Newspaper Page Text
_ HI STORIGAL. _
' meT oi r s of napol eb n •
[Translated far the Stan dura of Uniflti;.]
CHAPTER 111.
PLAN OF THE CAMPAIGN.
l«f. Ciin the French army commence hoslilitict on the first of
April ?—2d. Three Plans of Campaign proposed: The
first plan, to remain entirely on the defensive, and draw the
enemies' armies under Faris and Lyons.—3d. Plan the
second; to act upon the offensive, ami invade Belgium on
the loth of June.—Uh. Plan the third ; to commence hos
tilities on the \slh day of June, aisl in case of disaster, to
retire and draw the enemy under the walls of Paris and
Lyons. This last plan of operations adopted by the Em
peror.
The game night of his arrival at Paris, the Emperor ordered
tetcral Excelmans to pursue the military establishment of the
King, with 3000 cavalry ; and to capture, destroy, or promptly to
force it beyond the .frontiers of France. But this establishment of
the King, composed of heterogenous materials, dissolvid ol itself.
Os its ruins, one part was surrounded mid disarmed, at the tbrticss
Bethune. The other part succeeded in taking shelter in the new
church, where it was disbanded by order of the Count D’Artois.
General Excelmans took possession of all the horses, magazines,
and baggage belonging to this corps. Its officers and privates, hunt
ed on all sides by the peasants, threw off their uniforms, and sought,
by disguising themselves, to escape the effects of the popular indig
nation. A few days after, the Count Reille entered Flanders with
12.'>00 men, to reinforce the troops commanded by the Count
D’Erlon, who were in Garrison upon that frontier. The Emperor
then deliberated, if with these 35 or 36,000 men, he should com
mence hostilities on the first of April, by marching upon Brussels,
and rallying the Belgian Army under his colours. The English
and Prussian armies were weak, scattered, without order, without
commanders, and without concert. Many of their officers were ab
sent on furlough ; the Duke of Wellington was absent at Vienna;
Marshall Blucher was at Berlin; the French army’ could have en
tered Brussels on the second of April. But thtf following consider
ations presented themselves:—lst. Hopes were cherished that
peace might still be preserved ; France desired it, and would have
greatly censured any premature offensive movement. 2d. The con
centration of 35 or 36,000 men would, nt that time, have left de
fenceless the twenty-three fortresses extending frwm Calais to I’hil
lipville, forming the tripU U. ih«. North. If the public spirit
upon that frontier was as good as that of Alsace, of the Voges, the
Ardennes, or the Alps, the tioops might have been withdrawn
without inconvenience ; but in Flanders the people were divided.
Il would have been highly imprudent to intrust the defence of those
fortresses to the local National Guards, and it would have required
a month to raise and transport to those posts, the battalions of the
tide of the National Guards from the neighboring departments, to
replace the troops of the line. 3d. And lastly, the Duke D’Angou
l»rme was marching upon Lyons, and the J/orsciZ/ois upon Greno
ble. The first news that hostilities had commenced, would have
encouraged and stimulated the malecontents. It was of the first
importance to drive the Bourbons from the territory of the Empire,
and rally the whole French people ; which was not accomplished
before the twentieth of April.
In the coutse of May, whilst France was reposing in peace, her
intestine commotions having been quelled, it became evident that
peace with foreign nations could not long be preserved; the armies
of the different powers were marching upon the frontiers of France.
The Emperor meditated upon the plan of the campaign necessary
for him to adopt. Three plans presented themselves for consider
ation. The first, was to rest upon the defensive; leaving to the
Allies the odium of being the aggressors, and of having commenced
the war. By this course they would bo compelled to attack our
fortified places, and having penetrated to the walls of Paris and
Lyons, we should commence at these two points, a war energetic
and decisive. This project hid many advantages. Ist. The
Allies not being able to open the campaign sooner than the fifteenth
of July, could net arrive before Paris and Lyons earlier than the
fifteenth of August; by which time the first, second, third, fourth,
fifth and sixth corps of the army, together with the four corps of
heavy cavalry, and the guards, would be concentrated under Paris.
On the 15th of June, these corps ajiounted to 14(1,000 men under
arms ; by the 15th of August they would be augmented to 240,000
men. The first corps of observation, called du Jura, and the 7th
corps, would bo united under Lyons; on the 15th of June they
amounted to 25,000 men under arms: they would be increased to
60,000 men by the 15th of August. 2d. The fortifications of
Paris and Lyons would bo completed by that time, (15th August.)
The organization and arming the forces intended for the defence of
Paris and of Lyons would bo accomplished by that period; and
tbne would be afforded to reduce the Parisian National Guard to
8000 men, and to quadruple the tirailleur* of that Capital, by in
creasing iboMi to 60,000 men. These battalions of tirailleurs, com
manded by officers of the line, would be of excellent service ; and
bemgjojned to 6000 artillerists of the line, of the marine, and of
the National Guards; and to 40,000 men drawn from the depots of
the seventy infantry regiments, and of the un-uniformed guard be
to lh<3 rOrp * of ,he . arn ‘> r " nder Pari!, > would increase t>
116,000 men, the force destined to defend the entrenched camp of
Parrs. Iho garrison of Lyons would —>mp'used 4UOO Na-
tional Guard*, li/wo tirailleurs, 2000 artillerists, and 7000 men
drawn from the depots of the eleven regiments ofinfantrv of thearmv
under Lyons, forming a total of 25,000 men. 4th. The enemies’
armies marching upon Paris from the North and the East, would be
obliged to leave 150,000 msn before the forty-two fortresses of
these two frontiers. Estimating the force of these armies at
600,000 men, they would thus be reduced to 450,000 men, by the
time they arrived before Paris. The allied army that should pene
trate France by the way of Lyons, would be obliged to watch the
ten fortified places upon the frontier du Jura, and the Alps. Sup
posing it to amount to_ 150,000 men, scarcely 100,000 could be
brought.before Lyons. sth. Besides which, the great national cri
sis, arrive I at its height, would develope the greatest energy in
Noimandy, Brittainy, ’Auvergne, in Berry, and other places.
