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The "f
hare often bee* discussed
mhhii for the Presidency. We i rc
sent, not SO much to refer to the pntjaiplws of that
set w to its reception. South and North, after its
passage. Who does not remember that itt wmifre
oeired in the South, with as near an approach to
auaninutT by all paruea, as it is possible to effect
*l>on any isolated measure. Each man’s pulse
beat responsire to his neighbor’s pulse with pride
and satisfaction, as the news was borne with elec
tric speed, from the Capital of the Union, to the
aamoteat borders of the South. No man’s mind
was dark or doubtful upon the subject. The south
ern mind, like an electric chain, was lit with
ILe same glowing sentiments of joy at the re
peal of the Missouri restriction line, and the res
toration of the long lost equality of the South.
Bach man’s mind was a mirror of hia neighbor’s.
Is this picture overdrawn? Is it not true to the
eery letter? We cannot spare the time or space
to rose over the southern States, to produce the
proof of our declarations. Ex uno discs omnes.
From one you may learn all. The Georgia Uegis
lature unanimously
“Besolved, That opposition to the principles of
the Nebraska bill, in relation to the subject of
slavery, i < regarded by the people of Georgia as
hostility to the rights of the South, and that all
persons who partake in such opposition are unfit
to be recognised as component parts of any or
ganisation not hostile to the South.”
This was the unanimous declaration of the Sen
ate and House of Representatives of the State of
Georgia in February, 1854. The consistency of
the Democracy of Georgia, in the support of this
great measure of deliverance and liberty, needs
•o comment. Their opinions then are the same
how. The csrtli performed one annual revolution
around the sun and more than the fourth of an
etlier, bringing us down to the 2Sth of June, 1855.
What did the Know Nothing, or self-styled Amor
icau party, say then about the Nebraska-Kansas
bill? They resolved ‘‘that this Council (while re
pudiating the policy of allowing, in the future
legislation of the country, unnaturalized foreign
era to vote in the territorial elections) regards all
opposition to the principles of the Xcbraska-Kan
aas act, in relation to slavery ns boatility to the
constitutional rights of the South, and all persons
who partako in such opposition as unfit to be re
cognized as members of the American party."
Cau the records of human action allow a greater
change than that which has taken place in the opin
ions of the American party ? Then opposition to
the Kansas bill rendered uny man unfit to be re
cognized as a member of the American party; turn
such opposition is one of the chief requisites of
membership and a badge of fidelity und devotion
to it* chameleon fortunes. Did not more than
sistoeu months afford suflicicnt time for the Know
Nothings to discover that this Kansas bill was
the offspring of deceit, hypocracy and treachery
to the ftoutii? But more than this. Did not that
party adhere to the Kansas bill until the national
Know Nothing party met a second time in Con
veulion in February, 1855, and repealed tho 12th
sectioo of its principles, adopted a year before,
and nominated Mr. Fillmosk for the Presidency?
The natioual Council deserted the South—Mr. Fiun
ions endorsed their proceedings -denounced the
Kansas lull and the repeal of the odious Missouri
restriction— and straightway southern Councils,
among them that of Georgia, modified their posi
tion and opinions, and now universally denounce
the aforesaid hill aud repeal as boldly and loudly
as their candidate for the Presidency. Wlmt broke
the spell of their devotion to the Nebraska-Kan
sas bill ? What so suddenly swept from their bo
soins the memories of the past? What qucuched
an completely the fires of patriotism in their
heart*? Party, party, and nothing else. The
beauty of the bill wus turned into deformity as
aoou as the northern wing of the grand Council
breathed its deadly Abolition poison upon it, aud
Mr. Fillmore inhaled with joy, its baleful and
pestilential ezhalatiobs. What ia the plighted
fluth of the Amoriean party worth, when its devo
tion to a national measure, to equal rights, can
be »o aaaiiy chilled, yea, frozen to death, by the
breath of anti-uationul Vreesoil fanaticism? Is
that the way to defend the cloud-encircled South ?
