Newspaper Page Text
POLITIC IL,
From the North Carolina Standard.
Mr. Fan Buren—Henry Clay—Review of Facts.
But the League between the “Whigs” and Abolition
ists, although denied by the Southern “Whig” Press, is
not contradicted in those sections where it is reputed to
produce “ whig” triumphs. Take lite following additional
proofs, and let a Southern stomach digest them as it may.
Just before the New York Election of 1838, at a peri
od when this unholy combination to sacrifice a “ Northern
President for his Southern feelings” was to be consumma
ted in the Empire State—Mr. Van Buren’s own Slate—
and when there was less danger of alarming the South,
whoso elections were a year off, what said the Abolition
ists? Hear it, People of the South. Look at it calmly
and judge justly—by whatever party name you have been
heretofore known. Ina Circular issued from the Seat of
Government, of tint State of New York, and promulga
ted under the official signatures of the Presidents, Vice
President, and Executive Committees of Anti-Slavery
Societies, we read that they “ recommend their abolition
friends to vote for Seward,” the “ whig” candidate for
Governor, and have given their reasons:
“First: Mr. Seward is the candidate of the party
which on the floor of Congress nobly vindicates the right
of petition, (viz : of Abolition Memorials) and ss nobly
asserts the freedom of debate—of the party also that sus
tains John Q. Adams, and Wm. Slade —of a party whose
views aro liberal and tolerant."
What party is here meant ? V. hich “ party” is it that
vindicates the right of petitioning against Slavery ? W hich
“ party” asserts the right of freely debating Slavery ?
Which parlv sustains Adams and Slade ? IV hich “ party”
is it that has been so liberal,so tolerant to those fanatics!
Undeniably, it is the self styled “II hig" Party;" un
questionably it is, and it must be the same party whose
candidate Seward was—viz: the “ Whig" Party.
“ Second. Mr. Seward is the candidate of the party
which in our (New York) Legislature passed Resolutions
against Patton's Gag— Resolutions in favor of the right
of petition, (meaning as above,petitions against slavery)
and in favor of granting a trial by Jury to persons claimed
as Fugitive Slaves. Instead of the denunciations and
revilings with which our (Abolition) petitions were treated
in years past, instead of threaten ing us with penal enact
ments, the WHIGS received and treated our petitions and
remonstrance with respect, &.c.”
This is as plain as the light of day—-you may run and
read it. The Abolitionists have called on their Brethren
to vole for the “ whig” candidate, because the "whigs"
have been “ rcxprc/i/Z, w hile the Democrats “denounced
•nd reviled the Abolitionists.” Aye, “ treated with re
spect," are the very words of Mr. Clay’s speech before the
battle was fought by the South, anti won under a leader of
“ Northern birth and Southern feelings.” “ The whigs
vrte with us,” say the Abolitionists, and, therefore, we
will vote for their candidate.” “ They tickle oer elbow
and we must scratch their head.”
“ Third. Mr. Seward is the candidate of a party that
opposes the re-election of a President who stands pledged
toce/oany bill abolishing slavery in the District of Co
lumbia.”
What President is pledged to veto Abolition! Mr.
' Van Buren. He alone is a cantl date for “ reelection,
and pledged to veto Abolition;” and the Abolitionists here
join this unholy League to defeat him, and/or that reason.
It is for this cause they oppose him. It is for this that
he is to be proscribed, ft is for this the “Abolitionists
generally are Whigs.” And will the South assist, at the
sacrifice es their own defender! When he is battling
for the South, and his enemies take to their ranks a savage
foe, whose aim it is to strike the South through Mr. Van
Burea, and whose, object it is to immolate the Chief, in
order that they may remove an insuperable barrier to any
incursion upon us, how can any of us longer keep a stand
amongst his adversaries! While the “ whigs” are fighting
under a banner that has Abolition on either side of it,
how dare any Southern Soldier take position under its
folds!
But to proceed with this Manifesto bv Abolition
“Whigs”—this Covenant and League. What farther
reason is given for voting for Seward!
“ Fourth. Because Mr. Seward is the candidate op
posed io Gov. Marcy, who in his Message to the Le
gislature (of New York) has manifested the bitterest
“ hostility to ouit cause” (viz. the Abolition cause.)