Numerous battalions would constantly be added to the army of
Paris.. 1 he I rench army would be constantly increasing ; those of
the allies constantly diminishing in strength. 6th. 240,0'J0 men, in
the hands of the Emperor, manetivring upon the two banks of the
Seine, and of the Marne, covered by the vast entrenched camp of
Paris, defended by 116,000 men not moveable, would be victorious
ovbr 450,000 enemies. 60,000 men, commanded by Marshall
Sachet, manetivring upon the two banks of the Rhone, and the Sa
one, covered by Lyons, guarded and defended by 25,000 men
nrt moveable, would be able to repulse the enemies’army ; the
holy cause of the country would be triumphant! !
The second plan for the campaign, was, to anticipate the Allies,
and to commence hostilities before they were in readiness. The
Allies not being able to commence hostilities before the 15th of
July, it was necessary to open tho campaign on the 15th day of
June, defeat the Anglo-Holland army, and the Prusso-Saxon army
•tationed in Belgium, before the Russian. Austrian, Bavarian, and
VVertimberg armies could arrive upon the Rhine. By the 15th of
June an army of 140,000 men could be collected in Flanders, be
sides leaving sufficient garrisons in nil the fortresses, and maskin"
the whole forntiers. Ist. If the Anglo-Holland and Piusso-Saxen
armies should be defeated, Belgium would revolt, and her army
would be added to that of France. 2d. The defeat of the English
army would occaston the fall of the English Minister, who would be
succeeded by a friend to peace, to liberty, and the independence of
natmns; which single circumstance would terminate the war.
3d. Should it, however, be otherwise, the army, victorious in Bel
gium, reinforced by the fifth corps, which remained in Alsace, and
from the depots, in the months of June and July, would immedi
ately march upon the Vogei, against the Russian and Austrian ar
mies. 4th. The advantages of this plan were numerous. It con
formed to the genius of the nation ; to the spirit and principles
actuating them in that war. It remedied the terrible necessity at
tached to the first plau, a£ uknnrMnrng rttnt(tors, Picardy, Artois,
Alsace, Lorraine, Champagne, Bourgogne, Franche Compte and
Daupbincy, to the enemy, without firing a gun. But, would it be
possible, with an army of 140,000 men, to beat the two armies
X C nn<f B<,l * ,um ’ I na "' e,y: ,hc ,A"g»<’-HoHHnd army, composed of
104, JOO men under arms ; and the Prusso-Saxon army of 120,000
men ; constituting together a force of 224,000 men. But this dis
parity in numbers was in some measure reduced bv the quality of
lite troops composing the respective armies. The allied army con-
X m u°r P ’ ’"’’m ° r eM K °'.’ d ;in eraf,e °" B English sol
dw miqht be considered equal to one French soldier; two Hol
land I russ.an, or soldiers of the Confederation of the Rhine,
equal to one French. Ihe armies of the enemy were cantonned
under the command of two different Generals, and consisted of na
tions divided by interests, and in sentiments.
The month of May was passed in maturing these projects. The
section ,n La Vendee weakened the army of Airs 20,00 u
men , thus reducing its numbers to 12\000. This was a most
fortunate event, and greatly diminished the chance, of success*
But the c.Vll war commenced in La Vendee might spread farther ;
the Allies, master, of several provinces, might be able to roller
the partisans of the Bourbons. Although France was averse to
these Princes, yet the march of the enemy to Pari, and to Lyons,
would be favorable to them On the other hind, Belgium, and the
four depar ment. of the Rhme with extended arms, loudly called
for their liberator; and an understanding existed with the Belgian
army. Fheiju circumstances determined the Emperor to adopt the
third plan, of attacking the armies Anglo-Holland, and Prusso-
Saxon, separate, and beat them ; and in case of failure w collect
his army and fall back upon Pari, and Lyons. Without doubt,
after having failed in the attack upon Belgium, the nrmy would nr
r*vo before Paris much weakened; that tho opportunity would be
**»L for reducing the National Guard of tho Capital from it, num
ber oi 36,000, to 8000 men, for the purpose of incteaging the tirail
leurs to 6 i.OOO men; because that operation could not be peiform
ed la tiie absence of Napoleon, and during the war, it i, j u « u | go
to rvmarit, that the allies, who it was thought would not commence
Our wm trf«»ihe Jsth «f July, would be in Awlimv. by t] w £ rM
of July, sheuld they be provoked by the the commencement of hos
tilities on the fifteenth of June; that their march upon Ppris would
be greatly accelerated after a victory; and that the army of Flan
ders, reduced to 120,000 men, was 90,000 men less than the armies
of the Marshall Blucher, ii-.d the Duke of Wellington. But in
1814, France had, with but 40,000 men in arms, made bead
against the army commanded by the Marshall Blucher, and that
commanded by Prince Schwartzenberg, accompanied by the two
Emperors of Russia and Austria, and the King of Prussia. These
united armies consisted of 250,000 men strong. The French army
of but 40,000 men, had several times defeated them!! At the
battle of Montmirail, the corps of Sacken, D’lorck, and of Kleis,
were 40,000 strong; they were attacked, beaten, and driven across
the Marne, by 16,000 nten, namely : the infantry and horse guards;
the division of Ricard, of 1,150 men, and one division of Cuiras
siers. At the same lime Marshal! Blucher, with 20,000 men, was
held in check by the corps of Marmont, consisting of 4000 men ;
and the army of Schwartzenberg, 100,000 strong, was in like man
ner checked in its progress by the corps of MacDonald, Oudinot,
and Girard, amounting in nil to less than 18,000 men.
