Newspaper Page Text
From Mr. Wallace, of Marion: ' i
That the Tltitd Sec lion of the Fit st Article of the Constitu*'” l re * 1
Kain as at present, allowing to each county a Senator, the Senate L
shall be elected, annually, on the first Monday in October, until al- |
tered by law.
The House of Representatives shall be composed of one member i
from each county, and lor every seven thousand of representative
population each comity may contain under the late enumeration, •
attch county shall be entitled to two representatives; and for every,
twelve thousand t eprescntaiive population each county may contain,
such countv shall be entitled to three members, and no more. The
Hnilxc <»f Representatives shall be elected on the tiisi Monday ill O* •
tober, annually, until altered by law.
From Mr. Gardner of Stewart:
The House of Representative* shall be composed of members j
from all the counties which now are, or hereafter may be incltt- .
ded nithiii ihis.State, according to their respective numbers of
free white persons, iticbiding tlirec-liftlts of all the people <>f 1
colpr, to be asccrl.toted by an actual enumeration, to be made
from time to time, at intervals <>t seven years, as now by law j
provided. Each comity shall be entitled to one member only, ,
who, on all questions wheifthe Ayes and Noes of the Hou.e
•re called for, ami in all elections of the House, shall be ehti- j
tied to vote as follows : Fora representative population under
three thousand, one vote; for a representative population of I
three thoos.md, too votes; tor a representative population of
seven thousand, three votes ; and tor a representative popula
tion of tw< Ive thousand and upwards, four votes.
From Mr. Harmon, of Monroe :
The Senatorial ratio shall be 12,000 of the representative'
population of this State, and the Stale shall bedivided into Sen-'
atonal Districts to correspond with the Judicial Circuits, as at j
present recognized by law. Each District shall be entitled to a I
Senator for each 12,000 of the representative population it may
contain; and the manner of electing, and certifying said elec
tions, shall be prescribed by the Legislature.
From Mr. Cowart, of Sumter:
The Senate shall consist of forty-six members, from forty-six
Senatorial Districts, and shall be elected on the first Monday ■
in October, from time tn time, until such elections shall be al
tered by law.
And that both branches of the next Legislature shall meet in
the Representative Chamber, for the purpose of apportioning i
said Senatorial Districts by adding any two contiguous conn- ’
ties together as they in their wisdom may direct; and whenever
hereafter the Legislature shall lay off and establish a new coun
ty, it shall be added to the most contiguous Senatorial District.
On motion of Mr. Springer,
Ordered, That the substitutes be printed for the use of the
Convention.
On motion, the Convention resolved itself into a Committee
of the Whole, Mr. Stocks in the Chair, on the report of the
Committee of thirty to reduce and equalize the number of
members of the General Assembly of Georgia; having spent
some time therein, the President resumed the Chair, the Chair
man reported progress, asked and obtained leave to sit again.
On motion, the Convention then adjourned to 9 o’clock to
morrow morning.
CONSTITUTION OF FLORIDA.
We have received a copy of the journal of the proceedings
of-the reejnt Florida Convention, held to frame a political
Constitution forthat territory, preliminary to her admission in
to the Union, as a State. In its general features this new Con
stitution is similar to the present State Constitutions. We cite
below several sections in which it chiefly differs from existing |
models. Il will be seen that it is not very friendly to Hanks;
nnd that the example of South Carolina in requiring an oath of
Slate allegiance has not been followed, the embryo State pre- 1
ferring the more republican oath of fidelity to the State and
United States Constitutions. The clause prohibitory of duel
ing is highly creditable to the Floridians.— Charleston Cour.
3. No President, Director, Cashier, or other officer of any
Banking corip my in this State, shall be eligible to the office
of Governor, Senator or Representative to the General Assem
bly of this State, so lon g as he shall be such President, Direc
tor., Cashier, or other officer, nor until the lapse of twelve
enontlis, from thetiim,-. at which he shall have ceased to be such
President, Director, Cashier or other officer.
4. The General. Assembly shall have power to exclude from
every office of hr,nor, trust or profit, within the State, and from
the right of suffrage, all persons convicted of bribery, perjury,
or other infamous crime.
5. No person shall be capable of holding,or of being elected
to any post of honor, profit, trust, or emolument, civil or mili
tary, legislative, executive or judicial, under the government of
this Slate, w ho shall hereafter fight a duel, or send, or accept a
challenge t<» fight a duel, the probable issue of which may be
tlie death of the challenger, or challenged, or who shall be a sec
ond to either party, or who shall in any manner aid, or assist
in such duel, or shall be knowingly the bearer of such challenge
or acceptance, whether tne same occur, or be committed in or
•out of the Stale.
6. No person, who may hereafter be a collector, or holderof
public moneys, shall have a seal in ci’.her House of the General
Assembly, or be eligible to any office of trust, or profit under
'this Slate, until he shall have accounted for, and paid into the
’Treasury, all sums for which he may be accountable.
7. No Governor, Member of Congress, or of the General
Vssembly of ibis Slate, shall rceive a lee, lie engaged as coun
sel, agent, or attorney, in any civil case, or claim, against this
• Slate, or to which this Slate ; hall be a party, during the time he
shall remain in office.
8. No Governor, Justice of the Supreme Court, Chancellor
■<>f Judge of this Slate, shall be eligible to election, or appoint
ment to any other and different station, or office, or post of hon
or, or emolument, under this State, or to the station of Senator
•nr Representative in Congress of the United States, from this
State, tint’d one year alter he shall have ceased to be such Gov-
•rrnor, Justice, Chancellor, or Judge.