Now this Governor Marcy was the Van Buren Candi
date. The “ whigs” say the Abolitionists, “ have treated
us with respect”—the “ whigs” are “ liberal and tole
rant” to us—but this democrat Van Buren is pledged to
veto Abolition, and Governor Marcy is bitterly hostile to
Abolitionists; and, therefore, we the Abolitionists will
vote the Il’Aig Ticket ! We go for a “ change of rulers,”
and, therefore, “ we, too, are whigs.”
“ Fifth. Because the re-election of Gov. Marcy (the
Van Buren Candidate) would go very far towards the re
election of Martin Van Buien, whose measures and policy
are so hostile to the cause of human liberty”—(that is to
say Abolition.)
The Abolitionists are here called upon to league with
the “ Whigs” to proscribe Mr. Van Buren for his hostility
to Abolition. But we hear the Federal Presses at the
South, in thjir effiuts to escape from the just condemnation
of Whiggery, say no I They say the opposition is ground
ed upon other and distinct matters—the Bank qpestion—
tire Sub-Treasury-—the Currency—are the grounds on
which the Whigs and Abolitionists of New York concur
red, and that is what brought about an accidental concert !
Alas! this refuge of deception cannot avail them I The
political manifesto, the bond of Union which their Aboli
tion A Hies signed and promulgated to influence the votes
*f their dear brethren in the North, concludes in these
wordy :
“We view the great question of a Sob-Treasury, a
National Bank, or the Currency, of minor importance,
compared with the great subject of (Abolition) human
liberty, and believing that the election of Mr. Seward
(“ Whig”) and the defeat of Governor Marcy (Van Bu
ren) will best promote the great cause of Universal Eman
cipation, we shall vote for him ourselves, and recommend
our Abolition Friends to do the same !”
If there were nothing else to prove a Coalition between
the “ Whigs” and Abolitionists, here is abundant evi
dence. They voted together ; they triumphed together;
•nd even their brethren in the South shouted “ Glorious,
glorious, glorious Victory !”
But what sort of Victory was it! Most fortunately for
the country, our Union, and the South, it will be but a
temporary victory—yet so far as it went, and so long as it
lasts, it is ■ triumph over Southern Rights and our blessed
Constitution. A victory won by an union of political mal
ice and ambition, with a fanatical and dangerous Faction
—by a League or Coalition of “ and Abolition
ists ! People of the South! Be careful how you give it
countenance. The Teague, is proved by the very Arti
cles of Association, executed cotempotaneously with the
acts by which they were carried out and performed. In
credulity itself is challenged to overcome the conviction
which such proof forces upon the mind.
From ths Georgia Argus.
There is no feeling more common to our nature than the
disposition to attribute our misfortunes to any thing else than
our own imprudence «r want of judgment: hence it is that
so few profit by the experience either of thouiselvcs or others ;
instead of searching out the errors in our own course, and
setting ourselves about to correct them, we shut our eyes to
them, attribute all the evils which have befallen us to somebo
dy or something else, and go ou in the same course and again
bring about the same result.
In nothing is the truth of these remarks more fully exem
plified than in the clamor that is raised about tho necessity
of a National Batik. All the evils that have befallen the
country for the last few years are attributed to the want of it.
nnd all the blessings that a country can enjoy arc promised
by its le-establishmeut. To bear tho story of its advocates,
oue might suppose that during its existence no men haut bad
ever failed in business—that money had never been scarce—
that property had never been low—that pressure in the mo-
Jmy Hiarket bad never been foil—that exchanges had always
been nt par—that no banks had evei failed—that there had
been no money in the country but such as was good, and that
every body had always had plenty ol it; in short, that during
its existence, tho United States Bank had been the dispenser
of every blessing, the panacea of “nil the ills that flesh is
heir to.”
Butho who will take the trohlde to look back upon tho his
tory of the pecuniary affairs of the country from tho time of
the establishment of n United States Bank in 1816 to tho pre
sent time, will find in the past but little evidence of the good
it has done, and no security that tho hopes of its future useful
ness entertained by its advocates will ever be realized. Who
that has arrived at middle ago does not remember with what
destructive and desolating energy, ruin mid bankruptcy
swept over the whole face of our country in eighteen hundred
and twenty, visiting in their march not the merchant nnd tho
speculator nlone, but every class of the community ? when
distress and dismay parvaded every portton of the country?
