Newspaper Page Text
From the Tennessee Democrat.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL INDEPENDENT TREASURY,
OR
A NATIONAL BANK.
THE DEMOCRATS WANT A NATIONAL TREASURY TO
KEEP THE PEOPLES MONEY IN,
1. Where it will be in the vaults and iron chests belong
ing; to the People.
2. Where it will be under the taro of officers appointed
by the President and Senate.
3. Where the officers who keep it will be obliged to
give security in double the amount they are allowed to
have on hand tor its safe keeping.
4. Where, if an officer touches a dollar ot it illegally,
be shall be liable by law to pay a heavy tino and be sent
to the State Prison for two years.
5. Where an end will be put forever to individuals
speculating with the money of the people—because not a
cent of it can be drawn without an appropriation tronr
Congress.
6. Where, as the money cannot be used except for the
purposes for which it was raised, there will be nobody in
terested in collecting more revenue than is wanted for
government expenses.
7. Where, if a temporary surplus beyond five millions
should arise, it will be immediately invested in productive
Slate government stocks, and kept there till wanted.
8. Where the money of the People will bo under the
contiol of the People, and used only for the purposes for
which it was raised.
9. Where the money of the government, separated
from the business of the Banks, can be used when re- ’
q tiled, without th:: erv of “ war on the Banks.”
10. So that the business oi Banks may be kept sepa
rate from politics.
11. So that there maybe an eml to all inducement on
the part of Banks to buy up political leaders, and newspa
pers—and corrupt the hails ot legislation.
12. So that-tht re may be no more complaint of the
Government making war upon the Banks—or the Banks
making war upon the Government.
13. So that Bg'.ik ami State may hereafter have no con
flicts, but each let the other alone.
14. So that in case of /I Foreign IVar, the funds ne
cessaty for the defence of the country may be at the com
mand of the government.
15. So that a sudden pressure in the money market
need not affect the operations of Government, nor drive
ns to the necessi y of contracting usurious loans.
16. So 'hat the National Government may always have
the means of support without asking the Banks for it.
17. So that we may have no more stoppage of specie
payments.
18. So that we may have no more Shin-plaster eras.
19. So that the Banks may learn in future to mind their
own business.
20. So that the People may henceforth live in peace.
(E7"Tlte above embrace all the principal reasons in favoi
our Country.
Frcm the Irvintcn (Alabama} Nepenthes.
OUR ELECTION.
The State Rights Party have elected Col. Pettit to rep
resent Barbour.
J. W. Mann* of no party is also elected to do some
thing—no party claims him and both parties reproach
each th? other for having elected him. They look cat
and owl at one another—each maintaining their dignity
both aceusing and both denying—we shall have to consult
Buck’s Theology to find out. As to the union party they
have sins enough they are really guilty of, without having
this poked on to them—we look on it as a signal whig vic
tory—things wotk strange —our doggeries have the name
of constitution —for a few days we have been stunned with
the shout of hurrah, for Watts and the constitution! mean
ing the doggeries—tiicy arc saved and Mr. Flournoy may
go to some other place to preach temperance. Dogger
ies have itiumphed in Barbourl A F’r contest has proved
the thing—the grogshops have maintained 'he rights their
forefathers fought for; and like true sons s.'.oW that they
«ill got drunk if it kills them—oh whiggerv ! ddg'^ei'J-’. —
atts ot \\ itch! wizard ot gizard (if drnnkaids have a..'*)
bow supreme thou art! thou has murdered democracy in
Barbour—yes democrats don’t know themselves; and as
to nullification it is beat into a circumstance—hurrah for
V. atts and the constitution ! Yes ! yes ! yes ! yes ! that
constitution which doggeiies forefathers fought for—they
have proved themselves tine sons of their sires—are chips
off the same blork; indeed they look like the block its< II;
especially their heads. How beautiful ! how emaculate
is a doggers ! when filled with some dozen dead drunk
topers; (it reminds us of a dissecting room.) but when
some symptoms of life show itself, by the cry of hurrah
for Watts and the constitution ! ’tis cheering to those who
Stagger over them ; and the wall fairly echoes as every
nastv throat balls out hurrah for Watts and the Constitu
tion ! You might be induced to stop awhile and look in,
b t ftom the stitik arising from their filthy mouths as the
roar of' Inn tali for Watt- and the constitution is vocifera
ted flout every cadaverous throat with all the variations
from the deep gutleral to the ear deafening roars. Some
have all the air of triumphant, though exhausted, as if
they had completed the victory their forefathers fought
for ; had shouted hurrah, hurrah, hurrah for Watts and
the constitution! Settled themselves into a deep self sat
isfaction, and was on their journey home to Watts their
God—where they could eternally shout hurrah for Watts
and the constitution! a doggery foiever 1
• Con tested.