11. Members of the General Assembly, and all officers, civil
iiid military, before they enter upon the execution of their res
pective offices, shall take the following oath or affirmation : 1
, io swear (or affirm,) that I am duly qualified, according to the
< Constitution of this Stale, to exercise the office Io which I have
d>ee»: elected, (or appointed) and will, to the Lest of my abili
ties, discharge the duties thereof, and preserve, protect, and de
fend die Constitution of this State, and of the United States.
12. Every person shall be disqualified from serving as Gov
ernor, Senator. Representative, or from holding any other of
fice ol’,honor, or profit in this State, for the term for which he
filial! hare been elected, who shall be convicted of having given
or offered any bribe to procure his election.
13. Laws shall be made by the General Assembly, to exclude
Crem office and from suffrage, those who shall have been or may
’Hereafter be convicted of bribery, perjury, forgery, or other
iiigh crime or misdemeanor; and the privilege of suffrage shall
l>e supported bylaws, regulating elections, and prohibiting un
der adequate penalties, all undue influence thereon, from pow
er, bribery, tumult, or other improper practices.
ARTICLE XIII.
Banks and other Corporations.
1. The General Assembly shall pass a general law for the
incorporation of all such cln. rches, and religious or other socie
ties, as may accept thereof; but no special act of incorporation
thereof; shall be pas' ed. •
2. The General Assembly shall no act of incorporation,
or make any alteration therein, unless with the assent of at
least two thirds of each House, and ttnlesJ public notice in one
<>r more newspapers in the State, shall have been given, for at
least three months Hnuiedinlcly preceding the Session at which
the same may be applied for.
3. No Banking Corporation shall be created <>r continue,
which is composed of a less number than twenty inn'iviihials, a
majority of whom al least shall be residents of the St.'te; and
no other corporation shall be created or continue, composed of j
a less number than ten, of whom at least five shall be resiJents j
of this State,
4. No Bank Charter, or any act of incorporation, grantin r
exclusive privileges, shall be granted for a lotmer period than
twenty years; and no bank charter shall ever be extended or
renewed.
5. The Charters of Banks granted by the General Assembly,
• hall restrict such Banks to the business of exchange, discount’j
and depo-.it; and they shall not speculate or deal in real estate '
•<r the stock of oilier corporations or associations, or in mer-!
> Itandize or chattels, or be concerned in Insurance, Manufactii
i ing, Exporting or Irnportaion, except of Bullion or Specie;
hall not act as Trustee in anywise, nor shall they own real es
i ite or chattels, except such as may be necessary for their actual
ise iii the transaction of business, or which may be pledged as
irther security, or received towards, or in satisfaction of previ
ously contracted debts, or purchased at legal sales, to satisfy
-iii’li debts; of which they shall be required to make sale with-
> / two years after the acquisition thereof.
E; Th" capital stock of any Bank shall not. be less than one
.indeed thousand dollars, and shall be create d only by the aettt- ;
al payment of specie therein ; and no Bank shall borrow mo
ney to create or add to its capital, or to conduct its business,
and no loans shall be made on stock.
7. All liabilities of such Banks shall be payable in specie,
and the aggregate of the liabilities and issues of a bank, shall
at no lime exceed double the amount of its capital stock paid in. ■
8. No Bank shall make a note or security of any kind, for
a smaller sum than five dollars; and the General Assembly may
increase such restriction to twentv dollars.
9. No dividends of ptofits exceeding ten per centum per an
num, on the capital stock paid in, shall be made, but all profits
over ten per centum, per annum, shall be set apart and retained
as a safety fund.
10. Stockholders in a bank, w hen an act of forfeiture of its
Charter is committed, or when it is dissolved or expires, shall
be individually, and severally liable for the payment of all its
debts, in proportion to the stock owned by each.
] 1. Banks shall be open to inspection, under such regula
tions as mav be prescribed by law ; and it shall be the duty of
<be Governor to appoint a person or persons, not connected in
any manner with any Bank in the State, to examine at least
once a year into their state and condition; and the officers of
evi rv Bank shall make quarterly returnsto the Governor, of its
state and condition, and the names of the stockholders, and
shares held by each.
12. Non user for the space of one year, or any act of a cor- 1
poration, or those having the control and management thereof, !
or inti listed therewith inconsistent w ith or in violation of the pro
visions of this Constitution, or of its charter, shall cause its
forfeiture; and the General Assembly shall by general law, pro
vide a summary process for the sequestration of its effects and
assets, the apportionment of officers to settle its affairs, and no
forfeited charter shall be restored. The foregoing provisions
shall not be construed to prevent ’.be General Assembly from
imposing oilier restrictions and provisions, in the creation of
corporations.
13. The General Assembly shall not pledge the faith and
credit of the State, to raise funds in aid of any corporation
whatsoever.
14. The General Assembly shall, at its first session, have
power to regulate, restrain and control all associations claiming
to exercise corporate privileges in the State, so as to guard,
I protect and secure the interest of the people of the State, not
violating vested rights, or impairing the obligation of contracts.
ARTICLE XVI.
General Provisions.
1. The General Assembly shall have no power to pass laws
for the emancipation of slaves.
2. They shall have no power to prevent emigrants to this
State, from bringing with them such persons as maybe deemed
slaves, by the laws of any one of the United States: Provided,
they shall have power to enact laws to prevent the introduction
of any slaves who may have committed crimes in other States.