Is that the way to defend our southern homes
aud altars? Can the American party South claim
the affections and votes of southern men by such
cruel and deadly changes as this, wrought by the
enemies of southern equality in the Union ? hot
the people of Georgia and tho whole South pon
der these facts in their inmost souls, and they
wi M tee iu them the hand of tho enemy waring
a black (lag of evil, manufactured, embroidered
aud unfurled, in the infected regions of Abolition
ism. We will exhibit the northern reception of
the Nebraska. Kansas bill in our next issue.
The Compromise ol 1850 re|>enl<>d the
Missouri Compromise. So snitl Henry
Clay.
If there was one man in the Union better enti
tled than another to say what wan the intention, 1
and what the effect of the Compromise mea- !
sure* of IS>'. that man was ft em:v Clay. He :
was emphatically the originator and father of that
plan of pacification, and was called in thnso days
"tho great Pacificator." He rejected the Missou
ri Compromise then as a mode of pacification, and
argued that the Compromise measures of 1830
was better for the South. He urged in the Senate,
southern men to accept this adjustment of the ter
ritorial question, and to give up the Missouri Com
promise bne. T« gire below bis language on
Uie subject, in the United Stakes Seuate, Feb., 6th,
Hit.
“Sir, when 1 was engaged in anxious considera
tion of this subject, the idea of the Missouri com
promise, as it has been termed, came under mr
reriew, was considered by me, and finally rejected,
as in my judgment less* worthy of the' common
acoeptahce otboth parties of thus Union lhau the
project which I offer to your consideration.
•’Hut, 1 wish to contrast the plau of accommo
dation which is proposed by me with that which
m offered by the Missouri line, to be extended to
the Pacific ooeau. and to ask gentlemen from the
South and from the Korth, too, which is most pro
per, which must just, to which is there the least
cause of objection ? Whst was done, sir, bv the
Missouri line? Slsverv was positively mhibted
North of that line. The question of the admis
sion or exclusion of slavery South of that Una
was settled. There was no provision that alaTery
ahould be admitted South of that line. In point
of fact, it exialed there. In all the territory South
of 34 degrees JO, embraced in Arkansas and Loo
ts’ana, slavery was then existing. It was net ne
cessary, it is true, to insert a clause admitting
alaTery at that time. But, if there is a power to
interdict, there is a power to admit, and 1 put it to
gentlemen tiom the South, are they prepared to
be satisfied with the line 36 degrees 80, interdict
ing slavery Sonh of that line, and giving them
no security for the admission of slaverv South of
that line?
When I came to consider the subject, and to
oompare the provisions of the line of 86 degrees
JO—the Missouri compromise line—with the plan
which 1 have proposed for the accommodation of
tins question, »aid I to myself, if 1 offer the line of
St* s* l , to th* truest ion of
North of it, and to leave it unsettled and open
South of it, 1 offer that which is illusory to the
South—l offer that which will deceive them if
they suppose that slavery will be received South’of
Wist line. Uit better for them—l said to utvself—
it is better for ihe South, that there should be nou
action as to slaverv both North and South of the
Uao—far better that there should be uen aeiion
both aides of the lme, than that these should be
action by the interdiction on the one side, without
actiou for the admission upon the other side of tiie
line la it noi ao v What is there gained bv the
South, if the Missouri line extends to the Pacific
with the interdiction of slaverv North of it, Ac.
I hope then to keep the whoie of these mailers
•_itouched by any legislation of Congress upon
the subject of slavery, leaving it open and undeci
4ed Son-action by Congress u peat for th«
)South, and beat for all the views which the South
I have disclosed to ns from time to time a* corres
pottumg to their wishes. I know it has been said
t™ regard to the territories, and especially has
ffjt been said with regard to California, that non-
I legislation upon the part of Congress implies the
thing as the exclusion of slavery. That we
taunr.t help. That Congress is not'responsible
for. If Nature has pronounced the doom of slave
ry in these territories—if she has declared bv her
immutable laws, that slavery cannot and shall not
be introduced there—who can you reproah but na
ture and nature’s God ? Congress you cannot.—
Congress abstains. Congress is passive. Con
gress is non-acting, South and North of the line ?
or rather, if Congress agrees to the plan which I
propose, extending no Rne, it leaves the entire
theatre of the whole cession of these territories
untouched by legislative enactments, either to ex
clude or admit slavery.