Some may suppose that the picture is over wrought in
the above editorial—but it falls far short of the sad reali
ties of scenes of the evening of the election—probably
some very strenuous politicians tvhose feelings may carry
them so far to have voted for this man, may have been
willing to give op their temperance society or even their
religion to elect him—but here we will remark that to the
honor of the State Rights and the Union Party, that nei
ther had nominated sm h a candidate; nor did atiy other
candidate treat or debauch the morals of the community,
by treating.
Aud to the honor of Irwinton and its citizens who pro
fess temperance they did not vote for him with the excep
tion of one or two pseudo politicians who are unblushir g
nt all times; we have counted tip and cannot ascertain
many of the sober class who have let political feeling
l-ari them so fir—but on looking at the Glenville vote, we
were surprised to find as many as fifteen out of nineteen
to have done so—what can the reason of this he 1 Was it
unthoughifulness 1 or is it possible that place lost its feel
ing for live cause of temperance, to vote so largely for a
man who for three years past has debauched this county
by treating. We did expect better things of Glenville ;
we had a right to believe from tho gieat efforts we heard
they were making in ths temperance cause that this would
not be so.
We were informed by Mr. Flournoy that he expected a
unanimous support from Glenville in Iris petition to do
irway tippling shops. The citizens of Irwinton were ma
king the greatest efforts to destroy them and the black-leg
class; but while struggling against eight or ten grog shops
they are defeated by whom; by this candidate, ,m>- —by
Glenville. Yes, J. W. Mann is elected by the exact num
ber of fifteen, and that was the number Glennville voted
for him. He could it is true, vote one vote; and he had
the advantages arising from till the tippling shops in Ir
winton, with the loafers, hoosiers, and squatters of coun
try and town to aid him, which give hint great advantages.
And al is for the county | A large vote at this precinct;
but t >r, tho glory and honor of Irwinton there are very
few of its citizens that aided in this.
THE FEDERAL WHIGS WANT A NATIONAL BANK TO
KEEP THE PEOPLE’S MONEY IN, .
1. Where it will be in tho vaults and iron chests be
longing to tho Bank.
2. Where it will bo under the care of officers appointed
by tho Bank’s Directors.
3. Where the Bank gives no security at all for its safe
keeping—but leaves the public to depend upon its credit
and good faith.
4. Where rhe Bank shall have the privilege of loaning
it out, and making interest on it for the profit of the
Bank’s Stockholders.
5. Where the Bank’s officers, directors and favorites—
Officers of the Government, Members of Congress and,
Politicians can get it out at any time in exchange for their .
promisory notes.
6. Where it will be the interest of the Bank’s stock
holders and borrowers to raise more revenue from the
people, than the Government requires, so that they may
have the surplus to use themselves.
7. Where, whenever a large surplus can bo got, it will
be loaned out to inflate credit, occasion speculation, and
result in pressure, distress and ruin.
8. Where the money of the people, being loaned out to
the Bank’s customers, can only be had at such times and
in such amounts, as will be convenient for the Bank.
9. Where, if tho Government wants the money faster
than the Bank is willing to repay it, it can step payment
and shelter itself behind the cry of “war on the Banks.”
10. So that the Bank may stdl have a deep pecuniary
interest in supporting the party that supports'itself.
11. So that party men may continue to receive pay for
party services—and have good fat salaries as Presidents,
Attorneys, or Agents of the Bank and its Branches.
12. So that there may be trials of strength from year
to year, between the Bank and the People at the polls,
and all the evils which attend them.
13. So that we may have a perpetual scene of conten
tion about who shall use the public money.
14. So that the Bank, consisting of a majority of for
eign stockholders, may determine on what occasions Go
vernment may be permitted to defend the nation.