3. The General Assembly shall have power to pass laws to
prevent free negroes, mulattoes and other persons of color, em
igrating to this State, or from being discharged from on board
any vessel, in any of the ports of Florida.
4. Treason against the. State, shall consist only in levying
war against it, or in adhering to its enemies, giving them aid
and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, unless
on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or his
confession in open court.
5. Divorces from the bonds of matrimony, shall not b, e al
lowed, but by the judgment of the Court, as shall be prescribed
by law.
7. The Courts of this State shall never entertain jurisdiction
of any grants of land, in the Floridas, made by the King of
| Spain, or by his authority, subsequent to the 24th day of Jan
uary, 1818, nor shall the said courts receive as evidence, in any
case, certain grants said to have been made by the said King of
in favor of the Duke of Alagon, the Count Punon Ros
tro, nnd Don Pedro de Vargas, or any title derived from ei
' liter of said grants, unless with theexpress assent of the Congress
of the United States.
I
MECHANICS.
BY M. M. NOAH.
“ Look at that tailor, driving his barouche and horses,” said
a whiskered dandy in Broadway ; “ how can America ever ar
rive at distinction, when all classification of persons are thus
1 annihilated, and the coach of your tailor runs against the wheels
of your own tillbury ?” This is the opinion, no doubt, of
many who never earned a dollar by their own industry. Bona-
I parte, the best judge of human nature and of merit, never vis
ited a great painting, or a specimen of ingenuity or mechanic
I art, that he did not, on taking leave, walk up formally to the
‘ artist, or mechanic, or engineer, and, taking oft’ his hat, salute
' him with a low and respectful bow; it was a homage due to
• merit, ami he always paid that debt. Nothing gives me more
l pleasure than seeing a mechanic in his own coach, that is to say,
‘ if he drives his own coach on the actual profits of his occupa
’ tion ; if he mistakes the time nnd begins too early, he is lost;
for a mechanic who sets up his coach,and is compelled to set it
I down again, from a premature commencement and not under-
I . standing his position, is a poor creature indeed, and runs ahead
' i of his business.
■ It is a custom, and a bad custom, in England, to look on
tradesmen and mechanics as an inferior class of men, without
I referrence to their character of wealth. This, however, grows
■ out of the distinctions and classifications of society in a monar
> chial form of government, and keeps mechanics, excepting in
■ the city of London, continually under the ban, and consequent
ly prevents their ever attaining a high rank ; and we regret to
add, that we are tinctured a little too much in this country with
• the same feelings. Some of our families, accustomed to be-
• lieve that there is in a mechanic something low and grovelling,
prefer bringing up their sons to a profession, or in a counting-
’ house, or in a retail fancy store; and when they come of age,
■ they have no capital to give their children to commence busi
ness with and they drag out a poor and wearied existence, de-
I pending on chance, and seldom attaining affluence. This is
• not the case with the sober, industrious mechanic ; he lias a
I business, a capital of which he cannot be deprived, and if he
‘ possess ingenuity and enterprise, and above all, sobriety and
1 industry, be is very likely to attain fortune. The secret, there-
■ of, in this republican country, is to give your sons a good edu-
■ cation, an education suitable for any profession, and then make
mechanics of part of them, because, if they aie temperate, in-
■ genious, industrious, and frugal, they must make a good living ;
■ but if these principles are engrafted on a good education, such
' mechanics not only become rich, but they become great.
1 . The education which qualifies them for lhe bar or the bench
| —for the highest honors of a profession, imparts a greater val
| tie to their mechanical pursuits, and enables them to take a
; high rank in the political world sustained by a powerful inte
. rest, and if wc had a larger portion of mechanics in Congress
than we now have the country would repose iii safety ou their
sagacity and intelligence. True, there are privations and ill
conveniences in learning and working at a mechanical business
—boys must be up early and late—live hard—work hard; they
must make great sacrifices of ease and comfort for a term of
years, and then they will begin to realize the good results—to
taste of the good fruit; besides, what is above all price, their
habits from fourteen to nineteen are formed in a proper and
safe mould, free from indolence, vice, and extravagance.
The very dandy who turned up bis honorable nose at the
tailor driving his barouche and pair was actually the son of a
mechanic, and inherited a large fortune, which he does not
know how to use. In a few years be will have dissipated it in
folly and extravagance, and then become a loafer, and, without
knowing how to earn his bread, he will follow the meanest
trade in the world, that of begging.
The parents who have several sons, nnd not means to give
them all fortunes, begin in lime to bend their mind to the con
sideration of useful occupations—
‘‘.lust as llio twii» is bent
Tho tree’s inclined.''