when scarcely any body had money, nnd every description of
propertv fell almost to nothing ? And yet we had at that
time a National Batik. And at n yet later period, in 1825,
before the country had recovered from tho shock, tho same
thing again happened, nnd yet on neither of these •ccasions
did a National Bank save us from their calamities, or relieve
us of their weight. From 1816 to 1820 we had prosperity;
from that lints to 1835 it was tho reverse; trow if it is fair to
attribute to the bank the four years of prosperity, it is also fair
to charge to it the fifteen years of adversity ; and our people
aro clamoring for the establishment of an institution which
produces one year of prosperity tn four of adversity. If we
take tins supposition as the true one, it proves that a National
Bank has four times the power to do evil that it has to do
good. But if it be claimed for it, and admitted that it pre
tittccd ell tint prosperity, and he denied that it produced any
of the evil, why it only iollowa.that it has but little power l« do
good, nnd no power to prevent evdfc How often do we hear
it roundly asserted, that if the Bank hail been io existence we
should not have aoen the present state of distress. Does the
experience of tho past justify such assertions? Did it prevent
the pressure of 1820, and save our citizens from ruin ? Did
it prevent distress from coming upon them, or relieve them
from it after it had come? Let tboee who«e property was
brought under the sheriff's hammer in those days, answer the
question. The people of Georgia did not then think that the
United States Bunk aided ia relieving them; on the contrary,
so fully were they convinced that it added to the weight of
their calamities, that in 1820 the Legislature was driven to
unjust legislation, in order, as they supposed, to shield the
people from in oppressions.
But we are prone to forget evils that are past and gone, as
wo aro to magnify those of the present and future- The chil
dren of Israel when they began to encounter the temporary
hardships and pt n ations' which were necessary to secure their
liberty, forgot the severity of their task masters, and longed
again fur the flash pots of Egypt. “Would to said
they, “we had died by the k- ; "! of the Lord in the land of
Egypt, “'hen we sat by the flesh pots, and when we did eat
bread to the full; for ye have brought us forth into this wil
derness ts> kill this whole assembly with hunger.” As it was
with the children of Israel, so it is with many of the people of
this day. They seek only for present relief, be the ultimate
evils that may follow w hat they may. _ _ . .
But let us see hew this rslief would be afforded, nod here
we will examine a little more closely some of the anticipated
blessings of a National Bank.
How would the relief be afforded! The Bank could not
give us the money, because if it should, it would seon be broke,
ft could n< t lend it to us because we have nothing to pay it
back with, and it would have to redeem its bilie, which it
could not do with oor notes- But the trw h is, we have all
this time b id a Bank w it h all the credit and more than the ca
pital of the old United States Bank; and why is it that we
have not been relieved ? The present United States Bank
has as much credit as the nld oue, its bills pass at par every
where, and yet it was not able to prevent the calamities iiom
coming, or to relieve us from it after it bad come.
From the South Carolinian.
SUB-TREASURY SCHEME.
“What is the effect of the Sub-Treasury scheme, but to
multiply beyond computation, the number of dependent Ex
ecutive officers!”
It wnu'd, if in operation, have “the effect” of preventing
public defalcation, by preventing the first step towards it—
use of the public funds.
It would, if in operation, chain the legs of what the whigs
call leg treasurers, and chain them too in prison, if they broke
tho law.
It would close the door to the W hig scheme of resorting to
their pet batik system of depesitei—an “ effect” that would
drive the Whigs to desperation.
It would, if it had been in operation, have prevented the
Whig Conservative Swartwou’, pocketing above a million of
the people's moi ey, and cooped him up securely within the
dark walls of a prison, instead of giving him the range of the
Eastern w orld.
It would, if it bad been in operation, have prevented the
less to the people, by banks entrusted with the public funds,
of .* 12 in General Jackson's administration ; of 8270,000,
in Mr. J. Q. Adams’ administration; of SBOO,OOO in Mr.
Monroe's administration; and of $5,000,000 previous to that
ad ministration.
It would have pt everted the loss by collectors, marshals,
attorneys, parmasters, purchasers, Ac . of $4 753,000.
If it had been in operation, it would have had the ‘effect'
to preclude the ruinous credit system, in relation to bunds for
duties, by which the people have lost, of tbeir national reve
nue, not less than $6,/00,000.
Here, then, is the loss of twenty and a half million-, that
would have been saved if the government had adhered to the
independent treasury and cash system, on which the framers
of the constitution intended it should operate, and on which
it would, probably, have operated. had not the first Secretary
of the Treasury. Alexander Hamilton, without regard to law
and constitution, run the federal car off the course, on a tract
of his construction.