15. So that when money is scarce, tho Bank may refuse
to pay up the deposites, and compel the government to
borrow of the rich, at their own prices.
16. So that the Bank may determine when the people
shall have the means of supporting government, and when
not.
17. So that when deemed necessary, the public may be
convinced by “sufferings” of the utility of a National
Bank.
18. So that paper may hereafter be the only circulating
medium.
19. So that the Bank may hereafter regulate the Peo
ples’s affairs.
20. So that we may hereafter submit to Bank dictation
—or “ take the consequences.”
>r of the two plans, Choese ye between them. We go for
Seo our situation in the event that we can hold up our
heads long enough to send a petition to Tuscaloosa do away
awav grog shops, who will it be to 1 A temperance man ?
No. Why? Can the answer be, there was no candidate
of that class? No. There were two candidates cut out;
! as sober men as ever breathed ; clever, thinking, smart,
t mild and talented men ; sober in all things.
‘ Our columns are open to hear any thing that may be
offered. Perhaps this may’ create some unpleasant feel
ings ; but when we speak true, we really believe you will
say in your own heart it is true ; believe us when we sav
’ you have our love. '
' CAPTURE OF FORTY-SIX INDIANS.
The steamboat Charleston, Captain Love, arrived at
■ this port yesterday afternoon, from Fort Mellon, via Black
• Creek, having on boaid Lt. Lanson of <he U. S. Army,
I with several U. S. soldieis, who had in charge 46 Indians,
consisting of men, women and children, captured at Fort
', Mellon on the 7th inst. The Indians, it appears, had come
■ in to receive the rations which it had been the practice to
i • distribute among them, when Lieut. H. being in possession
I,;f information, (received by express the day previous,)
respet.’ ,n S ’** e massacre of Col. Harney’s detachment,
promptly ( ,'.”t ,, rmi , ied to make them prisoners. In accom
plishing this liol VL ‘' " r > ■’ became necessary to shoot two of
the I ndians, who mad® a ’- attempt to escape. Ihe Charles
ton proceeded to Castle Pinckney, where the Indians will
doubtless be imprisoned until prujrs caiiffie received as to
their final destination.
We must express our gratification at i. I . l ® Course pursued
by Lt. Hanson, ami hope that the promptnC ss decis
i ion he has exhibited on this occasion, will be fvb\?wed up
> by other officers, should a like opportunity offer. No cC.®* J
fidencc can be placed in any treaty, or arrangement with
this treacherous people, and in their entire removal or
extermination only can the inhabitants of Florida hope
for safety.
Since writing the above, we received the following,
from our correspondent al St. Augustine.
Office of the News,
St. Augustine, E. F. August 9, 1839.
Lieut. W. E. Hanson, in command ot Fort Mellon, on
receipt of intelligence of the massacre of Col. Harney’s
command immediately seized some 40 Indians who were
encamped in the neighborhood of the post. So prompt
and energetic a course of conduct is worthy of the highest
praise, and reflects great credit upon the decision and firm
ness of Lt. Hanson. It seldom falls to oie lot of a junior
officer, to exercise any discretion, or assume responsibility;
but in this case we cannot but feel rejoiced that the post
was in command a>f a gentleman, who ha; acted with all
due regard to the rights of others as well as what was due
the interests of the service. Lieut.'Hanson, has abando
ned Fort Mellon, in consequence of; its unhealthiness.
A Life Boat on a new and improved plan has recently
been produced by Mr. Francis, of New-York, who has
already supplied so many of these useful appendages to
vessels in the government and merchant service. We learn
from the “Corsair” that Mr. F. has been making a series
of experiments since the exhibition at the Fair of the
American Institute, in 1838, and a boat combining all his
improvements was launched, manned, and rowed in the
Hudson on Thursday last. Hur qualities were then tested
as follows: Ist. The bottom was opened and every ex
ertion made to upset her without effect, in deep water.
2d. She was pulled near the shore with the bottom still
open, and her crew by getting out and standing in the shal
low water succeeded in turning her upsidedown. They
i then let go their hold, and the boat, of her own accord,
• instantly came back to her upright position. This we
; believe is the first time a boat upset ever came tight side
I up, without the action of either wind or waves, or human
I aid, but solely of her own accord, in this country or any
other.
i The other improvements are a brass screw box four in
i dies in diameter, and four scuttles, thirteen inches by five,
• instead of the greater number of small holes to let the
; water out in the life boat boat built by Francis for the U.
t S. Revenue Cutter Hamilton, which recently saved so ma
’ ny lives in Boston Harbor.