When, therefore, the apologist* at the South
of Mr Fillmore's denunciations of the Kansas
bill are telling you that Mr. Fillmore signed the
Compromise bills of 1850, and is entitled to the
thanks of the country for doing so, reply to them
that these denunciations are in bad faith with his
own work. When they report that language of
Mr. Fillmore in bis speech at Rochester, saying
that when he signed those bills he necer dreamed
he woe disturbing the Missouri Compromise, read to
them tbs foregoing language of Mr. Clat. Is it
possible Mr. Fillmore when he signed, did not
know what he was signing ? Is it possi ble he was
a mere automaton and did not know what were
Ihe provisions of the territorial bills? Was he
ignorant of what Mr. Clat was saying and doing
in the Senate during the seven months that ques
tion was under discussion?
It would seem, under this view, less strange that
during all that time it was not known in Washing
ton city, as stated by Mr. Toombs, what Mr. Fill
more's opinions were on the subject, and that bets
were made in the streets on hia signing or not
signing the bills. It seems he really did not un
derstand what Mr. Clat was proving and trying
to do.
The Kansas bill, in 1854, did no more than em
body in emphatic words the intention and design of
the Compromise of 1850. It declared that that Com
promise was inconsistent with the Missouri Com
promise and thsrefore alsrogat-'d it. Theac empha
tic words were inserted in the bill by Mr. Dixox,
Whig Senator of Ky., and successor to Mr. Clay!
He knew what Mr. Clat said in 1850, and by his
amendment but repeated Mr. Clat’s own ideas.
Hoar Mr. Fillmore’s Friends.
The New York Commercial Advertiser is an en
thusiastic admirer and supporter of Mr. Fillmore.
Read what the editor says:
“As between Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Fremont in
the matter of prerequisites for the Presidency, no
comparisons are admissible. Even on this very
slavery question, which the Courier at present re
gards ns the main and only issue, it is unwise of
the Republicans to provoke a comparison. The
only vote or public act of Mr. Fillmore that can be
perverted into a seeming favoring of slavery was
the Binning of the fugitive slave law, which was
signed because constitutionally pasted by the
Representatives of the people in Congress assem
bled. It was an integral part of a grand compro
mise measure which the (Jcutirr <r Enquire r has
often endorsed heartily and unequivocally. Is our
contemporary prepared to say that Mr. Fremont ever
expressed his disapproval of that compromise, fu
gitive slave law included ? Or that he would not
have signed it, in the same circumstances ? We
imagine it is not prepared to make any stand upon
equal ground. The reader has only to look at the
votes of each gentleman when respectively in pub
lic life, to find that Mr. Fillmore in immeaturaoly a
fatter anti-ilavery extension man than John C. tre
nwnt.” •
The New York Krprtu, edited by the very gen
tleman that haa been nominated by tho Know
Nothing party in New York, as their candidate for
Ooverner, in anawer to an enquiry whether Mr.
Fillmore was opposed to the extension of alavery
or in favor of it—tho writer replica :
“ Whv ask this question’ What reaaon uflorda
Mr. fill more a life for the asking’ Look at his
votes in Congress, when representing the Erie
District, New York. Contrast them with Fre
mont’s when only seventeen working days in the
United States Senate. Mr. Fillmore is tho only
President, under whose administration frte terri
tory /«w been onnear. Ito tht Union. Louisiana,
Texas, Floridu were slave territories--but Cali
fornia, under Fillmore, came into the Union
' free.’ Why doubt ?”
The nbove arc the opinions of the two leading
i illmoke papers in New York. Is there any
reason why any further doubts should be enter
tained!’
Fremont nml Fillmore Fusion in In
diaua.
Much virtuou» indignation was exhibited by the
Know Nothing papers of the South at the allega
tion that the Fillmork men and the Fiikmontkrm
had coalesced on one electoral ticket for President
iu Indiana. But they were discreetly silent on the
undeniable fact that tho Fillmokk men and the
Black Republicans had coalesced on, and wero sup
porting one State and Congressional ticket, ami
were thus working fraternully together to send
Black Republicans back to Cougress. Tlioy have
no indignant comments to make on this subject.