The Duke of Dalmatia, (Soult,) was appointed Major-General
of the army ; on the second day of June he issued the following
order of the day, and immediately departed from Paris to inspect
the fortresses in Flanders, and the army :
“ The most solemn ceremony has just consecrated our institu
tions. The Emperor has received from the representatives of the
people, and deputations from every corps of the army, the expres
sion of the assent of the whole nation to the supplementary act to
the Constitution of the Empire, which had been submitted for its
acceptance; and a new covenant unites France and the Emperor.
Thus our destiny has been fulfilled ; and the efforts of an impious
alliance shall not be able to separate the interests of a great people,
from the hero who has attracted the admiration of the universe by
a succession of the most brilliant exploits.
• “Itis at this time, when the National will has been manifested
with so much energy, that the cry of war is heard ; it is at the
moment when Fiance is at peace with all Europe, that foreign
armies are advancing upon our frontiers. What then, is the hope
and design of this new coalition 1 Does it wish to drive France
from the rank of nations! Does it wish to plunge in servitude
twenty-eight millions of Frenchmen 1 Has it forgotten that the
first league which was formed against our independence, contribut
ed to our aggrandizement, and our glory 1 One hundred brilliant
victories, that a momentary reverse, and misfortunes have been un
able to efface, should remind it that a free people, conducted by a
great mnn, is invincible.
“ When the cause of liberty, and the national honor are at stake,
nil are soldiers in France. A common interest now unites all
I Frenchmen. Tlio flight of the Bourbons from the territory of
I France, has dissolved tho engagements that had been forced upon
I us by violence ; they have been dissolved, too, by the appeal of the
Bourbons to foreign armies to assist in recovering the throne they
have abandoned ; and by the unanimous vow of the nation, which,
in re-entering upon the free exercise of its rights, has solemnly dis
avowed and disclaimed all that had been done without its consent
and participation.
“The people of France will never submit to laws imposed by
foreigners ; even those who have gone to solicit paricidal aid from
our enemies, will soon know and feel, like their predecessors, that
contempt and infamy follow their steps; and that they can never
wash away the approbrium with which they are covered, but by re
turning to our ranks.
“ A new career of glory is open to the arviy. History will con
secrate the memory of those military exploits which shall render
illustrious the defenders of their countiy, and of the national honor.
We are told that our enemies are numerous; what care we for’tbat ?
It will be the more glorious to conquer them, and their defeat will
be so much the more decisive. The struggle in which we are
about to engage, is not beyond the genius of Napoleon, nor greater
than our power to meet it. Do we not behold all the departments
of the empire rivalling each other in devotion and enthusiasm ; and
have they not, as if by enchantment, filled the ranks of five hundred
superb battalions of national guards, which have already come to
double your numbers, to defend our cities, to divide thedangeis and
I participats in the glory of the army ? It is the outpouring of the
I spirit of a generous people which no power can conquer, and which
I will he the admiration of remotest posterity. To arms !
, “ The signal will soon be given for each to do his duty. From
i the n tinbers of the enemy our victorious phalanxes will derive
ja new renown. Soldiers! Napoleon guides our steps; we shall
combat for the independence of our beautiful country ; wo shall
triumph, for we are invincible !”
•This number does not include the fourteen regiments of English troops, landed
at Ostend from America, or in garrison at the fortified places of Belgium*
STATE RIGHTS and UNITED STATES RIGHTS.
~
gifatn>(tri> of ggttidtt.
JVie friends of lhe Unionare our friends, and its enemies, our enemies.’
TUESDAY MORNINO, MAY 2S.
UnionDemotratic Republican Ticket,
FOR CONGRESS.
D. C. CAMPBELL, Esq. of Bibb, ; Gen. CHAS. H. NELSON, of Cherokee,
Gen. B. GRAVES, of Neuton, ROB’T W. POOLER, of Chatham,
JUNIUS HIU.YER, Esq. of Clark, Col. J. S. PATTERSON, of Early,
Hon. ALF’D IVERSON, of Muscogee, ■ Hon. H. WARNER, of Meriwether.
Dr.J.G. McWHORTER, ofJtiehmond, |
ff?*Bisliop England, of Charleston, will preach in the Metho
dist Church of this place, This (Tuesday) Evening, 22d inst., at the
usual hour of preaching.
LETTERS OF “A CITIZEN," TO NICHOLAS BIDDLE.
We publish, on our 4tli page, four letters, which appeared a few weeks
since in the Boston Courior, over the signature of •• a Citizen.”
These letters are addressed to Nicholas Biddle, and contain an answer
to hW late extraordinary letter to John Quincy Adams, in which the
writer has dissected the sophistry of the Bank Autocrat with a Master
hand.
The force and perspicuity with which they arc written, and tho
thorough knowledge of the subject of which they treat, render them
peculiarly interesting at the present moment.
“THE OFFICIAL REASONS.”
Shall we ash for them again ? That is the question. Let us
see. A number of weeks ago, they were gratuitously promised by
our neighbor of tho Recorder, and such has been our solicitude
ever since, to see them forthcoming, that for the life of us, we cannot
beat it out of our head, and hence it is, that we continue to ask for their
appearance.
From over anxiety perhaps, we had flattered ourselves that last Tues
days paper, would have brought forth the long promised bantling; but
Io! and behold, we were only regaled with a very smoothly indited ar
ticle upon the patriotism and statc-right-ism, of His Excellency Go
vernor Giltner; from which, we make the following extracts, accompa
nied with such remarks as we inay deem applicable to them, tn their
order :
“Our neighbor of tho Standard seen s to be much put to it, because
of tho ability and admirable foresight, with which the Governor of
Georgia has conducted tho whole course of preparation for the removal
of the Cherokees.”