This new life boat is valued at $350, and Mr. Francis,
I it is added, intends in a few days to offer her as a reward
I to atty person or number of persons who, in deep water,
will either put her upside down one second, or fill her by
■ standing inside and bailing into her; or fill her by useing
. a fire engine, or any other apparatus, or, as he expresses
; it, “ swamp her by human power in storm or calm." The.
boat will be delivered at Castle Garden, or some other suit
able place fur trial.---JJo/fimore American.
From the Hosfon Weekly Times.
A MANUFACTURING POPULATION.
Having finished, though far too briefly, what we pro
posed to say of the unhealthiness of the female operatives
in Lowell; and having shown the tendency of the system,
to create a permanent, dependent, degraded and misera
ble population; we proceed to another most important,
but most disagreable topic—the prostitution to which they
are sudject. To speak of the vices of others is always
unpleasant, to one who sincerely wishes those vices did
not.exist, but, to do any good, they must be spoken of
plainly. Distant and concealed allusions produce no
benefit; neither do they serve to evade the indelicacy
pertaining to every essay upon that portion of the morals
of the community. We mean that, if it be possible, these
writings shall do some good ; and for that purpose shall
use great plainness of speech, and call things by their
right names; that those who are in innocence but get in
danger, may be warned ; and that the community all about
us may be aware of the necessity of vigilance, when their
young females are sent to Lowell. A physician in
Lowell, however, has in part anticipated our remarks, and
we give his letter, confirming our first observations, and
loading to the subject intended for this number. We
would merely premise, that this communication is volun
tarily sent ; and that such testimony can be accumulated,
till the largest factory would scarcely hold the letters
which would contain one terrible cry of woe.
Dear Sir :
I have read with great pleasure an article in the Boston
Times, on the evils attending tho manufacturing system
in Lowell. It is a subject which I had hoped to see
noticed long ago, by some truly independent and philan
thropic person. As yon have so generously and gallantly
come forward, in behalf of the sufferers, I trust you will
consider it a sufficient apology for my troubling you with
my mite of information on the subject. I have practiced
here now about 4 years, and have had, God knows, too
often occasion to see the general decay of health pro
duced on the bodies, and, consequently, minds of the
“Factory Girls,” under the present aystem. This is so
evident, that it is common for them to calculate “how
long they can work before they are down sick.” You
have already stated very truly their unhealthy condition,
together with the causes. The immorality you mention,
as existing among some of them, I think may be fairly
attributed (in spite of the strict rules by which they are
governed) to the same cause. For instance, a girl arrives
in Lowell; (many sometimes 100 or 200 miles from
home,) she goes to work in the mill for awhile ; she is
taken sick, aud perhaps has no one to attend her as a
nurse except the boarding-house keeper; and, although
they are generally exceedingly kind and attentive, yet,
with their various and many duties, they cannot pay that
strict attention required. The girl’s money (what little
she may have earned) goes for boaid. She has then the
worst of all bills—a doctor’s-—to pay out of her future
earnings, provided she recovers. Her visions of laying
up money are gone and she reflects only on her present
destitute condition. When she is raised from her sick bed
she may be weeks, or months, perhaps, before she can
return to her former laborious occupation in the mill. In
the meantime she seeks out some easier one, or saunters
about the streets; the consequence of which is, that she
runs the risk of forming bad connections with others,
that a feeling of destitution begets a feeling of despe
ration, urging on to prefligacy and who may entice
her from the path of duty. We all know destruction.
1 think many unfortunate cases may be traced to this
source. I will not pretend to suggest “what ought to
be done;” but I will state, for the benefit of the prin
cipal manufacturers, the system pursued at Mr. Rich
ard Arkwright’r factories, in Crawford, whose facto
ry hands I attended some two years or more. In the
first place, he paid for their medical attendance and
medicines, when sick, without any exception. Secondly,
he allowed them half pay for one month, and, in case of
the sickness continuing, he allowed them quarter pay for
2 months longer. Mrs. Arkwiight made a point of calling
to see them, providing them with any little comforts the
nature of the case admitted of and required, and moreover
giving me a good natured scolding if I was dilatory in
seeing them, for which 1 shall in truth ever esteem bei.