They sav uot a word in rebuke or disapprobation.
Their silence would indicate that they are secretly
pleased at this infamous combination. Is not such
sileuce in an indirect, but most significant way,
giving aid and comfort to our enemies’
We invito attention to an article on this subject,
from the lsiuisville (Ky.) Democrat. Its disclo
sures ought to make Fillmoriism, that is thus con
taminated with traitors, odious throughout the
South:
From tht LouistiUe Demo-rtf.
“Stupendous and infamous fraud,’’ screams the
editor ot the mob orgau in this town, over the
charge published, falsely alleging that the Fill
more men and Fremont mon have the same elec
toral ticket iu Indiana. The Nashville Patriot
pronounced the store an “imposture nailedbut
the editor of the Journal, he has to overtop all
others ill the way of exaggeration. So he must
get ahead, in astonishment and horror, of all civ
temporaries. In his vocabularv, it is a “ttupen-
Jou* ami infamou* fraud." Oh! how wronged
are the Fillmore party of Indiana, by this false
hood somebody has published. They are charged
with stealing a horse, when they have, so far,
only stolen a sheep, and have not vet stolen the
horse; inasmuch as they couldn’t hide him if thev
did »<*»' lmn - We condemn the falsehood that
the Fillmore and Fremont men have the same elec
toral ticket; but it is laughable to sec the Fillmore
papers over here taking tits as if a prodigious
wrong hid been suffered by them, in the injurr
done their brethren in lndi’ana. Their wire pul
lers iu that State will feel sheepish enough when
they read these expressions of indignation at what
they have not quite done, but are very anxious to
do. How wronged thev have been, indeed. Can't
an outburst of indignation and grief be gotten up
over injured innocence? Prentice has exploded
too, somewhat; let’s have a general howl. If
i the brethren can’t otherwise get indignant, let
i them be bitten by a mad dog; and if thev can’t
cry for sheer griet; let them get snuff and red pei>-
pcr. Dear me.’ how these Fillmore men in Indi
ana are wronged !! They are voting and support
r mg, with all their might, a whole Abolition State
ticket -a perfect woollv horse and wool I v head
■ ticket, a freedom shrieking ticket. But thev hate
; a Fillmore electoral ticket! Thev are supporting,
in brotherly effort, with the Abolitionists, Fre
mont mon for Congress, in the whole eleven dis
tricts; not au avowed Fillmore man in the whole
batch; and each one shrieking for freedom; but
they have a Fillmore electoral ticket!' Thev are
supporting freedom shriekers for the State Senate
and Legislature, who have two United States
Senators to elect; but oh! they have a Fillmore
electoral ticket!
*.Thev do, indeed, profess to staud on the Indiana
Fusion Platform of ISM -Abolition, as everybody
knows; and they do sav that Fillmore will do for
freedom as well' as Fremont, and on that ground
they support him ; but they have, oh! yes, they
have a Fillmore electoral ticket!!
1 Dn the other dav the Evansville Journal, the em
bodiment of all Kill morel sm in southwestern Indi
ana, published a leading editorial in behalf of a
i Union ticket. He held up the idea that there was
a large uumber of Fillmore men in Indiana; if
not enough to elect him, enough to beat the Black
i Republican ticket, by dividing the vote. lie com
plained that the Black Republicans had made a
mistake, in refusing to notice them, and making
terms with them. And signifies very plain that
they will be beaten, if they don’t unite their forces.
It is well known that Gregg, the verv much
wronged individual, was and is for a coalition on
an electoral ticket between the Fremont and Fill
more parties. He will not undertake to deny that
in Indiana.
Let all southern men take notice how all the
southern Know Nothing papers rush forward to
defend a party in the free States from one false
charge, when thev know that this same party is
now engaged in close brotherhood with the Black
Republicans, in abolitionizing their State Admin
istrations, in abolitionizing their State legisla
tures, and in abolitionizing the Congress an<f Sen
ate or the United States. Are a party South to be
trusted, who show themselves thus affiliated with
Abolitionists?