’I he other day I held a colloquy on this very subject with
one ol mv boys—a little fellow full of sprightliness and ambi
tion. “ Father,” said he, “ what trade am I to learn?” “A
, ady’s shoemaker, my son.” “ A what ?” said the little urchin,
h;,j full blue eyes widening with a stare of astonishment, and
bis inroad cheeks reddening to the crimson of pulpit cushions—
i“a la dy’s shoemaker ? Why, what is lhe use of my learning
Euglisi.', a,| d I' retich, and Spanish, grammar and the globes,
i arithmetic and dancing, and playing on the fiddle, and com
position, a.id elocution, and riding on horseback, if I’m only
to be a lady s shoemaker?” “ Precisely se» my son ; when you
have finished vour education you shall learn to be a lady’s
shoemaker; wbc'n you have served out your time, 1 will send
yon to Paris or M idi id, for a year or so, to finish your trade
with the very first n.asters —there they make beautiful shoes—
then you shall have a Store in Broadway, a small capital will
set you up in business; and do you not think that the ladies of
the city would prefer a w- II educated gentlemanly young mnn,
with a good address and a perfect master of his art to take
, measure of their delicate feet, than a clumsy, rough-looking,
rude fellow, with his fingers all over wax? Certainly. You
would be every where patronized—your work would be prais
ed, and your fortune soon made. Now is this not better than
putting a pair of specs on your nose—a threadbare coat on
your back—Blackstone in your hands, waiting day after day
foradient?” “ Well, but father,” said he, “you will give
me as much money as 1 want when 1 am a man—there is no
use in my working.” “Yes, but there is, my boy ; you must
earn money by your industry. Were Ito give you money and
bring you up in idleness, what would become of you when the
money was all gone?” The little fellow did not exactly un
derstand the philosophy of such conclusions, but as he grows
older he will view the matter in a proper light. After all said,
much depends on the good counsel of mothers in laying the
foundation lor a sound superstructure in the minds of their sons.
Let a widow left only in moderate circumstances have four in
telligent, well-educated boys, who have honorably and success
fully served out their times in some mechanical business, and
see how much more comfortable are her prospects in old age,
than if she had four boys, depending on precarious profession
al pursuits for a living.
This reasoning partially applies to daughters, who are by
far less troublesome and difficult to manage than sons. It is
incredible how many avenues to coinfort and employment are
opened to girls if they are industriously disposed. There are
three young ladies, daughters of a respectable but moderately
circumstanced family, remarkable for neatness of dress and a
reserved manner, attributed by many to pride. Calling in at
rather an unusual visiting hour. I found lhe mother and
daughters employed in making muslin shirts, for which they
received only a shilling apiece, and they frankly informed me
that they clothed themselves entirely by the needle. The cause
of their pride was thus explained—it was lhe pride of conscious
independence.
The old Maid’s first offer.—The following, says the
St. Louis Gazette, is from an old almanac. I must tell you the
heart-rending story—l have longed wished to do so, and the
time is at length arrived. (Here her voice dropped into a con
fidential whisper.) Poor dear Major Ogilvie, who is now dead
and gone—heigho ! —had been long showing me marked atten
tion ; —in fact paying his addresses, though he never made his
declarations ; when one morning, after having sung me a song
of Farinelli’s—the music I believe was Gluck’s ; ah ! you should
have heard the Major, he was such a sweet singer. Well the
Doctor had gone out to buy a new invented fish sauce, poor
dear man, he does like to have his fish well dressed—and I re .
member he took Franchette, my little beauty of a spaniel with
him, so that the Major and I were all alone in the breakfp st •
lor, when, looking beseechingly in my face, ’ ne suddenly went
down on one knee before me—ah ! there -.eas <rs.ll- " • ..
d. y . t _„d <akin K my band which he <cX.s± 3
passionate avowal of his love. Uel. m?S elftl U^hTg eZsoV
tins ag.tat.ng moment, i Ust asl was j \ 0 utter ’
71? 7 fe V ,on -° f my my eyes began to twin
kle- felt a tmghng mmy nose , my mO uth opened in spite of
myse ,am sneczei h k c an explosion of gunpowder right in
h.s upturned fare, Now do tell mc d ' i(] you e^._of
al * le ‘'Lard occurrences.
1 '‘ c Major started, as well he might, but recovered himself
ao didl—he gazed at me tenderly and expectingly, and I
was just about to relieve him from his suspense, when I sneezed
with a second and still louder explosion, that seemed to shatter
the very nose from my face. This was a confusion to me and
the Major, but still holding my imprisoned hand, but looking
downwards, to avoid the shower bath that I was unintentional
ly scattering round me, he swore that he never would rise from
his knees till I had pronounced his doom. I uttered a heart
felt sigh, and the soft avowal was just trembling on the tip of
my tongue, when I felt something on the tip of my nose ! Lady
Susan—Lady Susan, it was beginning to bleed !—did you ever
—of all the distressing moments!
I struggled to withdraw my hand that I might get my hand
kerchief, an action which the Major attributed to coyness, and
therefore did but hold it more firmly. In the contest, after
frightfully spottinguny tabbinett silk gown, three very large
drops of blood fell upon the Major’s wrist! He started up—l
closed my eyes and sunk in a chair, overwhelmed with confu
sion. Supposing I had fainted, the Major instantly seized a
large tumbler of water and threw it in my face. At such an
unexpected sousing, I screamed with surprise and terror. The
Mareschal powder which I wore—l was always famous for my
powder—mingled with the water and blood, converted my face
into a hideous spectacle, when just at that moment, the door
Hew open, and Franchette, thinking her mistress was killed, flew
at the poor dear Major, and bit a large mouthful out of his leg,
while the good, horror-stricken Doctor suffered the bottle of
newly invented fish sauce to fall from his hand and be smashed
to pieces on the floor. Now, dearest Lady Susan! consider
what must have been my feelings! did you ever!—such a scene !
Wives Wanted.—Three bachelors of Sheboyton, Wiscon
sin Territory, have advertised for wives. Here is their adver
tisement. The subscribers take this method of making their
wishes known to the single ladies of Wisconsin. The reason for
advertising for wives is, because there is a scarcity of single la
: dies hereabout. We want those who understand all kinds of do
mestic housewifery; rather tall than short; rather slim than
i thick set; of good form and features; neat turned ankle and
small feet, and not to exceed eighteen years of age. Any wish
ing to obtain a husband, will please address us through the
Post office at Sheboyagain. Address N. B. who is not over 22
years of age ; M. W. who is not over 27 years of age ; A. D.
who is not over 24 years. We do not care if those who apply
are troubled with a little of the readj.