You are no doubt aware that the law there imposes a
heavy fine if factory hands are worked before they are
13 years of age, or more than 10 hours per day. I trust
this statement of facts may induce the manufacturer here
to imitate, as far as can be, this example; and stir up a
spirit of emulation for the benefit of the factory hands in
Lowell. Pray excuse this hasty scrawl, and take the
will for the deed.
I remain, Dear sir, Yourobd’t D.
Lowell, July 15, 1839.
Let us look back a little and trace the progress of
immorality in such an establishment. When the first
assemblage of girls from the surrounding country is made
at a manufacturing establishment, they are, for the most
part pure, innocent, well-educated, and of correct habits
and manners. Some, however, of lose conversation, even
from country towns, will be gathered in, who may be at
first shunned and despised, or, if their lewdness is too
apparent, they will be expelled. In the course of time,
if they ren>" in, they will gain ahold upon the curiosity
of some, ai.'d f!' p n’he undermining work of corruption is
soon accomplis.*’®’!- One bad girl can do more to aid
Satan’s work of prosu’u’ion, than twenty men with every
opportunity. Many of the best girls will go home. The
necessitous and the less sensitive will remain; and day by
day the delicacy of virgin innocence will wear away,till
the sense of virtue loses its power to guard end protect the
associates of vice, from pollution. They are ready to
commit those acts with which their minds have become
familiarized by vile, but, perhaps, interesting conversation.
Look, then, at the unnatural composition of such a
society. On one hand a large mass of females, a large
portion of whom do not expect to get married; and on the
other, a considerable number of single men, engaged in
the factories, or dwelling in the surrounding village, too
often without principle, and eager to gratify their baser
appetites. Here may be perceived, under the most favor
able supposition the case will admit, a natural tendency to
corruption; which in time, is left without the cloak of
moral principle and a sense of virtue, and becomes at once
the prey of opportunity. But this is not all. Would to
God we could hide the rest, but it must not be.
We know, from testimony, that many men employed in
the mills take every opportunity to seduce such girls as
fall in their way. It has been done by overseers as well
as laborers, and many have fallen victims to those who
should have been their guardians and protectors. There
used to be in Lowell an association of young men, called
“the old line,” who had an understanding with a great
many girls in the factories, and who used to introduce
young men of their acquaintance, who were visiting the
place, to these girls, lor improper purposes. Balls used
to be given at various places, attended mostly by these
young men and factory girls, with some others who did not
know the object, and after the dancing was over the girls
were carried to infamous places of resort in Lowell or in
the immediate vicinity; and were not returned to their
homes til) day-light. At one time, the clergymen bv
cotnnian agreement undertook to break up a number of
brothels, which were known to exist in some parts of the
town; in a conversation with one ot them upon the subject,
we expressed a doubt, which Improbably thought very
wicked and profane, of the usefulness of their efforts.
Our argument was this, that if the sensually inclined men
could resort to a few common and well-known places,
there would be less inducement to corrupt and ruin the
innocent, while the crime would be committed, it would
at least be lessened of half the atrocity which would
accompany the sacrifice of new victims. To keep the
evil as far as possible confined to the already ruined, and
prevent its intrusion among the operatives, wo thought
better than to make the fruitless exertions to suppress it
altogether. This method of choosing the expedient and
the possible, instead of the abstractly right, is, however,
seldom satisfactory to those who are, in all honesty’ and
sincerity, zealous for reform; and they too often gain
nothing, because they will not accept a part of the good
they desire.
I I his article is already too extended, and we must con
sider some remaining branches of tho subject, of a still
worse character, hereafter.
STATE RISHTS AND UNITED STATES RIGHTS.
'S'TO OS’
THE TRITE ISSUE.
Shall ours he a GOVERNMENT OF THE RANKS,
or a GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE? Shall we
have, a CONSTITUTIONAL TREASURY, or an UN
CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONAL BANK? Shall we
have a CONSTITUTIONAL CURRENCY of gold and
silver or one of IRREDEEMABLE PAPER.? Shall
we. live under the. despotism of a MONIED A RISTOCRACY.
or under the safeguardsofa FREE CONSTITUTION ?