“3'he Standard much put to it.” ! If indeed the Standard is at all
“put to it,” in what predicament stands the Recorder, when it cannot
perform its own voluntary promise to tho public ?—when the official rea
sons for an act, which has been condemned by many good citizens, are
not made public, even after an unconditional pledge to do so? In our
judgmoit, aud so we think it will appear to every unprejudiced mind,
the Recorder is exceedingly “ hard run” to make a shift to evade the
true issue.
When the Governor refused to commission the field officers elected to
command the Cherokee Regiment, raised under the authority of an act
of the last legislature, we questioned the legality of his decision, and
presented some of the arguments upon which we relied, to sustain our
position—to which, the Recorder replied in part; winding up with a
promise, that the next week, it would publish “the official reasons and
other documents” in support of the Governor’s decision; and now,
when weeks have passed away, and wo make an earnest call for them,
it answers that we are “much put to it.” That we arc "much put toil"
to come at the Governor's reasons for denying to hundreds of freemen,
the right of cbosing their onn commanders, we readily admit, while we
fearlessly assert, that should they ever be lai 4 before the public, we
shall be able to show them wholly indefensible.
“ Much put Io it because of the ability and admirable foresight with
which the Govcinor of Georgia has conducted the whole course of pre
paration for the removal of the Cherokees.”
Here is a text.— " Ability anl admirable foresight." Well! If there
was nothing in the affairs of the world, to bother our wits, but the
“ability aud admirable foresight” of the Governor, we can assure tho
Recorder in all sincerity, that we should never bo "put to it” again; be
cause, shallow as our own intellect may bo, wc should deem it tin easy
tayk, to fathurp thoone, and penotrate tbe other.
•‘Has conducted the whole course of preparation for the removal of
the Cherokees.”
This member of the sentence covers an almost indefinable space.
“WHOLE course of preparation,” insplict every measure, leading to
this much desired result, “removal,” aud admits of no other rational
construction; upon which we join issue, aud assert, that in “tho whole
course of preparation for the removal of the Cherokees," Governor
Gilmer has done very little, and much less than he might have done.
Let us examine tho measures of preparation.
3 he first effectual step in the process of “preparation” was taken by
the Legislature of Georgia, about 1830, when his present Excellency
was in the Executive Chair.—We allude to the success of the bill for
the distribution, organization, and settlement of the Cherokee country ;
a measure, without which, the Cherokees could never have been induced
even to negociate with a view to their removal—and how was his “abil
ity and admirable foresight” manifested upon that Occasion? Will the
Recorder inform us? Was he aiding the Representatives of the people
in taking this great preliminary step in the “course of preparation,” or
was tho whole weight of his influence thrown into the opposite scale?
The Recorder knows.—
Ihe next important act in this “whole course of preparation,” was
the Treaty concluded with the Cherokees in 1835, and in which, so far
as we know or believe, he had no agency whatever; but if he had, the
Recorder will tell us. Here then, is the second important step in th&
"wholecourse of preparation” for the removal of the Cherokees, and
that too without the aid or participation of his Excellency.
What remains now to be done, is the single, literal act of their leaving
our territory, as the consummation of those important preliminary
measures, for tho success of which, no credit is duo to tho present Chief
Magistrate.
For what is it then, that the Governor is entitled to so much credit in
tho “whole course of preparation?” Is it for tho military force now in
the territory? and hence the ability to enforce a performance of the
stipulations of the treaty? We conceive not, for if any credit is duo
for “the ability and foresight” with which these preparations have been
made, it belongs exclusively to the energy of the present administration
of the General Government.—To Mr. Van Buretr, and not to Governor
Gilmer.
Upon this question, Governor Gilmer found but little to do when he
came into office. His predecessor had already relieved him from tho
trouble of thinking upon the subject, by the very forcible and perspicu
ous manner in which he hid presented it to the President.
The President’s mind was then, as fully made upas to the measures
to be adopted, and which have been adopted, as it is at tbii moment.
The Military “preparation” for the protection of the citizens, and the
removal of the Indians, being exclusively the work of the President, the
claim of Governor Gilmer to any portion of the credit, must be re
jected.
Being so far excluded from all participation in the “whole course of
preparation,” we leave it to the Recorder to shew, ohe solitary act of
his Excellency’s, from 1830 to the present time, upon which he can just
ly claim the credit of one prominent measure towards the removal of
the Cherokees; unless indeed, it be, his proposition to the War Depart
ment, to send a special agent to persuade them to remove, just at a time
when the Government was making “preparations” for sending eight or
ten thousand troops among them, to make their removal certain.
But again the Recorder says,
“It is galling no doubt to our neighbor, that the present efficient and
admirably devised arrangements should have been so happily executed
by a State Rights Governor.”
Will wonders never cease? The Recorder snatching the laurels from
Mr. Van Buren, to place them upon the brow of Goveinor Gilmer!
“So happily executed by a State Rights Governor.”! If the
Governor professes the doctrine of State Rights, as understood
and defined by the Recorder itself, and the party to which it be
longs, he must have undergone a miraculous change since 1832, when he
was standing up in the convention against Judge Berrien and others,
who wore urging the principles, which were finally adopted as the po
litical creed of the party, which appropriated to itself, the name of
State Rights. But of his views in relation to nullification (or State
Rights as the Recoider calls it,) the people are well informed, and will
be very generally astonished at the place assigned him by the Recorder.
Our neighbor proceeds to speak with great complacency of the
means by which a “State Rights Governor” has saved the Treasury of
Georgia from a great expenditure, when it is known to the veriest tyro
in the history of our government, that no state in this Union, can be
taxed with the expense of removing Indians from her soil, unless it is
by her voluntary act, and that the credit here claimed for the Go
vernor, is exclusively due to Mr. Van Buren.
We quote further.
“\V e have unfortunately for our cotemporary, got a Governor who
has always gone straight ahead.”