The spectacle in Indiana, to-day, to any man who
looks at it, is sufficient to make any southern man
ashamed that there is anything but a Democratic
party in the South. We have attended several
Democratic meetings in that State—monster meet
ings they were. Read the mottoes on their thou
sand banners, “The Constitution and the Union”
—Union of white men, not black”—“ Our whole
country not a part”—“Thirty-one States, not six
teen”—Equal rights of States”—“Down with sec
tionalism.” Listen to the bold, manly, patriotic
speeches, in defence of the southern part of this
Union, and their bold denunciations of the whole
Black Republican movement. Listen to the gal
lant Willard, the Democratic candidate for Gover
nor of the State, in his excorations of Abolitionists
and niggerism, and the whole Abolition crusade in
Kansas. Just witness all this, and then go to a
meeting of the opposition, and the southern man
feels that he is in an enemy’s country; he hears
only shrieks of freedom, and denunciations of the
Democracy as part of the slaveocracy, the allies of
toe South, interlarded with falsehoods and low
abuse.
Then ask yourself, after witnessing all this,
where are the Know Nothings of that State?
Where are the Fillmore men ? Well, they have
no candidates of their own for State officers, Con
gress, or the State legislature; but who do they sup
port; and who will they vote for? The answer
from all quarters is, that they are in the freedom
shrieking crowd. They vote, nine out of ten of
them, that ticket. They swell the wave of Aboli
tionism that is threatening to roll over the whole
of the free Slates. They are for Morton & Com
pany, not Willard; they are for Abolition Con
fressmen against the Democrats in every district.
hey are the Abolition candidates for the State
legislature und Senate, book at that spectacle, ye
southern men, and then rush to the defense of the
Fillmore party of Indiana; get indignant—do trv
and get indignant at the wrongs they suffer.
What worse can these men do lor the South ?
They smile and pretend to be her friends, and
stab her in the crowd. What need the South care,
whether they vote for Fillmore or Fremont, if, at
the same time, they Abolitionize their State ad
ministration, Abolitlonize the Congress andSenatc
of the United States ? All honest, intelligent men,
see that they arc with the enemy. We have seen
several Kentuckians who have been over in Indi
ana, and witnessed the spectacle presented by the
liolitie t of that State, and they are done with any
>ut the Democratic party in the Presidential con
test. If they have a separate ticket for Fillmore,
they are doing their best for the Black Republican
party.
Mr. Fillmore’s Confidential Friends.
The Chronicle cuul Sentinel published on Wed
nesday morning last a leading article from the
New York Buffalo Cmtnercial Advertiser, of 17th
inst., which the editor lakes great pleasure in pre
senting to his readers, and considers it as expres
sive of the opinions of Mr. Fillmore; in fact that
it “ was submitted to Mr. Fillmore's inspection
before it appeared in the paper.” The article to
which we refer is written with the evident inten
tion of being construed in one way at the North
and another way at the South. But there are
some of Mr. Fillmore’s friends at the North who
are too honest in the expression of their views to
leave any room for doubt or cavil as to Iheir thor
ough knowledge of Mr. Fillmore’s opinions. Mr.
Ketciium of New York is one of those men.
Mr. Hiram Ketciium, of New York, says the
Richmond Enquirer, is among Fillmore's most
confidential and influential friends, in a personal
as well us a political sense. If any man in the
North is entitled to know and is authorized to de
clare Fillmore’s opinions on public affairs, Mr.
lliram Ketciium is that individual. Justified by,
the intimate relations which have long subsisted
between himself and the Know Nothing candi
date, Mr. Ketchum ventured, some time since, to
define Mi. Fillmore’s position in regard to the ex
tension of slavery. The following letter, from the
New York Courier awl Enquirer, of the 3d of Sep
tember, will be understood without further com
ment :
To the J&iilort of the Courier and Enquirer :
In your leading article of .Saturday morning you
have seen lit to make free use of mv name, con
ncctihg it with imputations which 1 feel bound to
repel.