[Washington Chronicle.
MILLEDGE WLIJEt
TUESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 20, 1839.
DEMOCRATIC TICKET. =-
FOR PRESIDENT,
HARTiY VAX BUREH.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
JOHN FOJRSYTH.
FOR GOVERNOR,
CHARLES J. MCDONALD.
POST OFFICE CHANGED.
We are authorised to say, that the Post Office heretofore
known as Evansville, Morgan county Geergia, is removed,
and the name changed to that of Shepherdsville, Morgan co.
Geo.; Carter Shepherd, P. M.
The Hon. F. H, Elmore has resigned his seat in Congress,
from the district of‘Richlaud, Orangeburg, aud Baruwell,
in South Carolina.
ELECTIONS.
In North Carolina, the election for Congress has resulted
thus:
Administration.— Bynum. C. Shepard, Montgomery,
Hawkins, McKay, and Conner.
B'/ugs.—Stanly. Rayner, Deberry, A. H.'Shepperd, and
Henderson—two districts not heard from.
In Kentucky— Southgate (whig) has been defeated for
Congress, by Col. Butler.
In /nr/ionna—Smith, Carr, Wick, Davis, (all Administra
tion.) aud Raridea, (whig) are elected to Congress. How
ard. (Administration) is running ahead of Evans, (whig) and
Proffit, (whig) has probably defeated Owen, (Administration.)
DEFEND YOUR CANDIDATE.
Judge Dougherty having been nominated and announ
ced through the medium of the Whig journals, as “the State
Rights candidate for Governor,” it becomes a matter of grave
importance that the public should know, how far he is enti.
tied to this distinguished appellation.
We are perhaps, as well acquainted with the public ca
reer of Judge Dougherty, as any ether individual, and par-
I ticularly with his prominent acts as a politician ; from.which,
we boldly and fearlessly assert that he is not, according to the
true, orthodox standard, a State Rights man, and that no
man in the State of Georgia, has more widely departed from
those principles, than he has done. That so far from sup
porting the sovereignty of the State of Georgia, at an im
portant crisis, he was in favor of surrendering her most sa
cred rights into the bauds of the federal Executive. That in
the exercise of bis deliberate judgment, and under the sacred
obligations of an oath, he did propose to restrain the State,
in the exercise of her rightful sovereign authority, until her
Chief Magistrate should be permitted so to do. by the Presi
dent of the United States. That she should not survey attd
distribute her own territory, to which her title was as clear
and indisputable as the spot upon which her capitol now
stands, until the President should •'satisfactorily inform" her
Governor, that he would not oppose the measure with the
“ public force of the United States.”
We have heard much, for a number of years past, of the
State Right piiuciples of Governor Troup, and of the able
and conclusive manner in which they were vindicated by him,
in the memorable contest of 1825 to ’27, when he was strug
gling for tho possession of a portion of out territory then oc
cupied by the Creek Indians, against the most violent oppo
sition of the then administration of the General Government.
It will be recollected, that the old and new treaties formed
the basis of the controversy to which we allude; the old one
having heen set aside by the Senate of the United States, and
the new one substituted for it. by which the interests of Geor
gia were injuriously affected; and it is equally well known,
that Governor Troup, with a Roman firmness, resolved to
disregard the new treaty, and to enforce the execution of the
old one. nt every hazard.
Accordingly, he took measures to carry the old treaty into
effect, which produced a very animated correspondence be
tween himself and the authorities at Washington, in which
he maintained the right of Georgia to carry out the old trea
ty, and her determination to do so, until Mr. Adams, finding
all other means on his part ineffectual, threatened to invade
the State with the federal army, to arrest the State in the ex
ercise of her constitutional powers, and to prevent the sur
vey, at the point of the bayonet.
In the face of an attempt so outrageous on the part of Mr.
Adams, to usurp the rights of the State, and compel obedience
to his audacious mandate, what course did Governor Troup
pursue? When he was proceeding to execute a law of the
State, requiring the land embraced in the old treaty to be sur
veyed, did he acknowledge the authority of the President to
interfere, or did he ask his permission to send out the survey
ors ? No; —so far from recognizing the right of the President
to dictate the course he should pursue. Governor Troup w«nt
ahead, and when in February. 1827, he received a letter
from the Secretary of War. threatening to invade the State
with a military force, to prevent the survey, what was his
answer ? The following extract from Governor Troup’s let
ter. will furnish the best answer to this question.