Original Anecdote.—A few days since, a jolly tar, who
had just returned home after a long cruise, employed a cart
man, known about the town as Dutch Yacttb, to carry his bag
gage from on board the ship to his boarding house. After ev
ery thing was stowed on the cart to his satisfaction, Jack seated
himself on the top of his chest and for want of better amuse
ment, spliced the ends of the cart-rope together. When they
arrived at the stopping place, Yacub attempted to cast off his
rope preparatory to unloading. After searching in vain forthe
end of it, he threw his hat on the pavement in a rage, and ex
claimed. “ Dunder and blixen, some tain Yankee’s cut off bote
de ends of mine ropes and put dem veredet tnyvel himselfvont
finds em.”— N. Y. Whig.
Lost wealth may be regained by a course of industry ; the
wreck of health repaired by temperance; forgotten knowledge
restored by study; alienated friendship soothed into forgive
ness ; even forfeited reputation won back by penitence and vir
tue. But whoever again looked upon his vanished hours? re
called bis slighted years, and stamped them with wisdom ? or
effaced from Heaven’s record the fearful blot of a wasted life?
—Mrs. Sigourney.
Lord Oxford, in his writings, mentions an instance
which occurred during a visit he made to a lunatic asylum in
France, when one of the inmates was repeatedly interrogated
by an upstart youth, who was also a visitor, as to lhe reason or
cause of his (the patient’s) being confined there. The unhap
py fellow at last replied : “ Because God Almighty has deprived
me of that which you never had,"
A pinch of snuff. — “ My dear Julia,” said one pretty girl to
another, “can you make up your mind to marry that odious
Mr, Snuff?” “ Why, my dear Mary,” replied Julia, “ I be
lieve I could lake him at a pinch."
The Boston Post says that the New-York women are as
brazen as brass-knockers, and are out of doors nearly as much.
A chap stepped into a shop not long since and purchased a
bottle of buffalo oil, and sat down and commenced putting a
part of it on his old fur cap. On being asked what Itewasabout
lie replied, “ Why hang it, I’m trying to make the fur grow on
the tarnel thing again, for I wore it all off swinging it for lhe
Whig victory in Connecticut.”
Scarecrow.— One quart of corn, soaked in a strong saltpetre
brine, strewed over a field, is said lobe an effectual remedy
against lhe depredation of crows. Let the crows once get a
taste, and they will be careful not to molest your fields again.
Yankee Parmer.
Never punish a girl for being a romp, but thank heaven,
who has given her health and spirit to be one. ’Tis better than
a distorted spine or hectic cheek. Little girls ought to be
romps.
The Lil.AC.—The Eastern nations from whence this beau
tiful shrub was originally brought, use the Lilac as the emblem
<>l ihe forsaken, as it is the flower the lover offers to his mistress
if lie abandons het.
POLITICAL.
■■ ■
/ com the'■ AitguHtti ('onstihilitmalist.
1 lie signs of the times in Georgia are not so flattering to the po-
Itical prospects of Mr. Clay, as his friends in other sections of the
union were induced to believe. I lis friends in this state, who ex
pected to urge his claims to the presidency in direct opposition to the
incumbent, are compelled, by the signs of the times, to give a tacit
assent to the course recommended by a few of the whig presses,
t Lit a t md candidate should be started, with the view of throwing
away the vote of Georgia, as at the last election. Will the people
s.iii( lion such a course, especially when they have the experience of
Hie past to guide them 1 Certainly not. The vote of Georgia will
not b c thrown away; the friends of Mr. Chy may rest assured of
tins tact let them (orm an electoral ticket for that gentleman if they
aic o enough to do so, and unless a material change occurs in the
signs o tic times, the issue of the contest cannot for one moment
be considered as doubtful.
Sonic of the (>eorgia whigs admit that they are equally opposed to
i. an uren and Air. Clay, and that they have no choice between
tncsß two gentlemen, and would vote for neither. They may dislike
>o' i, <ind would prefer another citizen for the presidency ; but we
><- ie\e it is a dereliction of duty and principle for a citizen to throw
away his vote, when he has to vote for candidates whom he may dis
like; because however strong may be this dislike, there is a choice
?j tween ,wo or niore candidates. We aro as much opposed to
Messrs. Clay and Webster, as certain Georgia whigs may be to
Messrs. \an Buren and Clay. But if the two first gentlemen were
the only candidates lor the Presidency, would we throw our vote on a
third candidate, started with the certainty that he could not be elect
ed, as in the case of Mr. White? No. Wc are equally opposed io
Mr. Webster and Mr. Clay ; but wo would not hesitate one moment
in giving our vote for one of the two gentlemen. Mr. Webster would
certainly receive our vote instead of Mr. Clay. By voting for Mr.