In my speech at New Haven, speaking upon the
subject of slavery extension, I said:
y Hut I do not intend to ignore that subject on
this occasion. If there is any man here, or in the
State of Connecticut, that has ever opposed the
extension of slavery more than he who addresses
you to-night, or bus' ever done more to give the
slave his legal and constitutional rights, then I
would like to see that mau. (Applause - ) Gentle
men, I attached myself early in life to that party
which was always and ever' opposed to the exten
sion of slavery. And I say here to-night, that the
Whig party of the North has always had that
creed, and these Republicans can’t take out a pat
ent for it for many a long year—(merriment und
applause)—and I say that Millard Fillmore has
been true to that party, and has never had, since
he entered into political life, any other principle
but that which would prevent the further exten- i
sioti of slavery. (Applause.')
Hut upon this subject of the extension of slave
ry what are Mr. Fillmore’s principles ? Why, he
thinks just as we all think. I will venture to say
if my friend will allow me to use his name, that
if the Rev. I)r. Taylor of this city, uow present,
and Mr. Fillmore, should sit down together, they
would not disagree a particle, and I only exempli
fy bv these distinguished persons the common
feeling of the North. They think alike—they
would act alike. Now, what is Mr. Fillmore’s
opinions upon the present crisis? I read from one
ot his receut speeches :
"I haveno hesitation iu saying that the most of
you know already, that l was decidedly opposed
'I I ®. . repeal of that j Missouri] Compromise.
Uood faith, as well as the peace of the country
seemed to require that a compromise which had
stood tor more than thirty years, should not be
wantonly disturbed. Those were mv sentiments
then; fully and freely expressed, verbally and in
writing, to all my friends. North and South, who
solicited my opinion. This repeal seems to have
been a Pandora’s box, out of which have issued
all the political evils that now afflict the country
and scarcely leaving a hope behind. Manv. I per’
ceive, are ready to impute all the blame to our
southern brethren. But is this just? No, no! It
must be borne in mind that the measure origina
ted with a northern Senator, and was sustained
and sanctioned by a northern President r Ap
plause.]
Now, my friends, what would Mr. Fillmore do?
Well, I cannot undertake to say what he would
do, but, in my judgment, he would exercise all his
power and influence in favor of limiting slavery
to where it is. In my judgment he would do all
he could to see fair play in Kansas, and if he
would do as I should recommend to him, Kansas
should not be admitted as a State under two years
from this date. We have had enough of admit
ting these unfledged States. lam utterly opposed
to admitting any other States, since we have ad
mitted California, until we see how she behaves
herself as a Territory, and whether the people are
capable of governing themselves. Therefore,
upon this subject. 1 believe Mr. Fillmore to be
entirely sound, and I am sure I would not advo
cate him here to night if l did not.”
Bv every word that I then said, I stand, and
shall say it again. 1 support Mr. Fillmore for the
Presidency, because of his well kuown antecedents
as a public man, and because I have seen no evi
dence - that he rejects those antecedents, and be
cause 1 am satisfied that he abides by those ante
cedents. and distinctly places himself upon them
before the country.
What are his antecedents upon the subject of
the extension of slavery? You know them, gen
tlemen, as wcil as I hare ever ar.J tutcaue
been opfwe.i to the eite/uion of tlur-ery. While he
was in public life, that was a settled question un
der the Missouri Compromise. By this Compro
mise. all territory North of “S’ 30 was made free
Territory, and all South might be made alave Ter
ritory. "The only questions, therefore, upon which
his principles upon the subject of the extension cf
slavery could be tested, were questions as to the
acquisition of Territory which must become slave
territory. To such acquisitions, Mr. Fillmore and
the whole Whig party of the North were opposed.
I have shown above what were Mr. Fillmore’s
opinions of the repeal of the Missouri Compro
mise.