From the North Carolina Standard.
AN ENGLISH MIND.
Tho Federal “whig” New York Express, among other
compliments to Mr. Webster says he has an “English
Mind.” The editor is very correct. Mr- Webster most
admirably displayed his “English Mind” in the year 1814,
as the following statement of the votes of this Lion of Fed
eral Whiggery, In congress, at different times during that
period, will show:
On the 7th of January, 1814, Mr. Webster in the House
of Representatives, voted against an appropriation to de
fray the expenses of the navy!
On the lOihof the same month he voted against a pro
position to detect and punish traitors and spies !
On the 14ili, against making provision to fill the ranks
of the army !
On the 22d, against raising troops for five years!
On the 28th against a non-imporiatiun law !
On the Bth of Febuary against raising five regiments of
riflemen !
On the 2!)ih of March, against a bill to execute the laws
and repel invasion !
On the 2d of December, against a bill to raise a revenue
for Government, and maintain the public credit!
On the 10th, against the same bill: also •against a bill
for an appropriation to rebuild the Capitol, after it had been
burnt by lite enemy.
As a Senator from Massachusetts, during the recent
difficulties with France, this same Mr Websthr declared
that he "would not vote for an appropriation for National
defence if the. enemy were battering down the walls of the
Capitol." John Q. Adams then stated in the House that
Webster could takehut one tory step more, and that was
to "join the enemy."
Mr. Webster had also an “English Mind” when be
made bis Speech in Faneuil Hall, Boston, against lending
money to carry on the war with Great Britain ; at which
time his brother Federalists all had “English Minds,” as
expressed by their moanings at the victories obtained by
the American arms over the British foe. And now the
Aristocratic English minded Federal “Whigs,” have sent
Mr. Webster to England, where he will find “gentlemen
who know each oilier by instinct” —gentlemen whose
noses arc instinctively tweaked when they scent the vulgar
American Democracy. And when Mr. Webster returns
the Federalists will have an “English Mind,, to make
him President. If they do not, it will be because he is
not so available, as Henry Clay. Vice President they
are determined he shall be. Then we shall have capi
tal times. A President in association with Abolitionists,
and a Vice President, who besides that Federal virtue, en
joys the stupendous advantage of an “English Mind ! !”
And then will the Southern “Whig” Presses shout “Glo
rious Victory!”
From the New York Evening Post.
rhe discourse late ly delivered by John Quincy Adams,
oili the fiftieth university of the inauguration of President
Washington is an attempt to revive the extinct doctrines
of ancient fedetalism. He maintains, with some degree
of plausibility, that the people of the United States are
one people, subsisting as a great and independent nation,
under a government of the consolidated form. The ac
cordancy of the principles of the constitution with those
of the declaration of independence is the ground upon
which he relies. It is urged that tho articles of confeder
ation were a departure from the spirit and terms of that
great instrumentwhich absolved the colonies from allegi
ance to the parent state. They assumed without warrant
the sovereignty and independence of the colonies, and
thus proceeded upon grounds that were false throughout.
Here is the. substance of his reasoning upon these points.
“ The signers of the declaration, though qualifying them
selves as the Representatives of the United States of
America in general Congress assembled, yet issued the
declaration in the name and by the authority of the good
people, of the colonies. And they declare net each of the
separate colonies, but the united colonies free and inde
pendent. 3he whole people declared the colonies, in their
united condition, of Right free and independent States,.”
“ The independence of each separate State had never been
declared of right, it bad never existed in fact."
In reply we assert that al no time have the States com
prised in the confederacy of the United States existed as
any thing else in relation to each otfler than free and in
dependent States. Great as were the effects pi educed by
the solemn act which severed them from the government
abroad, it accomplished no change among themselves. At
the most it only confirmed a union which had been formed
some time befor» by mutual agreement and for common
purposes. It neither altered the nature, the terms, or the
consequences of the association. It conferred no new
power upon the genet al congress, it abstracted no author
ity from the local legislatures, it created no before uukaown
and untried relations among the colonies. They contin
ued to be such as had been in all that relates to local sove
reignty. I lie people were not called upon to relinquish
the existence of their distinct and independent communi
ties, to stricke down the barriers of local custom ai d law,
to consolidate by a transcendent act of popular will into
one vast and undivided nation. The declaration of inde
pendence was a concerted movement designed more ef
fortuallv to Secure the freedom of the enslaved provinces
,ne British crown. Beyond this it did not advance or
even pretend to advance, in the attainment of this it ac
complished its whole design ; it ceased to act ; leaving
whatever other relations the colonies might see fit to insti
tute among themselves to subsequent legislation and agree
ment. Accordingly articles of confederation were shortly
afterwards prepared, the very first of which ordained
that “each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and in
dependence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which
is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the U.