Webster, we would vote for a man who has been, is, and will be un
deviating and firm as a rock, in the principles of the federal party. By
voting for Air. Clay, we would vote for a man who has alternately
fought tinder the banner of every political party which has sprung up
in the United States. By electing Air. Webster, we would anticipate
his cdurse in the administration of public affairs, and prepare c dr _
selves for resisting whatever might impair and injure the pub r lC i ds ti.
lotions of the country. We would assist in organizing un opposition
to his administration, strong enough to check every to d estrov
republican princ.ples, and establish fedetal while support
ing at the same time every measure cale
By electing Mr Clay, we would t>t>t Know t | ie principles which would
be he gmde of his ln turt) democrat, republican, fed
era ist, national republic?.r , an( j w hig, what guarantee would we have
that, to follow the current of events, he should not show himself, in
t io administrati jn o f p l)b ]j c affairs, a whig, a national republican, a
federalist, a republican or a democrat ? In such a political fluctua
tion of principles, how could an opposition efficiently act ? How
co.old an opposition pievent serious injury being inflicted on the
country, by the adoption of unwise measures, when such measures
emanate from unsteady and various principles, originating in a vas
cillating policy to please and to secure the support of parlies as they
appear in turn to grow in influence and strength.
The political life of Air. Clay establishes the correctness of the po
sition we have assumed. We would not hesitate in giving our vote
to Mr. Webster in preference to Air. Clay. And can any southern
man hesitate between Air. Van Buren and Mr. Clay ?
What has the south to fear by the re-election of Air. Van Buren ?
What has he done since he has been President, to displease or injure
the south ? Nothing. Are not his principles, in regard to some of
the important questions of the day, in perfect coincidence with the
principles of the south ? And what reasons have we to fear, that, if
re-elected, he would depart from the policy he has hitherto pursued ?
What guarantee have we, that Air. Clay, if elected, would follow the
policy of Air. Van Buren’s administration? If the policy pursued by
Air. Van Buren is congenial to southern interest and feeling, certainly
the south should desire that Air. Clay, if elected, shouid”follow the
same course. And did not Air, Clay declare, mote than once, that
the present administration, especially with regard to the Indians resi
ding in Georgia, was totally wrong? If wrong, Mr. Clay would be
bound, if elected, to follow a contrary policy. And are we prepared
in the south to submit to a policy which might be favorable to a pro
tective tariff, national Bank, and the interference of the general gov
ernment in southern institutions?
PENNSYLVANIA.
The Governor of this State has vetoed a bill recently passed by
the Legislature, making appropriations to various objects of local
improvement. The ground of objections which he assumes is, that
whilst the State is laboring under a debt of more than thirty mil
lions, it would be highly improper to borrow money or tax the peo
ple for funds to be lavished for objects of trivial, and secondary im
portance. He says that if it were even advisable to increase the ex
isting debt, the present, when there is great difficulty in procuring
money enough to meet the responsibilities already incurred is not the
most propitious time for undertaking the task. Past legislation has
departed so widely from the original design of the internal improve
ment system, by assuming the prosecution of various enterprises, of
a local character, and by placing the public credit and resources
wholly within the control of private companies, that the treasury of
the commonwealth has beep drained, her resources exhausted, her en
ergies crippled, and the government involved in the greatest embar
rassments.
It is to be regretted that the reasoning of this document was not
based upon broader grounds. The evils which it refers to a depar
ture from former modes of aiding internal improvements are the in
inevitable results of the system itself. The State began upon a wrong
principle, and the enormous abuses that have grown up under its
practical working, cannot be prevented until the whole course of its
legislation is reformed. When it shall be admitted that the building
of bridges, the repairing of turnpikes, the construction of canals,
the improvement of streams, and especially the payment of the debts
of private incorporations, are matters that are properly left to local
administrations or private enterprize, some progress towards a sound
policy will have been made—towards the only policy, in fact, which
can rescue the State from impending evils, and restore a real pros
perity and strength. Perseverance in her present courses can only
add to her incumbrances, and increase both the number and nature
of the difficulties with which she contends.
We some time since had occasion to refer to the experience of
Pennsylvania on this subject, and the accuracy of our representation
was questioned by a Philadelphia print. The following extract from
an article of the Pennsylvanian, commenting on the message of the.
Governor, we subjoin as a confirmation of what was then expressed :
The opinions expressed by the Governor in this document, both as
to the temporary policy of such appropriations, when the affairs of
the commonwealth are comparatively embarrassed through the squan
dering profusion of the preceding administration, and as to the princi
ple involved in thus frittering away' the means of the State, appear
to be incontrovertibly sound ; and we are satisfied that 1 liev will be
so regarded by the people of Pennsylvania, whatever sectional or in
dividual disappointment may be experienced from the operation of the
veto. The Govctnor strikes a decisive blow, at the log-rolling sys
tem of legislation, which was suffered to become a gigantic evil
—he takes a determined stand against the omnibus appropria
tions, in which every one could have a ride, provided he did
not interfere with the seat of his neighbors; and he gives a severe
check to the “ Boring” process, by denouncing the present departures
from the original schemes of internal improvements, as having indu
ced a general scramble among expert bargainers for the largest share
of the public money, to be dispensed, without regard to the main
lines of the public works, among incorporated companies and petty
local interests.
It is in this way that the great commonwealth of Pennsylvania is
kept in a state of impoverishment—that she is placed in continual
difficulties, and that she is so often at the mercy of accidental circum
stances, affecting the rates of the money market. The greater the
sums poured into the treasury, as shown in several remarkable in
stances during the last few years, the more voracious and fierce the
“ general scramble,” and the more rapid and complete the consequent
exhaustion. No government can possibly sustain itself against the
combined operation of log-rolling and boring, without recourse either
to heavy taxation, or to the worse expedient of selling its legislative
favors to the highest bidder, and traffickujg away the rights of the peo
ple for a little ready cash, and the “ omnibus riding, which became so
fashionable during the session of 1835-6, if unchecked, must soon
burry the republic into hopeless bankruptcy.— TV. Y. Evening Post
an man.
