syllable, nor
has he induced or procured others to do so.
[Standard. '
■ and defended before the party, and not be
fore a few only of that party.
I have thought it proper to express this
much in relation to the difficulty, without
entering into the merits of it—without ex
pressing which is right or which is wrong.
All that is sought or desired by this commu
nication is, that the matter for the present
should be suspended ; that the evil conse
quences likely to grow out of it to the par
ty should be at once arrested and put down.
Already have our party opponents began to
rejoice at this wide and destructive breach
in our ranks, and look to it as the certain
and destructive cause of the defeat of our
party in several counties, and perhaps in
the Stale. What a great appeal, then, is
this to the patriotism, magnanimity, and
party devotion of those gentlemen, to know
they have the interests, perhaps the welfare
and prosperity, in their own hands; and
that upon their prudence and discretion in
this matter hang, in many counties, the suc
cess of the party they both have supported
with such distinguished and unwavering
zeal and fidelity. Gentlemen, I know you
will forbear; I know you will not, can
not forget the struggle you have past, and
the achievements your party have attained.
Forget, bury all in the interest and devo
tion to party and your country, and you
both will show yourselves worthy of the
confidence of your party, and more than ev
er display those honorable traits of charac
ter which, in your past lives, have charac
terized your conduct. He of you who is
reckless and will not forbear, will not offer
so reasonable a sacrifice on the altar of his
country and party’s unity and harmony,
will be, as he deserves to be, treated as an
unworthy member of our party.
Your friends here will hope for the best;
and to none will the covenant of peace af
ford more gratification than to the Union
men of Muscogee.
AMICUS.
POLITICAL CATECHISM.
Who said wheat would sell at fifty cents
and tobacco at three dollars, and negroes
for little or nothing.’' The Whigs.
Who said the country could wot exist,
without a National Bank? The Whigs.
Who said there must be war with France
by the fault of the Administration ? The
Whigs.
Who said France had acted with justice
and honor, and their own country disgrace
fully? The Whigs.
Who said it was satisfactory? All Amer-
■ ican patriots, the natural people of Eng
land and the French themselves.
Who now say it contained a humble a
pology ? The Whigs.
Who denounced the Proclamation, Force
Bill, Protest, and Removal of the Depos
i ites, as arbitrary, unconstitutional, tyranical
1 and ruinous? The Whigs.
Who sustained all these measures zeal
ously? Judge White.
: Who supports Judge White? The Whigs.
1 Whom did Virginia sustain as Vice Pres
ident in 1832, against Judge Barbour?—
' Martin Van Buren.
What offence has been committed since?
He is only accused of being favorable to
those measures which Judge White actually
; sustains, and which the people have ap
proved.
Who was the most able, zealous, and ac
tive supporter of Mr. Madison’s war meas
ures in the State of New York? Martin
Van Buren.
Why did Martin Van Buren sustain Clin
ton against Madison’s first term ? Because
the republican caucus in the Legislature,
of which Mr. Van Buren was not a member,
made out a ticket for their own citizen in
stead of ours, and to have divided the re
publican vote, would have thrown the State
of New York into the hands of Federalists,
and lost us the State of New York during
the war, and in aid of Air. Madison.
For what have the northern Whigs al
ways denounced Van Buren? For his Jef
fersonian Republican principles.
For what do the Southern Whigs de
nounce him as a Federalist?
Who sustained Jefferson against the el
der Adams, Crawford against the younger
Adams, and Jackson against the same, and
Henry Clay? Van Buren.
In what party ranks are now those men
who sustains the Adamses and Clay? The
Whig ranks.
What party accuses Van Buren of being
against the war? The Whigs.
Who raised qualifications of free negro
voters in New York from nothing to two
hundred and fifty dollars property?—Van
Buren
I What has been the practical efl’ect of this ?
To exclude them nearly entirely from the
polls, only the most respectable and indus
trious being able to vote.
In what State do free negroes vote with
out any property? In Judge White’s Slate,
Tennessee.
What is the difference in the condition of
these States? New York is a free state and
lias Pennsylvania, another free state, inter
vening between her and any other slave
state, but Tennesse is a slave state, in the
midst of other slave states.
In what other slave state did free negroes
vote? In North Carolina.
In which oftlie other non slave-holding
states has a free negro the very same right
to vote as a white man —and without the
restriction imposed in New York ? In ALL,
with the exception of Connecticut. So says
Judge Kent, in his speech in the New York
Convention.
Whose talent, influence and exertion con
tributed most, and against his personal in
terests, to bring New York from being- a ta
riff to be an a mi-tariff state ? Martin
Van Buren’s.— Rich. Hnq.
JOHN C. CALHOUN.