States in Congress assembled.”
“ But whence,” asks Mr. Adams, “ did each State get
the sovereignty, freedom and independence which the ar
ticles of confederation declare it retains ? not from the
whole people of the whole union ; not from the declara
tion of independence; not ftom the people of the State
itself. It was assumed by agreement between the legisla
tures of the several Slates nnd their delegates in Congress
without authority from, or consultation of the people at
all.”
The answer to this is plain ; the independence of the
States was derived from the declaration certainly. It is
true there was no formal assertion of independence on the
part of each separate colony ; for it was not required.—
When the colonies as an union asserted their freedom, the
efficiency of the act extended to each of the component
parts. It was both joint and several in its operation. The
greater is said to include the less, and in this ease we con
tend the declaration of all the colonies was in effect a declara
tion of each one separately and for itself. The union was
merely transcient and incidental, in no way connected with
the validity of the declaration and establishing noth
ing as to the internal relations of the parties. It was an
agreement which had been previously formed for a speci
fic and definite oltject. beyond which object it did not affect
in the remotest degree the domestic policy, economy,
institutions or legislation of tho confederates. Had any one
of the colonies chosen to withdraw from the union the day'
after the declaration was made, it would have become a
free and independent State. Had Maryland, the last to
give, in her adherence, altogether refused to accede, would
she have reverted to the dominion of the British crown or
or would she have formed a distinct and self governed
community! Most unquestionably the latter, and by vir
tue too of the declaration, solemnly made by her repre
sentatives, and sanctioned constructively at least, if not
directly by her people.
The declaration was made “ in the name nnd by the au
thority of the people, but they were the people of the co
lonies, not of one community, of one body politic, acknowl
edging but one and the same head, and distributed into
Slates for administrative purposes barely, but of several
separate and independent communties united, for the time,
for mutual protection and assistance.
LOSS OF STEAMER MACFARLAND.
We have already given an account of the loss of this
steamboat. The following interesting statement of the
particulars of the accident, is extracted from the Vicks
burg Whig of 20th inst.
Terricle. Disaster and Toss of Life. — The steamboat
Danube bound down, came in contact with the steamer S.
McFarland on her upward passage, on Monday morning
last, about 60 miles below Memphis. The McFarland
was so much injured by the concussion, that she went down
in 3 minutes. The accident occurred about 1 o’clock in
the morning, and the scene that ensued is represented to
its by»passengcrs as heart-lending in the extreme. Capt.
Carroll of the Mediator, who was a a passenger on the
Danube, says lie has never witnessed a parallel to it. The
The McFarland was crowded with passengers, among
•vhom were a large number of women and children, and
the shrieks and cries of the affrighted sufferers, as they
started from their beds to gaze upon the wide extent of
waters yawning to receive them, were truly appalling.—
Among the passengers on board the ill-fated boat, was the
lady and children of our townsman, Richard Christmas,
Esq. and and we are rejoiced to know that they were so
fortunate as to escape. The number of lives lost is repor
ted at live, all of whom were deck passengers. 'I he Mc-
Farland was literally torn to pieces, the hull having separ
ated in a few moments from the cabin—the former sinking
while the latter floated off. We are indebted to J. O. Har
rison, Esqr. for the following extract of a letter from one
of the passengers, giving the annexed particulars:
“ Our boat struck her aft the boilers—she went down
to the cabin in five minutes or less, when it separated from
the hull and filled to some three feet in depth. There were
some 200 persons on board, and many from your place and
State. A gentleman swam to our boat with Mrs. Christ
mas,’♦vo children and a negro! No lives were lost from
the cabin. The deck suffered most in lives and property
—some five persons lost. The Danube was so badly in
jured by the separation of her stem piece, that she had to
be run on shore to save her also from sinking. She was
repaired by daylight so as to enable her to follow the .wreck
at a slow pace, w hich we overtook at the mouth of the St.