It may be so, but if even the Recordci will take the trouble of track
ing him back foreighror ten years, he may find some short turns and
accutc angles iu his course.—For instance, a Union man in 1832, and
a Nullifier alias State Rights in 1838.—A Jackson and Van Buren man
in 1832—Anti both in 1838—In 1829—Governor of the whole State,
and not of a party. —In 1837, Governor of a party, and not of the State.
We could add other instances of inconsistency, notwithstanding the ap
plause of the Recorder, in which he looked to us, very much like one,
who was going rather crooked “ahead.”
The Recorder concludes the article with a flourish over some com
plimentary remaiks of tho Richmond Enquirer to Governor "Gilmer’s
course in relation to the Cherokees.—How is this? The Recorder quote
the Richmond Enquirer as good authority? As soon might we expect
a Mahometan to quote scripture to prove the authenticity of his creed.
Cau the Editor of that paper tell the truth? O yes—good authority—
you hear what he says of Mr. Gilmer—every word the truth, and no
mistake.—But neighbor this same Richmond Enquirer cannot be relied
on—he tells all sorts of fibs, and if you believe half he says, he'd lead
you to ruin. You may think as you please, then, but if any man speaks
of Governor Gilmer as he does, I’ll vouch for his veracity.
But he puffs Van Buren—says he’s a good Democrat—an honest man,
and a sound statesman, and goes in for him against all competitors—
what do you say to that? wh -wh-y—He may lie as much as he pleas
es about Van Buren, but as long as he talks to please me about Govern
or Gilmer, I will believe him.
Aboutsucha coloquy as the foregoing, might be very naturally ex
pected to take place between the Recorder and Standard, and since
they have introduced the Richmond Enquirer as evidence—and as a
party is not by the rules of law, allowed to discredit his own witness,
we offer the opinions of the same print in regard to Mr. Van Buren.
The Enquirer is a warm and decided advocate of the present adminis
tration—supports Mr. Van Buren—recommends him to the people as
eminently qualified for their chief magistrate, and urges the democracy
of Virginia to rally to his support. If therefore, the passing notice be
stowed upon Governor Gilmer, be sufficient to constitute him a great
man, how much more exalted must be the character of Mr. Van Buren,
when it has uttered a thousand times as much in his prrise.—
Neighbor, it is a bad rule that wont work both ways.
ROSS AND THE CHEROKEES.
Tho following extract of a letter from the Washington correspon
dent of tho Charleston Mercury, dated May 10th, fully sustains our
opinions heretofore expressed, that Ross neither intended to return to
his tribe, or advise them to lemove, before tho time should arrive at
which the Government would take efficient measures to enforce the
stipulations of tho Treaty. And to what cause shall we ascribe his
course? First, to his great aversion to tho execution of a Treaty, tho
provisions of which were not in strict accordance with his views and
his interests; and secondly, from his deep rooted hatred of the late
and present administrations of the Federal Government, and his great
aversion to tho measures of Georgia, under the administrations of
Lumpkin and Schley; and he is therefore willing to be used as a poli
tical instrument in the hands of Clay, Webster, John Q. Adams, Slade,
Eveiett, Wise, and their Whig codjutors.
Why does he linger at Washington City, after the Government has
told him in unequivocal terms, that the Treaty shall be fulfilled, and af
ter all negotiation with him is closed, if it is not in the hope that the
Whigs may pcradventurc use him to their account against the adminis
tration? The conclusion is irresistible.
But the Cherokees will bo removed. “The ability and admirable
foresight” of Mr. Van Buren, will prove an over-match for Ross and
his Whig allies; and should Ross’s return to the Nation be delayed a
little while, ho will find very few, or none, of his tribo there. They
will be gone, and he will have nothing to do. but to take up tho line of
march and follow their footsteps to Arkansas, with tho self-torturing
reflection that those who have misled him, and his people, by profes
sions of the deepest sympathy for their fate, will never again bestow
upon him or them a passing thought.
“Before Gen. Scott left Washington, ho had an interview with John
Ross, and urged him to accompany him to tho Cherokee country and
unite with him there iu effecting a peaceable removal, on terms mutu
ally satisfactory. He assured Ross of his protection in any event,and
pledged himself .to suffer him at any time to leave, even for the pur
pose, if ho chose, of leading his warriors to battle ; but Ross declined*
the overture, on the ground that Gen. Scott acted under the orders of a
superior to whom he was accountable, who had not to his (Ross’)
knowledge, authorized the overture, and who would not be bound by
it. He also declared that, he would not do any thing which would re
cognize the treaty; hut that neither ho nor his friends had any idea of
resisting its forcible execution. It appears that the Indians are gene
rally so hostile to the treaty, that they would withdraw thcii confidence
from Ross, and perhaps sacrifice him, if ho should in any way counte
nance or recognize it. All negotiation between Ross and the President
on the subject has censed ; and on the 23d instant, the removal w’il! be
commenced under the direction of Genera) Scotti.”
RESUMPTION !!!
e arc proud to learn that Our local Bauks are preparing to resume
tho redemption of their bills iu specie; at an early day, and thereby en
title themselves to the confidence of the community.
The proceedings of the Bank meeting in Savannah, held on the IGth
hist., which we give below, will be hailed with acclamation by the peo
ple of Georgia.
II the measure proposed, of “ a general resumption of specie payments
at an early day,” is speedily consummated, we confidently predict that
the effect will be to increase tho ability of the Bauks to relievo the pre
sent embarrassments of the country, very far beyond what they could
d.» should they continue to stand in their present position. The confi
dence which this measure will inspire, can hardly be estimated in ad
' ance, but of the great benefits to flow from it, we cannot doubt, man
gre all the predictions to the contrary.
Let it come, and come quickly—for verily, wo have lived long enough
under the Skin-plaster dispensation.
. . . SavannAh, May 16th, 1833.