The following letter from the Hon. Samuel B. Servant, one of the
most independent and high-minded politicians of the State Rights
School, in Virginia, will be read with interest. He takes the same
view of the Presidential Question, which all the lovers of the South,
and her institutions, wif/rotzZ distinction of party, will inevitably, or
do at present, take of the relative merits of Clay and Van Buren.—
Read it, Slate Rights men of Georgia. Hear one of your most hon
ored brethren—and can ye say nay to his words?— Savannah Geor.
To the. Editors of the Norfolk Beacon:
In reply to the enquiries propounded to the candidates for the coun
ties of Elizabeth City and Warwick, I have to say.—
1. I am decidedly in favor of the Internal Improvement of the
State, as my votes in the last and preceding legislatures will show.—
In works of a general chaiacter, 1 prefer the State to the joint stock
system, because 1 consider the former the more efficient plan, and
rendered the more necessary, inasmuch as our sister States around
us are employing the most active means to raise up rival improve
ments to our own.
2. I am not now, and never was an advocate of the United States
Bank. 1 consider it unconstitutional, inexpedient and dangerous.
3. I would under no circumstances short of actual instructions give
my vote for William C. Rives, as United States* Senator. I consid
er him a selfish politician—unwoithy the support of any State Rights
man particularly—or of the honest portion of any party. He sup
ported all the ultra-federal, anti-State Rights’ measures, and in
deed was the champion of the late Administration in its very worst
acts, and now affects disgust at the present Administration, which,
compared with its predecessor, is perfectly spotless. I have no con
fidence in his professions, whether made fortheone party or the other.
4. I decidedly, unequivocally, without reluctance, hesitation or
reservation,prefer Martin Van Buren to Henry Clay, as next Presi
dent of the United States. I consider Mr. Clay an ultra latitudinarian
in his construction of the Constitution, and believe that his elevation
to the Presidency will reinstate in power the old Federal partv. I
believe Mr. Van Buren is nearer the Virginia doctrines of ’9B, than
has been any President since Mr. Jefferson. I have seen nothing ob
jectionable in his administration thus far; he has been guilty of none
of the excesses of Gen. Jackson’s Administration; he is in myjudg
ment a “ Northern man with Southern principles;” and unless he
does some act which should Change my opinion and forfeit mv Con
fidence I shall most cheerfully support his re-election; and under
the circumstances of the case I shall not consider my vote as be
tween a-choice of evils.
5. I am not now and never was in favor of a Tariff for protection ;
nor of internal improvements by the General Government, consider
ing both unconstitutional.
I heseare nty opinions. I hope my opponents will be as explicit,
SAMUEL B. SERVANT.
RIGHTS and UNITED STATES RIGHTS.
of
... , THU TKUE ISSUE.
OF THE EANKS.oraGOK-
TUTI(>\ Shall we havr. aCONSTI-
oran NA-
R .'yrv EA^K! Shall we have a CONSTITUTIONAL CUR
UPTI i , AND SI , LVEII nr one of IRREDEEMABLE PA-
rtArv W ‘, ltVK nn<il:r tl,e of a MONIED ARISTOC-
tiAh Y, orunder the safeguards of a FUKd CONSTITUTION 1
[Washington Chronicle.
TUESDAY lIORMXG, JIAY US. ‘
DEMOCRATIC TICKET.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
JOHM FORSYTH.
FOR GOVERNOR,
CHARLES J. MCDONALD.
REDUCTION.
Although we know the modern Whigs to be a very curious kind es
people, we were not prepared lo witness such kicking and capering as
some of their presses are exhibiting upon the question of reduction.
When it is recollected teat they have been for years, the champions of
reduction, so far as the talking part has been concerned, it might have
been expected that they would have been the first to carry out and ac
complish an object apparently so much desired by them ; but now when
a Convention has met and acted, and proposed a plan by which an ade
quate reduction may be effected, they cry out no ratification, and call
upon their friends to oppose it every where.
But to show more distinctly, the course of the Whig press upon the
subject, wo make a few extracts, with such comments as may suggest
themselves to our mind; and first from the Georgia Messenger:
suc '‘ deeds of injustice, for the purpose of securing a party ia
Eni/fnllllw u' ,0 c 7 ush 11 . to The people are yet honest, and will never
1 >ng follow leaders whose only object is their own elevation. This is, and ever will
i - eSt s . tttln eeer sought to he.engrafted on our Constitution. Let all
'nv P e a ftk II "’o T "? *? ‘t e 81mple meaning of these amendments— (and
jggpo avowed on the floor of the house) it is to secure the Van Buren partvia
Ms„ r ' ,: 8 , ,. at r I ,v °P er instrument to be called the Constitution of honest freemen!
not the final result, even if it is adopted bv an overwhelming majority. Th.
power acquired by such wickedness, perpetrated under the sacred garb of the cJa
stitution, will have but a bnefexistence.’’ °
Well! if “This is the foulest stain ever sought to be engrafted ou our
Constitution,” much of the sin must lie at the door of the Whig party,
as without a pretty considerable number of their votes, the measure
could not have passed, as some twenty to thirty Union men voted against
The truth is, it is not a party measure, and should not be so consid
ered, and we shall not so treat it, unless it is forced upon us by our po
litical adversaries. But if the Messenger is disposed to view it in that
aspect, don’t make fish of one, and flesh of auother—do not separate tho
Union men who voted for it, from the Whigs who voted forit; and what
you mete to one, measure to all. This is nothing but even-handed jus
tice.