Francis river, and towed it to Helena. The baggage was
thus recovered, though in a soaked condition. Loafers
were busy. It is hard to say who, or how much either
party are to blame. It is a deep bend at this place, with
a broad bar from the Island, it would seem that the Mc-
Farland came up the bend, when the pilot on seeing tho
Danube, made for the bar. The pilot of the Danube see- :
ing the other boat in the bend, had also made for the bar. >
—it being dark and both at speed, they approximated fas- j
ter than they were aware of—became alarmed and resul- i
ted in the doctrine of “ hardest fend off.”— Louisianian.
It is estimated that upwards of one hundred thou
sand piano-fortes are manufactured annually in the
United States. '
REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE NEW
YORK COMMITTEE.
Gentlemen:— l am deeply and gratefully effected by
this cotdial reception on the part of my democratic fellow
citizens of the city and county of New York. Long,
very long, the recipient of their favor and thoroughly im
pressed with a conviction of their unvarying patriotism, I
can never he insensible to theirgood opinion. It is, there
fore, with the liveliest satisfaction that I learn from you
that my official conduct as President of the United States
has met the approbation of those in whose behalf you
have addressed me. 1 estimate that approval the more
highly from a belief that they have not overrated either
the difficulties of my position, or the importance of the
subjects upon which it has been tny duly to act.
Your observations upon an important question in re
gard to our domestic policy—that of an independent
treasury, shew a very mature and just consideration of the
subject in all its bearings; tested by the principle which
has been opposed to it— that of giving a temporary use of
the public money, and a consequent control over it, to
private corporations irresponsible to the people—it may
well be regarded us a question involving the nature, and
to some extent, the existence of republican institutions, as
well as a consideration of the main purposes for which
our government was established ; whether for the safety
of the many or the aggrandizement of the few—whether
or not to secure the greatest good to the greatest number,
in our view the only legitimate object of the institution of
government among men. It is, to my mind, certain that
under a system like ours, and in communities like those
which conqrose the population of these States, the solution
of a question embracing such considerations cannot re
main long in doubt. Private interest and individual ef
forts under mistaken impressions as to its tendency, may
indeed obstruct and delay, but they cannot contiol its final
adjustment. On the contrary, we cannot be deceived in
believing that the period is rapidly approaching when
those efforts will be discontinued—when personal conside
rations will unavoidably be merged in the general current
of public sentiment, and when the common interest in this
respect will be placed on its only true and solid founda
tion, by the adoption of the measures referred to with the
approbation of the people.
The views which you have taken of particular points
in our foreign relations, which recently presented a very
unfavorable aspect, are conceived in the same just and
enlightened spirit. The long contested question between
Great Britain and ourselves in relation to the North-east
ern boundary, there is reason to hope, is in a fairway
for a speedy and amicable settlement, and the troubles on
the Ca nadiau border, have, 1 am persuaded, passed their
most dangerous crisis.
To cultivate a spirit of liberal concession in our public
relations, and at the same time, to maintain with every
power our national honor unimpaired, are properly re
garded by you as Busts of the highest nature. Experi
ence has shown that these can be best discharged by inva
riably demanding justice ourselves, and as invariably pur
suing the same line of conduct towards others. A mo
mentary forgetfulness of the latter and great duty by a
small number of our citizens on the Northern frontier, had
well nigh broken up the peaceful relations of two great
nations, and exposed to irreparable injury the dearest in
terests of millions of people, impelled to the most amica
ble intercourse by the strong ties of reciprocal interests,
a common origin and a common language. The injurious
consequences of a war between them, not only to the
particular interests of each, but to those also of mankind,
could not well be exaggerated. Jt may indeed be safely
affirmed, that there are not two other nations in the world,
at war between whom would sever so many ties, or who
are capable of inflicting upon each other such complicated
and diversified evils. Although these considerations have
weight, and would probably receive from neither more
than a passing regret in respect to the prosecution of war
rendered indispensable by a due regard to the national
character, they could not be contemplated without the
deepest sorrow as the result of a contest brought upon the
two countries without necessity.