At a meeting of committees from the different Banks in this city, to
take into consideration toe state of the currency, ami the propriety of
the resumption of specie payments. Mr. W. B. Bulloch was requested
tO - f ri! Co r'h • :l “’ iUK *’■ F SonilELL appointed secretary.
Ihe following resolutions were offered by Mr. G. B. Lamar, and
were adopted ;
Resolved, 1 hat the Banks of Savannah will unite with the Banks of
other sections of this State, and of South Carolina, in tho measures
eaHyff'y ‘° •’ re l’ are for a general resumption of speciejpaymcnts at an
Resolved, That the Banks of Savannah will be represented iu the
Convention of Banks to be held in Charleston, on Tuesday next. 22d
lust, lor the consideration of that subject.
Resolved, That the Banks in this State ought to adopt a system of
mutual settlements for the notes of each other, so as to curtail the ex
isting ciiculation, preparatory to a resumption of specie payments, and
that the Banks in Augusta be requested to join those of this City in the
arrangements for that purpose.
Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing Resolutions be furnished by
the Chairman, to the Banks of this State, and to those of Charleston.
WAI. B. BULLOCH. Chairman.
Francis Sorrell, Secretaiy.
FREE BANKING?
The law of tho late Legislature of New York, commonly called the
Free Banking Act, forms in this country a new era upon the subject. It
places it in the power of those having the command of c apital, to em
bark in Banking operations by a simple compliance with the iaw, with
out asking the Legislature for an act of incorporation .
If the provision which requires security frpm applicants, be faithful
ly executed, the effect will be, to ensure what is of great importance—
the solvency of their bills, and their certain ultimate redemption.
But while we approbate the principle, as the soundest upon which a
paper medium of circulation can be sustained, we have at present some
objections to tho details of tho law passed by New York, of which we
shall hereafter speak more at large.
Under proper restiictions, wo do not hesitate to declare our prefe
rence for a system which at once places every citizen upon an equal
footing, in regard to the right of using his capital for banking purposes.
„ , _. Warren County, May 11th, 1838.
To the Editor of the Standard of Union.
Sir—By the Journal of the Convention which met in Milledgeville
on the 7th inst.. among other things, it was
“ Resolved, That a Committee of Three from each Judicial Circuit,
be appointed by tho Chair, to make out a list of those gentlemen who
have been or may be proposed as suitable persons to be placed on a
Congressional ticket, and who are known to be willing to accept a
nomination,” &c.
Now, sir, on this list of names "who are known to be willing to ac
cept a nomination," some person, no doubt with a good intention, has
caused my name to be placed. I must, therefore, beg leave to say,
that I have neither directly or indirectly, signified to any person, a wil
lingness to accept such nomination-
The resolution, however, 1 suppose, was not intended to prevent any
member of the Convention from placing on the list, in good faith, the
natne of any’ person.
Your humble servant, &c.
THOMAS GIBSON.
Editors who have published the Journal of the Convention, will
please to publish tho above.
The attention of the Southern Recorder is especially invited to
the following article from the Washington Chronicle.
ABBOLITIONISM AND NATIONALISM—FURTHER DE
VELOPMENTS.
We are called upon to notice some late proceedings in the Legis
latures of New-York and Massachusetts, which ought to render the
Nationals who took part in them odious to the whole country. We
call the attention of our friends of the Richmond Whig and Lynch
burg Virginian to them, and frankly inquire of them what is to be
inferred from this course of conduct on the part of the Nationals ?
Will they censure us for making these facts public ? Or can they,
consistently with the duty they owe their country, and especially
the South, overlook these extraordinary proceedings, in their zeal
to effect to a change of Administration ? Is there any question,
(we will not condescend to name that of the Presidency in compari
son,) is there any question that so nearly and deeply concerns the
wflole Union as this? Why should itbe mand to give way to any other?
Can any reasonable man doubt that the Abolitionists are aiming at
a dissolution ot the Union ? Is there aqy individual who can believe
that they are so blind as not to see that their crusade must inevit
ably lead to such a result ?
Now, considering these facts soberly and impartially, is it not
right and proper,—nay, is it not the imperative duty of all who
love their country, to expose and denounce the conduct of those
who aid, countenance, and abet these enemies of the Union I Is it
not the peculiar province of the Press to do this ? Shall we be told
that we injiiie this or that party, or this or that candidate for the
Presidency, by pursuing this course ? We scorn to place the inter
ests of any man or party in competition with the peace and safetv
of the Union. The Abolitionists haveassumed theattitudeof Trai
tors ; and they who give them counsel and support,—be they of what
party they may, are accessaries before the fact; and as such, de
serve the same punishment.
The last number of the Emancipator contains the following letter
addressed to the Editor, which will explain the late proceedings in
the Legislatuie of New-York :
Albany, April 16, 1838.
To the Editor of the Emancipator:
Dear Sir, —The Assembly have adopted a resolution, “ pro
testing against the annexation of Texas to the Union,” by a vote
of 80 to 16. . Also they have adopten by an equally decisive vote,
resolutions against Mr. Patton’s resolution, asking our Representa
tives in both Houses of Congres to procure its recision. These re
solutions are strong, manly, and dignified. They speak the senti
ments of the empire State in a becoming tone. A most fiery dis
cussion was called out. Mann, of Herkimer, King, of St. Law
rence, Hurlburt, of Jefferson, and Duke, of Otsego, (all friends of
the Administration,) opposed the resolution with great fury. They
denounced the Abolitionists as the “ fire and faggot partv,” “ driv
ing the sword into the heart of the South,” “ subverting' the consti
tution,” “annihilating all good,” “set on by a few designing
priests that “ these great numbers of petitions come from women
and boys, got up and instigated by Whig members of churches.”
I wish the whole State could have heard Abijah Mann’s speech.
His alusion to “preaching,” “praying,” “protracted meetings,”
&.c. <fcc. were such as to shock the feelings of everv moral man.