“Executive Department, Georgia. >
Milledgeville, 17th February, 1827. J
Sir:—l received this afternoon, from Lieut. Vinton, } our letter of the
29th ult., and read within the same hour, both it and the copt of it us
published in the National Intelligencer of the 7th inslant.
No room was left to mistake the meaning of this despatch. Lieut.
Vinton announced himself in no introductory note, a copy ot which is
herewith transmitted as the Aid of the Commanding General, and vou
uro sufficiently explicit as to the means bv which ion propose to carry
your resolution into effect. Thus the military character of tho menace
is established, and I am only nt liberty to give to it, the DEFIANCE
which it merits. You will distinctly understand, therefore, that 1 feel it
to be my duty, to resist to the utmost, any military attack which the go
vernment of the U. States shall think proper to make on the Territory
lhe people, aud the sovereignty of Georgia; and all the measures neces
sary to the performance ot this duty,accordingtoour limited means,are
inpjogrcßß.
From the first decisive act of hostility, you will Im considered and
treated us public enemies, and with the less repugnance, because vou,
to whom we might constitutionally have appealed, for our defence against
invasion, uro yourselves the invaders, mid what is more, the unblushing
allies of the savages, whose cause you have adopted.
1 have the honor to be.
Your ob’t. sciv't. G. M. TROUP.”
Hon. James Barbour,
Secretary of Wa».
Thus spoke George M. Troup, a« the Chief Magistrate es
Georgia, when he not only apprehended that the Executive
government of the U. States would attempt an unauthorised
•nterference with the rights of Georgia, but when he had been
I "satisfactorily informed hy the President," through the Sec
retary of War, that the survey of our Territory would be pre
vented “hy the Military force of the U. States." Did h®
ctouch to federal usurpation? Did he suspend the survey
until it should please the President to permit him to proceed ?
No. He answered like a true Georgian, jealous of her rights,
and resolved to maintain them. He says to the usurper,
“Thus the military character of the menace is established,
and I am only at liberty to give to it, the DEFIANCE
which it meiits.”
Was this the language of State Rights? Was it the re
sponse which tho head of a sovereign State should give to
the gasconading threats of invasion from the federal govern,
ment ? Me answer aye—and so will answer every man who
duly regards the Constitution of the country, the sovereignty
of the States, and the integrity of the Union.
But he did not stop here. He intended no empty “defi
ance.” but distinctly informed the President, that “from the
first decisive act of hostility, you will be considered and trea
ted as pul 1 c enemies, and with the less repugnance, because
you. to whom we might constitutionally have appealed for
our defence against invasion, are yourselves the invaders,
aud what is more, tho unblushing allies of the savages, wbuse
cause you have adopted.”
Never while memory holds her seat, shall we forget our
emotions when we first read this inimitable letter. The spirit
which it breathed, and the independence and firmness of ire
tone, gladdened our hearts with joy for our country.
But how stands the case with Judge Dougherty? Let us
see. We have been pointed by his friend* to the Journals of
our Legislature, for the evidence of his devotion to the prin
ciples of State Rights. We have turned to these records, and
what do we find ? Nothing to entitle him to the proud ap
pellation of a State Bights man.
We find him in 1830, exerting all his influence and talents
to prevent the acquisition of our territory then in the occu
pancy of the Cherokee Indians; aud when it was clearly as
certained that a bill for the survey and distribution of that
territory would pass the House, as a last effort to clog, if not
to defeat it, an amendment was offered by Mr. Beall of
Twiggs, as follows:
“ And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained, shall
be so construed,as to authorise the Governor to order the Surveyors to
,proceed with the survey as contemplated bv this act, until he shall be
satisfactorily informedfy the President of the United States, that ths
public force of the United States will not be employed to prevent said
survey and occupancy.” -• —
Judge Dougherty voted for this amendment—Judge Mf* .
Donald against it.
Now we ask every candid man in Georgia, to read Goy.