That the steps which were taken to preserve the public
faith, and to suppress disorder in that quarter, produced
in the tbeu state of public feeling on the frontier, dissatis
faction even with persons entertaining in other respects
the most correct views,did not disappoint me. Trusting,
however, to the good sense and ultimate just feeling of my
countrymen, I was persuaded that those unfavorable im
pressions would be of short duration, and if I had even
thought otherwise, I could not I humbly hope, have been
deterred from the performance of an obvious duty by per
sonal considerations. All well disposed persons now see
the matter in its true light—all feel that the obligations
which public law imposes on civilized nations, and of
which republican governments should be most rigidly ob
servant, were for a moment lost sight of, and that to an
extent which, if persisted in, would have rendered war
inevitable.
It affotds me much pleasure to learn that the course ta
ken was, in your opinion, the best th.it could under the
circumstances of the moment, have been pursued, and that
the country has been saved from a great calamity by its
adoption. The danger of a hostile collision arising from
this source having as I hope, passed away, the asperities
of the moment in a great degree having been allayed, and
an opportunity for cool reflection afforded, we may, 1 am
sure, count with confidence upon a vigilant support by our
citizens, of those great principles of international justice,
the maintenance of which is alike indispensable to the
i preservation of social order and the peace of the world.
I In doing so it does not follow that we are, either to sur
' render the right of opinion, to suppress a solicitude for
the spread of free government, or to withhold our best
wishes for the success of all who arc in good faith labor
ing fortheir establishment.
Allow me, gentlemen, once more to thank you for the
highly gratifying manner in which you have been pleased
to welcome my return to my native State, after an ab
sence of unusual duration, and to assute you that your
kindness will be long remembered.
[From the Boston Courier.]
TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
It is known that my name has been presented to the
public, by a meeting of the members of the Legislature of
the State, as a candidate for the office of President of
the United States, at the ensuing election. As it has been
expected that a Convention would be holden in the autumn
of this year, composed of delegates from the several States,
I have hitherto thought proper not to anticipate, in any
way, the results of the Convention. But lam now out
of the country, not to return, probably, much earlier than
the perioe fixed for the meeting of the Convention, and
do not know what events may occur in the meantime
which, if 1 were at home, might demand immediate at
tention fiom me. 1 desire, moreover, toad no part which
may tend to prevent a cordial and effective union among
those whose object, 1 trust, is to maintain, unimpared, the
Constitution of the country, and to uphold all its great in
terests by a wise, prudent, and patriotic administration
oftho Government. These considerationshave induced
me to withdraw my name as a candidate for the office of
President at the next election.
DANIEL WEBSTER.
London, June 12, 1839,
Beau Ideal of a Bells.—ln her person she is well
developed, clean limbed, full of health and life, and
sprightly as the morning lark. lleY heart is as tender
as a young squash ; and warm as the light of the evening
sun. Her mind unshackled by prejudice, and unwarped
by early fooleries is the tablet of truth ; her soul is the
temple of righteous •flection, and her tongue the oracle
of wisdom. She early selects a partner for life, and
they glide along the current of time with the mean velocity
of a raft; and pitch over the falls together, as quietly as
the wary turtle drops from his log.— Cineinati News.
TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 16, 1839.
The Superior Court, for this county, is now in session
Judge’Jdill, presiding.
JOURNAL OF THE CONVENTION.
Pursuant to a resolution of the Reduction Convention
we have completed the printing of three thousand copies
of the Journal of its proceedings, several weeks since; but
in consequence of the severe and protracted illness of the
Governor, they have not been delivered at the Executive
Department, his Secretaries not feeling themselves author--
ised to receive them in the absence of his Excellency.
The same resolution contains a request, that the Gover
nor will cause them to in like manner as the
Laws and Journals of the Legislature are, in the several
counties of the State.
As his health is daily improving, we hope to be able in
a few days, to place them under his control.
o! DON’T TELL IT.
How unfeeling it is in the Union Democratic papers to
be talking about Judge Dougherty’s defeat in 1835 !
It is too much to be reviving such unpleasant recollec
tions, when there is so much else to talk about. But after
all, as it is only a little scrap of history, we should think
the whig papers might bear it with a better grace. As it
seems however to operate so palpably upon their sensativa
organs, we shall “ endeever for to strive for to try,” to
say as little on the subject as the nature of the case may
require, and shall probably not bring up this unwelcome
reminescence, more than once a month.