This gentleman paid us a visit during the
commencement, and was received by his ad
herents and faithful followers as became
the liege subjects of so potent a pontiff as
the high priest of nullification. We had the
pleasure of witnessing the grand entree of
His Grace upon the stage of the College
Chapel. Just after the first speaker had
closed his address on Tuesday, and as the
President was about to call upon the next,
the loud clattering of some half a dozen feet
attracted our attention, and on looking to
wards the stage we saw one of Waddy
Thompson’s “commanding figures slowly
mounting the steps. The clattering ceased
for a moment—-was then renewed in anoth
er quarter by a few additional feet—His
Grace bowed, not low, but most benignly,
and smiled upon the applauding few —this
gave a new impulse, and as he took his seat
a few more from the gallery joined in—but
the effort at applause was no go—it failed for
the best of reasons—his admirers among
that intelligent auditory were too “few and
far between.” We did feel for the gentle
man, but when we reflected upon his uni
form opposition to Georgia, and particular
ly upon his recent attempt to continue the
Indians upon our soil in defiance of the ob
ligations of the General Government to re
move them, we could not but wonder that
there should be even one so lost to all res
pect for bis own rights and character as to
do him reverence.— Southern Banner.
cf ggtthu.
“The friends of the Union are our friends, and its
enemies, our enemies."
_TL’IJESOAY AIORXiINC;, iwsnst 16.
Union, Democratic Republican
Ticket.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
RICHARD M. JOHNSON.
extract from
MARTIN VAN BUREN’S LETTER
Accepting the nomination of the Conven
tion, and to the N. Carolina Commit
tee.
“ I content myself on this occasion with
saying, that! consider myself the honored
instrument selected by the friendsof the Ad
ministration to carry out its principles and
policy, and. as well from inclination as from
duty, 1 shall, if honored with the choice of
the American People, endeavour to tread
generally in the footsteps of President Jack
son, —happy if I shall be able to per
fect the work which he has so gloriously be
gun."
Jackson men in these days of mis
representation, look well to the above ex
i tract, and then to the following from his
letter to the North Carolina Committee, on
the subject of Abolition.
“ I prefer that not only you, but all the
people of the Uhited States, shall now un
derstand, that if the desire of that portion
of them which is favorable to my elevation to
the Chief Magistracy be gratified, I must
go into the Presidential Chair the inflexible
and unebmpromising opponent of any at
tempt to ABOLISH SLAVERY in the
District of Columbia against the wishes of
the slave-holding States.
“For the Engrossment of the Bill, 18 votes—A
gainstit, 18. The Chair voting in the AFFIR
MATIVE, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed and
read a third time.”
Martin Van Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the cir
culation of incendiary publications through themails.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin.
WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham.
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison.
THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin.
REUBEN JORDAN, of Jones.
WILSON LUMPKIN, of Walton.
WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson.
THOMAS SPALDING, of Mclntosh.
JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee.
WM. B. WOFFOR D, of Habersham.
THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes.
Union Congressional Ticket.
JOHN COFFEE, of Telfair.
JESSE F. CLEVELAND, of DeKalb.
THOMAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond.
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock.
HOPKINS IL HOLSEY, ofHarris.
JABEZ JACKSON, of Clark.
GEORGE W. OWENS, of Habersham.
GEORGE W. B. TOWNS, of Talbot.
It has been well said, that “we are not to be
heard for our much speaking.”
We are glad it is so, for we have neither time
nor inclination to say much at present. The la
bours ol a hard weeks work, superadded to the
debilitating influences of the summer solstice,
are enough to make us stagger, although we are
made ot pretty tough materials. But neverthe
less, we summon our energies, and sans sun
shine and labor, here we go, in the good old
cause of Union and Liberty.
The Election is approaching—the day is at
hand, when the people, holding the government
in their own hands, are to decide among those
who seek high places—when they are again to
determine their preference of men and meas
ures, and render their verdict in favor of Union
or Nullification.
Os the result, we entertain no doubt, but ev
ery man should do his duty. Every man should
vote, and no man should, by his negligence, or
supineness, dispense with his highest privilege
as a citizen, but all should come to. the polls, in
one solid, unbroken phalanx.
The Nullifiers, despairing of success, in an
open contest upon, their principles, are operating
at present, upon another tack- They are en
couraging dissentions among Union men upon
the Presidential election, as well as upon every
other plan which they consider available, with
a view to divide and conquer us. Will Union ,
men allow themselves to be made instruments i
in the hands of their enemies to destroy them
selves ? No! They will rally to the banner of
the Union, and fearlessly and zealously main
tain those principles, which they have so nobly
rescued in past times. <
To our Union friends, we preach peace and j
good will. Be not divided among yourselves—r 1
When difficulties arise among you for personal i
preference, submit the question to your mutual i
friends, and suffer not your passjons to operate, t
We exhort Union men every where to harmo- t
ny. Let their acts be in accoj-dance with their (
natny, and all will £0 well. i
, PARTIES.
s There never has been a time, when the lines
I of political parties should be more distinctly
t drawn than the present.
Union men should separate themselves from
’ opposing influences, and with mutual forbear
' ance and concession, upon points of minor im
portance, stand up as one man, in support of
those great principles which have so long pre
, served our glorious institutions solid and entire,
. and which have conducted “our great and
• growing republic” to its present state ol ttnex-
I ampled prosperity and renown.