Troup's letter, and Mr. Beall's amendment, and compare
them, and when they have done so, to decide for themselves-
Gov. Troup defies the President, and tells him in language
plain, strong and direct, that he disregatds his mandate, aud
that upon the first act of hostility, he will hold aud treat him
as a public enemy, and he maintained his ground. The laud
was surveyed, the lottery was drawn, and the country occu
pied by the people of Georgia; and we are proud to record
the fact, not O’dy for the honor, but the rights aud interests
of our native State.
Bui in 1830, when the gallant and patriotic individual then
at tho head of the Federal Government, duly regarding the
rights of the States, and wholly disclaiming the power to
disturb them in the exercise of their constitutional functions,
was reinstating those gteat republican piinciples which had
been trodden down by his immediate predecessor; then it was,
that Judge Dougherty was exerting himself to invest lb*
President with power, foreign to the constitution, and to au.
thorise him to arrest a State in the exercise of her sovereign
authority, with the military force of the nation. Indeed, it
was an invitation io aggression on the part of the Federal
Government, upon our most sacred rights. Happily sot tho
country, it was a power that Gen. Jackson would not have
exercised, even had Mr. Beall’s amendment been adopted.
Whenever the doctrine is established, that a sovereign Stato
vhall not act upon her reserved rights, without permission of
the President, or in the language Adopted hy Judge Dougher
ty, until she shall be "satisfactorily informed," that she will
not b ■ opposed by the "military force of the United States,”
then will State Kights no longer find a habitation amongst u*>
and yet, if Mi. Beall's amendment had been adopted, and
become the law of Georgia, it would have buried the last
vestige of State sovereignty, and probated us at the foot
stool of federal power.
Would Gov. Troup have voted for such a proposition ?
No—will be the answer from one end of the State to the oth
er. Sooner would he have given up his right arm to bo se
vered from his body.
Will the whig press defend their candidate, or will it stand
mute ? Will those who have blazoned his name as a “ State
Rights,” candidate, justify excuse or palliate this most hu
miliating vote? We pronounce Judge Doutheity a Submis
sionist in the broadest sense of the term, and his vote upon
Mr. Beall’s amendment proves it; and we ask agaiu, will
the whig Editors defend him?
Let ns now change the question, and ask, what would
Judge Dougherty have done, had he heen Governor in 1827,
when Mr. A Jams threatened to invade the State with a mili
tary force ? Who can doubt as to the course he would have
taken ! Ilis vote upon Beall’s amendment, places it beyond
conjecture, lie would have bowed down to federal usurpa
tion. and suspended operations until he should have beets
“ satisfactorily informed by the President of the United States,
that the public force of the United States would not be em
ployed to prevent said survey and occupancy,” and are the
more confirmed in this opinion, from the fact, that even the
example of Gov. Troup in 18’27 was wholly disregarded by
him in 1830, although Gov. Troup h 'd been triumphantly
sustained by the people of Georgia for bis bold and fearlesa
resistance to the eucioachments of federal power.
The people of Georgia want no man for Governor, whe
has ever admitted by word or deed, the right of the federal
government to invade the State with a military force, to con
trol her in the exercise of her sovereign rights, and this Judga
Dougherty has done, and it stands of record against him.
No one can foresee what difficulties may yet arise between
the State of Georgia and the General Government, nor can
it yet ho told who is to be our next President, for although
we believe Mr. Van Buren will succeed, the whig press not
only disputes it, but is exerting itself to defeat him, aud
should Mr. Clay be elected, State Rights will fiud no protec
tion in the Executive Department of the Federal Government
under his administration. With his constitutional opinions
as broad and latituditiarian as those of the Adams’s the
Pinckneys, the Ames’s, or the Websters. the States must
be left to the preservation of their reserved rights, by tha
best means in their power, aud should a controversy arise
between Georgia and the Federal < overnment, with Mr.
Clay President, and Judge Dougherty Governor, what secu-.
rhy have we, that our rights will be inaintained ? None
net even the shadow—but on the contrary, proof direct that
he would submit to federal dictation, and only act when b«>
should be “satisfactorily informed.”
We want no man for Governor, who recognizes the right
of the President to control the State Government with a
military force, or who would shrin,k from bis duty Under
threatened invasim, We repeat nguity, defend youreaodj
date.