If no whig had voted for it, the measure would have been lost by*
majority of forty or fifty votes, and yet the Union party are denounced
for an act which was only consummated by the aid of the Whigs, and in
which about seventy of their delegates participated, Judge Berrien
and Col. Gamble included. Will the Alessenger contend that these
distinguished gentlemen would wilfully and knowingly “ engraft a foul
stain upon the Constitution,” or “ perpetrate deeds of injustice, for the
purpose of securing a party in power,” particularly lhe Union party ?”
Nor is lhe Southern Recorder less severe in its condemnation, or ua
measuied in its terms of reprobation, as the following extract will show:
“ Now, the people have only to reflect on the fact, that by the elections of the two
last years, the Governor s election and the Congressional election, both by a general
vote of the people of the State; and the last Senatorial elections, bv a vote of the
m< hvidnal counties, the State Rights party is proved to be a majority of the people of the
and then to reflect that by this party arrangement, this majority ofthepeo-
Pie is thrown into an almost hopeless minority in the Legislature— to feel that this
er^"?° n has str H ck a deadly blow at the very first principle of Republican Gov
ernment,—overturning the primary principle of our institutions, by ordaining that to
subserve party purposes, the minority of the people shall govbr“ amp
MAN Y The very J r R , !TY "h ™ . PEOPI ’ E .-?’HAT THE FEW SHALL GOVERN THE
MANY, lhe very distinguishing characteristic, and essence of Aristocracy.”
Like its co-worker, the Alessenger, the Recorder seems to have for
gotten that there was a solitary man of their party in the Convention,
but if they will just look over the yeas and nays upon the final vote, they
will find that it was not carried by Union votes, but by a union of both
parties, and is therefore not a party measure, and if, as the Recorder
says, it “has struck a deadly blow at the very first principle of Republi
can Government,” of the 181 delegates who voted for it, every one ia
equally culpable, without distinction of party.
But the Recorder in the same article, sets up a different code of mor
als for the two parties, by which it excludes and exculpates those of
their own party, for the very act which they condemn in Union men at
violating “the very first principle of Republican Government.” But
hear them :
i be " nd ® rs,oo<l ’l'« we include in our condemnation, those of the State
Ri-hts party who finally voted in favor of this measure : it was not the child of their
love; be it understood that they voted for it, not because it was what thev would
l' ava >7 ls i hed ’ butbecau f? ,'t was the best they could obtain from the unvielding par
nle Fm n ntimnn P . 0 ' ,lCa | °' , l ,Onen,s 10 effect tbc ” b ject desired by th! £eo
wmioLt P ,o r aub Y« rtour government in its fundamental principle, thatof
the majority governing—for this attempt to fasten the very essence of Aristocraev
fKV D? Ce |,eople ,°£ Gco rg'». that the few shall rule the main—for all this’ the
Ouwn Vemoeraeu of Georgia, have to account to the free and enlightened veoileof
Georgia, and in their hands we most cheerfully leave them.” people
O, no ! “it must not be understood that we include in our condemna
tion, those of the State Rights party who finally voted for this measure.”
By no means. It would be “shocking vulgar,” to put them upon a
footing with Union men, or hold them accountable for crimes for which
Union men should be punished. Did'nt mean that at all. They, good
souls, did not intend the least harm, and only voted for it to oblige tho
Union men, “ because it was the best thing they could obtain,” and
just to gratify the Union men in “this attempt to subvert our government
in its fundamental principles.”
It strikes us that tho Whigs who voted for the measure will hardly
thank the Recorder for tho flimsey excuse it has manufactured forthem.
I'hey are 100 high-minded and independent, to take shelter under «ueh
a subterfuge. They voted for it upon their own judgement, and are wil
ling to bear their due proportion of the responsibility; and will blush at
this attempt of the Recorder to place them in a position which they will
never consent to occupy.
All wc ask is, that the question shall be fairly met, and fairly discussed
upon its merits alone, because it is not a party measure, but resulted from
the joint action of both parties, andeonld not have been carried by either,
and we hope the people of all parties will consider it in its true light,
calmly and dispassionately, and decide for themselves. It is a subject
upon which there should be no excitement; from which passion and
prejudice should be banished, and reason and reflection be the only
guides to a just and proper conclusion.
There are men of both parties in its favor, and also against it, and *
mutual respect for each other’s rights and opinions is the duty of all.
In conclusion, we regret the necessity which compels us to touch thia
subject nt present, but the attempt to give it a political caste, and at tha
same time to screen a portion of the Whigs from the censure which they
attach to Union men, for the self-same act, demands at our bands a
passing notice.
The project for reducing the Gene, al Assembly of the State, is now
before the people for their decision, and all we desire is, a temperate in
vestigation of ;ts merits. W’e ask them to examine it. with reference
alone to its effects upon their interests, and when they have done so and
expressed their will, we shall be content.
THE LAUNCH.
The beautiful barge Glide, recently built by Mr. Kimball forthe Aqua,
tic Club of this city, was launched at six o’clock, P. M„ ou Saturday, at
the old ferry landing near the bridge, in presence of a large concourse’ es.
ladies and gentlemen. , *
She glided beautifully into her destined element, amidst the cheers'and l
huzzas of the spectators, and upon applying the oars, proved beraelflw
be a lirst-rater.