Their arguments were replied to and the resolutions advocated bv
Mr. Silliman, of Kings, Mr. J. A. King, of Queens, Mr. Culver,
of Washington, and Mr Taylor, of Ontario, and Mr. French, of
Chatauque. The character, motives, measures and principles of
the Abolitionists were advocated in presence of a large audience,
many of whom never heard any thing so good satd of the Abolition
ists before. The discussion had the happiest effect. — The very at
mosphere seemed purified and the tone changed,
The vote finally was a party vote, every friend of Mr. Van Bu
ren who bad not previously “ shot the pit” voted in the negative,
and all WHIGS present, (it being very late at night,) except Willis
Hall, of your city, and one from Orange, (who was born before
the flood on this subject,) voted in the AFFIRMATIVE.
The resolutions were sent to the Senate for concurrence, and were
then (f'r’ indefinitely postponed by a strict party vote. Now
mind, the people will return Senators next fall who can be moved by
21,000 petitions.
Abolition has made great strides at the seat of our State Govern
ment the past winter. On the other subjects in the petition, be com
mittee being divided and it being on the heel of the session, and no
time for discussion, it is doubtful whether any report will be made
for the action of the House. We have seen the fate that awaits all
of them in the “ House of Lords,” which with the avowed intention
of men to talk four days on them, seems to render any final ac
tion hopeless.
The House adjourns on the 18th inst.
Yours, &c.
Here is a full admission of an entire identity of opinions and ac
tions between the Nationals in the Legislature and the Abolitionists ;
for the reader must understand that the Lower House of Assembly is
composed almost entirely of Nationals, while the Senate is constitu
ted of ama jority of Republicans. The incendiary resolutions ori
ginated in the former, and were defeated in the latter—the vote in
both being, as this “ zealous Whig" says, a " strict party vote."
Is it necessary to comment on these facts ? Is there any man so
blind as not to perceive their nature and tendency ? And are we
to be denounced for making these things public ? Shall we remain
silent when we see a political party, struggling for tho power and
patronage of the Federal Government, thus openly and boldly taking
sides with the infuriate fanatics—the enemies of the South and of
the Union ? What says this “ Whig” correspondent of the Eman
cipator, when speaking of “ the House of Lords,” as he calls the
Senate ? “ Now mind —the people will return Senators next
fall, who can be moved by 21,000 petitions.” What does this
mean ? Is it not a direct invitation to the Abolitionists to unite with
the Correspondent’s party, to change the character of the Senate ;
and thus secure a majority in both Houses favorable to the objects of
both? The Editor of the Emancipator so understands it, for in his
remarks he admits the fact. He says:—
“ Wenccd not say that our correspondent is WHIG.
With his party predilections we have no concern. Our enterprise is
not a party matter, and cannot 6e made such. Our object is the
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. We go for that; and THOSE
WHO WILL HELP US IN THAT, WE WILL DULY HO
NOR.—Ed. Eman.'’
This is explicit enough. He says indeed that his “ enterprise is
not a party matter," but offers “ honor" to those who shall aid the
“ enterprize.”—Who are they 1 The Nationals or “ Whigs”—
as the proceedings show. The union between them is clear and
unequivocal—and we regard both as equally inimical to the South,
and to lhe Union. We care not whom they may select for their
candidate, we will oppose him to the last. Men are known by the
company they keep.
THE GEORGIA DELEGATION.
The Republican delegation of Georgia, with tho exception of Col.
Towns, have withheld their names from the convention whitfh is about
to nominate candidates to represent that State in the next Cong re**.
A more honorable, true-hearted, able, disinterested deligation was
never sent by any State to Congress.
We lay before our readers Colonel ITaync's letter declining a re-no
ininatiou. with the remarks of'the Federal Union in relation to it.
No man better deserves lhe commendation given by the Georgia press.
He has been “ consistent, honest, and indefatigable ” in devotion to
the Democratic Republican cause of the Uuion, unswerving and vigo
rous in support of the immediate interests of his constituents ; and wo
believe w’e may truly say he carries with him the good wishes and
prayers of every man with whom he has acted in Congress, for tho
success of his efforts in the private and paternal duties for which he
relinquishes the public service.— Washington Globe.
POST OFFICES IN GEORGIA.
The following post offices have recently been established.
Bond’s Mills, Wilkinson county.
Buck Creek, Scriven county.
Post Offices Discontinued:
Silver Hook, Cobb county.
Altis, Cass county.
The name of the post office at Stanfordville has been changed to
Alatoona.
Ihe name of the post office at Applington has been changed to
Apphng. B 6
Postmasters Appointed }
E. G. Kirkland, Bark Camp, Burke county.
W. F. Bond, Bond’s Mills, Wilkinson county.
G. M. Manor, Buck Creek, Scriven county.
From the Augusta Chronicle and Cenlinel.
Mr. Editor,—l ask of you the favor of publishing the enclosed
article, prececed by remarks of a correspondent of the Charleston
Mercury. Your compliance with this request will doubtless be ap
proved by many of your readers. r
m . .. A. Subscriber.
To the Hon. G. W. Jones and A. H. Wise :
Gentlemen—ln asking yout attention, as I would respectfully, to
this communication, I feel under no necessity of appologising for the
freedum thus assumed. The course you have taken justifies it.
The life of the lamented Cilley cannot be recalled. The wound
inflicted on a once happy, but now mourning domestic circle, cannot
be healed. The foul stain cast cn our common and beloved country
cannot speedily be washed away. Lightly as you may regard,
cooly as you may treat them—these are melancholy thruths, and
they warrant the humblest citizen in addressing you in the language
as a just reproach. It may seem to you severity, but from the na
tuie of the case, you must bear it. “You must pardon something
to the spirit” of agrieved, injured humanity. You say you were
“ regulated by magnanimous principles, and the laws of humanity.”