After all, he was not beaten more than three thou
sand, and we have seen a tarnal sight worse case than
that, iu our time; and if he can hold his own, in this
race, and come out as near to his competitor, as he did
in 1835, he should be as well satisfied as the Indian who
a bushel of seed Rye, from a white mnn, which he
sowed, reaped and thrashed, and when asked afterwards
by the white man how his Rye turned out, the Indian re
plied, “plime—l git um agin that is tosay, if he gets as
many votes as he did before, he’ll do "plime," but it ar’nt
“our John,” that he can exactly do that thing.
JUDGE DOUGHERTY AND THE JOURNALS
As the public have been referred to the Journals of the
Legislature to prove. Judge Dougherty’s adherance to the
doctrine of State Rights, we will first ask a question, and
then make a reference.
Was it a State Rights measure to pass an act in 1830,
to survey and distribute the Cherokee country ? A ma
jority of the people thought so then, and almost every
one thinks so now.
Upon the passage of that Bill, Judge McDonald voted
for it—Judge Dougherty, against it.—This is the way
the Journals tell it.
This is another item from the Journal, to prove how
Judge Dougherty maintained the rights of the State, " in
those fearful times,” when he voted that the State should
not exercise jurisdiction and ownership over her own soil,
until it should please the President, to inform the Gover
nor, that he would not oppose it with the military force of
the United States.
MONROE RAIL ROAD.
We learn that there are a number of miles now under
contract, above Forsyth, and that the company are exert
ing all their energies to reach the main trunk, or Western
and Atlantic Rail Road in as short a time as practicable.
AV e also understand tKat they have adopted what we
consider the most politic arrangement for securing the
speedy accomplishment of so great a woik, by engaging
those who take stock, to work out three fourths of their
subscriplions, in labor upon the road, and receiving one
fourth in cash.
If the citizens upon, and near the route, should go
heartily into this measure, which we cannot doubt, the
road will soon be finished, with the expenditure of a com
paratively small sum of money.
This plan of working out stock, must give a new im
petus to the work of internal improvement, and we hope
to see it speedily and generally adopted. It is one which
claims, in a peculiar manner, the public consideration, and
which if reduced to practice, will obviate the difficulty of
raising large sums of money, and place it in the power of
the people to develope the resources of the State, by the
application of their own industry.
We are gratified to learn, that Mr. Benjamin Brantly, of
Monroe county, has worked out, with twelve hands, in two
months, two thousand dollars worth of stock in the Monroe
Rail Road. This-is better business than planting cotton,
and we hope t« see his example followed by many others.
O WHIGGERY ! WHIGGERY ! THOU ART IMACULATE.
If the people could believe the one tenth of what they read
in tho whig papers about disinterested patriotism and exclu
sive love of country ; of their utter abborauce of office, office
holders, and office-seekers, they might well be alarmed for
the existence of their government; for just as sure as these
same whigs obtain the ascendancy, there is not a man among
them who would Soil his hands with the emoluments of office.
No, no, they are too pure and holy to pollute themselves by
torching a cent of the public money.
Now’ if they should elect Mr. Clay, he will be placed in
rather an odd position. Ilis political friends will refuse to
serve the country, from the conviction that office and corrup
tion are synonomous terms, and he will bo loft to carry on the-
Government single handed and alone, unless necessity should
compel him to call iu aid, from the democratic ranks, or the
"swinish multitude," to use the mote chaste and classical cog
nomen of the federalists.
Mr. Clay will indeed be in a sad predicament if elected
with all the patronage of the government in his hands, and no
one upon whom to bestow it. lie will Have no Secretaries,
no Postmaster General, no Attorney General, no receivers
of monies, from the sale of the public lands. In short, no
body to assist him in carrying ou the Government. This
would be a sad state of things. The Government would come
to a dead stand still, and the consequences would be awful
indeed ; and as a midling good sort of a Government is bet'er
than none at all, and as we make a shift to get along with Mr.
Van Buren and his co adjutors, passably well, it might be b«t».
ter to retain him, who can command the necessary agents, for
keeping the ship of State in motion, than to risk a change
which would inevitably bring the Executive Government of
the Union to an untimely death.
1 he indomitable repugnance of the whigs to the patronage
of office, is very strongly expressed iu the following extract
from the New York Courier and Enquirer. Speaking of Mr.
Van Buren, tho Courier says, “His present position enables
him to play tho game at advantage. The influence and pat
ronage of office; the annual disbursement of $40,000,000 a
year, with the various appointments of honor or profit by which
he is enabled to subsidize averice and ambition collect abotf*
him, of necessity, a cohort of champions and defenders.”