How is this great object to be secured? By a
' steady and zealous support of those measures
which have been so successfully carried out by
' the General and the State Governments. We
must either support both or abandon both. 11
we continue as we have done, to sustain both ad
ministrations, we shall finally triumph, and the
fundamental principles of our creed will become
the permanent faith ol our country.
During the struggle of the last four years, we
have, to the best of our poor abilities, supported
the administration of the General Government,
and that oftlie State of Georgia. We shall con
tinue to do so, with all our zeal and perseve
rance, from a well founded conviction, that the
leading measures of both, are based upon the
Constitution.
Let it be remembered, that “The friends of
the Union are our friends, and its enemies are
our enemies” —that the adversary is abroad,
and that nothing but concert and vigilance can
defeat his machinations.
A great contest is at hand. The approach
ing election is big with consequences, and upon
the shoulders of the Union Party, rests an awful
responsibility.
Union men to your posts, and let your cry be,
VIGILANCE AND VICTORY'.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
“Justice” has been received and shall ap
pear in our next, as well as “ Henry”—both up
on the subject of the Central Bank.
WHITE AND HARRISON.
j It is now distinctly avowed by the nullifiers,
that they will take Harrison in preference to Van
Buren if they cannot get White. Harrison is an
open, undisguised abolitionist, and is in favor of’
taxing the people to raise a fund to purchase their
own slaves and set them free.
White stands no chance to be elected, and as
his interest is pledged to Harrison in the last re
sort, every man who votes for White, will find in
the end, that he has done so for Harrison’s benefits
The Whigs of Virginia, as they call themselves,
have already declared their preference for Harri
son, but to secure the joint stock interest, are
running a ticket in conjunction, to be given in
the end t > him w hose prospects they consider the
best. Suppose then that noelectiou takes place
by the people, and the three highest candidates
go into the House of Representatives, altho'
White will be one of the three, his whole interest
will settle upon Harrison, for added to his own
strength will be that of Webster’s who can in no
event get into the House, and should Harrison be
elected, he must owe his success to the aid of
men who abhor his principles.
Will Union men put their votes upon such a
hazard I Will they, by voting for the name of
White, cast their weight into the scale of Harri
son ? and make themselves the instruments of
electing a President whose principles are so utter
ly hostile to their best interests ?
This is a question of serious consideration forth»
Union men of Georgia; and however some of
them may object to Mr. Van Buren, we are sure,
they will never place their votes and their influ
ence in the hands of a party, who will use them
ultimately for the elevation of an abolitionist.
The following letter from a gentleman of
high standing in Talbotton, assures us that there
is malpractice, or the most culpable negligence
some where. Similar complaints are pouring in
from various quarters.
We assure the writer of this letter, as well as
our patrons every where, that the Standard of
Union is regularly made up and placed in the
Post Office here, in proper time for all the
mails.
We beg leave to call the attention of the Post
Master General to this grievance. Reforma
tion is demanded, and with proper vigilance, de
linquents may be detected and punished.
We shall be wide awake—and if those who
are so grossly abusing the public
to our injury, do not look sharp, we shall catch,
them napping.
Talbotton, Ga. Aug. 12, 1836!
Ta the publisher of the “ Standard of Union."'
Dear Sir, —I am feaiful unless you can fall,
on some plan toget the Standard of Uuiouto this.
Office more regularly, that you will loose most
of your subscribers, there are great complaints
about it, and m fact there is good cause for such:
complaints, your paper never or seldom arrives
here at the proper time, and not unfrequently unr
til the next week, your last week’s papers hav£
never as yet arrived at this office—whpre they,
are gone, or what has become of them we are un
able to divine.
I am particularly anxious for the Standard t»
gain ground here; in fact it is highly appreciated :
and no complaints, except its irregularity incom
ing to the office, and frequent non-appearance al
together. On this ground yell willjcertainly loose
subscribers unless an alteration.
Below will be found the certificates of two so
ber industrious young men, who are engaged in
the office, which must satisfy our patrons, that
no blame can rightfully attach to us, for the irrei
gularity with which our papers are received at
several Post offices,
Milledgeville. 15th August 1836.
W c the undersigned, Journeymen in the office
of the Standard of Union, do certify, that thp
papers are regularly printed, and directed ; that
they are well wrapt in packages, securely tied
up, and properly directed ; and that they are u r
nifornily deposited in the Post office in this place,
in proper time for the respective mails,
lIILM AN B. HUTCHINS.
GEORGE M. RINGLAND,
The proceedings, toasts, &.c. of the dinner
given to the Baldwin Hussars, by the citizens of
Milledgeville, have been handed to us for pub
lication, but too kite for them to be gotten into
the paper of this week, the business of prepa
ring them for the press, was put in charge of a
gentleman, whose constant professional en
gagements rendered it impossible for him
to have them reaty earlier. 'j’Jtpy shal| qppear
in our next.