Sirs, you must know, that to men who act on other principles than
those you have shewn yourselves to possess, it is disgusting to meet
with such a statement, from such a source.— The facts of the case
are before the world— they speak louder than words, and they speak
of murder. The decision of the great body of the people to whose
bar you are held to answer, is, as you well know, against you—it
has been expressed in terms not to be misunderstood. Such, doubt
less, will be the decision of posterity ; for the world is not, we hope,
destined to retrograde—and such, ‘it is fearful to think, will be the
decision at that bar of infallible justice before which we shall all
appear, to give an account of the deeds done in the body. The re
marks which follow, appeared originally in a journal published in
New-York—one ol the most ably conducted of any in the country.
You may spurn them from you—but this will not be the part of wis
dom. I wijl only add the expression of the wish, prompted, I may
sincerely say, by feelings of kindness, that you may seethe error
into which you have fallen, t>nd do all that may lie in your power to
repair, as far as possible, the injury you have done. With the res
pect which belongs to you as representatives of the people in the
councils of our common country.
I have the honor to be, youts, &c.
™ , CIYIS.
Charlcsto t, S. C., May 7, 1838.
The Duellist's desire.— We copy with unqualified commendation,
the following rebuke of the Congressional duellists, by the editor of
the New-5 ork Observer. It is as well done as their demerits can
deserve.. Miserable men are they, who have at once imbrued their
bands with blood, disgraced their elevated stations, done dishonor to
theii country, and excited universal indignation.—North and South,
the horrible affair is execrated by all highminded men : duellists
themselves joining with their more sober and religious neighbours in
calling it by its right name, murder.
1 he seconds of the late duel have published a statement of the
facts in the case, which they conclude with these words :
\\ e endeavored to discharge our duties according to that code
under which the parties met, regulated bv magnanimous principles,
and the laws of humanity. Neither of us has taken the least ex
ception to the course of the other; and we sincerely hope that here
all controversy whatever may cease. We especially desire our
respective friends to make no publication on the subject. None can
regret the. termination ol the affair mo r e than ourselves, and we
hope again tha last of it will be the signature of our namns to this
paper, which we new affix.” Geo, W. Jones.
Henry A. Wise.
Ihe last of it 1" Men do not speak thus of deeds with which
they are satisfied—deeds which their conciences approve. Such
language is inspired only by concicus guilt: by “a fearful looking
for of evil consequences “to come.” It is the language of one
who is afraid that he shall be obliged to remember what be has done,
and that the remembrance will be torture. 3he feelings which
prompt this language are but the foretaste of those that shall'compel
them to say “ to the mountains and rocks, Fall on us, and hide us.
from the face of him that sitteth on the throne, and from the wrath
of the Lamb; for the great day of his wrath has come ; and who
shall bo able to stand ?” On reading it, we could not but recollect
certain passages from another writer, with whom these men may bo
more familiar. J
Spirits. What would’st thou with ns, son of mortals, say?
Manfred. Forgetfulness—
Frst Spirit. Os what—of whom—and why?
Manfred. Os that which is within me ; read it there.
Ye know it, and I cannot utter it,
Oblivion, self oblivion !
Can ye not wring from out the hidden realms
Ye offer so profusely, what I ask ?
Spirit. It is not in our absence, or our skill
But—thou madst die.
Manfred. Will death bestow it on me ?
Spirit. We are immortal, and do not forget.
We are eternal and to us the past
Is, as the future l , present; art thou answered I
Though thy slumber may be deep,
let thy spirit shall not sleep;
3'here are shades which will not vanish,
There are thoughts thou can’st not banish ;
By a power to thee unknown,
3'hou.can’st never be alone.
By thy delight iu others’ pain,
By thy biotherbood of Cain,
I Call upon thee, and compel
Thyself to be thy proper hell.
Witch. It may be
That I can aid thee.
Manfred. 3’o do this, thy power
Must wake the dead, or lay may low with them.
Do so, in any shape,—in any hour,—
II ith any torture, so it may be the last.
“ 331.0 last of it!” Do they think their statements will be “the
last of it to the man they have sent, unprepared, to lhe eternal
world ? We say, unprepared , for in case of suicide, we mav
hope there was insanity, when men aie executed for murder wb
may hope there was repentance ; but he who falls in a duel, dies in
the very performance of an act, inconsistent with preparation for
heaven; d.es in the very act of defying God and making himself
more fit for hell, and more worthy of its torments
vieHn, , J" ,y w : n nl t ,biS will . b k e ,“‘ l,e ‘ it” to tlie widow of their
1 ti V . ’ Cr an S ,nsh I be a PPeased, will her heart bo made
whole, will the very remembrance that she ever knew the hanniness
of conjugal affect.on be blotted out, by this cool history, given by
men whom she has suds cause to remember ? ’ 6 y
Will this be “ the last of it ” to the orphans, whom their crime
has made orp.tans ? Can (hey forget to whom they are indebted for
the countless dangers an I trials, and sufferings, which must be be
portion of the fatherless ? Can they-oughuhev-to cease to re!
member who opened the incessant fountain of their mother’s tears?
And while orphans suffer, and the beraved weeps, and the soul of
the murdered dwells where von In-rn ■ ii . , 1
hear “ the last of it ?” It no be F? • > °’’ be nlloWe<l V°
for it Tim i 1n z not bc ’ Eternal ustice cannot suf
lei it. The remembrance of your deeds must haunt you. Con
fasten"their eves ,f>let evc, - v into an accusation. ‘When men
lev When tl o u l lon - v ? u ’ shall think that they remember Cil
of him When y ,r, ak ‘ n . WbiS t PerS ’ V ° U S,lall think ,bc - V arC
allude tn his ninrrl ' ’ jndefinitely, you shall suspect that they
thev renrow inj - erer ’ " bcn _ ,be y are silent, you shall believe that
J p in ignnnt recollections purposely. work of God,