Ndw the only question is, has he changed these
well known opinions? Has he altered nis posi
tion ? *
He has accepted the nomination of the Ameri
can party. I have never been a member of any
party but the Whig party. When he received the
nomination, he was in Europe, where he had been
many months previously. The platform of the
principles of that party accompanied the letter in
forming him of his nomination, and requesting
his acceptance of the same. He replied to that
letter while in Europe. He must, I admit, be re
garded asgiving his general approval of the platform
upon which his friends nominated him. Now,
gentlemen, I ask you to publish that platform, or any
clause or paragraph of it, in Which, by a fair con
struction, Mr. Fillmore has repudiated any of his
antecedents upon the subject of the extension of
slavery. You did not quote that platform, but one
of a prior date, and with the history of which I
have no knowledge. Hiram Ketchum.
This letter is notable for four things. Ist. It
shows upon what grounds Mr. Fillmore is sup
ported by the most conservative of his north
ern friends. They all indignantly repudiate the
idea that he would consent to the extension of sla
very. They claim that he has always opposed the
acquisition of slave territory. 2d. The letter is
remarkable for the declaration that Mr. Fillmore
does not reject “his antecedents.” The assertion
is precise and emphatic that Mr. Fillmore abides
by his antecedents ; that is, the antecedents which
convict him of antagonism to the extension of sla
very. The supporters of Fillmore in this State,
pretend that he had abjured his anti-slavery faith,
and has made atonement to the South for bis hos
tility to its interests. But the fnend of his bosom
proclaims that he abides by his antecedents. 3d.
The letter is remarkable again in this: it adduces
Mr. Fillmore’s denunciation of the repeal of the
Missouri restriction in proof of his unchanged
and unchanging convictions against the extension
of slavery. 4th. Finally, the above letter proves
that Mr. Fillmore accepts the Know Nothing plat
form of Philadelphia with the distinct understand
ing that it commits him against the repeal of the
Missouri restriction and the extension of slavery.
This letter is one of the most significant develop
ments of the canvas*. It will afford a text for
further comment in this paper. Meanwhile, let
Democratic speakers file it among their “docu
ments.”
liogus Convention nnd Enthusiasm.
Since the meeting of the bogus Convention at
Baltimore, and the farcical nomination of Mr. Fill
more, a portion of the newspaper press and tele
graph agents have been employed in efforts to de
ceive the people with the belief that there is a
“ghost of a chance" for the election of Mr. Fill
more to the Presidency.
A very small affair in New York has been made
the subject of great rejoicing and enthusiasm.
The bolters from the bolting Know Nothing Con
vention, that bolted again from the bolters of the
bolters, after refining itself down to such infinitely
small proportions, by its bolting, has found a rest
ing place in the bosom from which it originally
bolted. This is the Lilliputian or pigmy accession
that the Fii.lmoreites have obtained in New York,
and is the cause of so much enthusiasm or glorifi
cation, and has been considered sufficiently impor
tant to he telegraphed throughout the country.
The “little acorns” have grown into massive oaks
with most astonishing celerity.
Mr. Fillmore Thoroughly Nominated.
Mr. Fillmore was nominated for the Presiden
cy by the Know Nothing Convention in Philadel
phia, in February last.
He was nominated by the Executive Committees
of the several chapters of the Order of United
Americans, in New York, on the 21st of July last.
Again, nominated by the bogus Whig (but really
Know Nothing) Convention, of Virginia,
t Again, by the bonafidc Know Nothings in Geor
gia, in Macon, on the 9th of July.
Again, nominated by the bogus Whig (Know
Nothtng) Convention, in Baltimore, on the 17th
Sept.
That Mr. Fillmore is thoroughly nominated,
there cannot be a doubt, and yet all his nomina
tions, first and last, are “dark lantern” manifesta
tions. Since the first announcement of the nomi
nation in February last, or as soon thereafter as it
was generally known throughout the country, up
to the present time, there has not been a single
accession to his ranks that has not cost a dozen
desertions from his standard.
Democratic Mass Meeting at Atlanta.
Let it be borne in mind by our Democratic
friends throughout the State, that the Mass Meet
ing of the Democracy at Atlanta takes place on the
17tb and 18th October next. Let all make ar
rangements ia time to be represented.
Speaking at Washington, in Wilkes.
A gentlemau writing to us from Washington, in
Wilkes county, says: “The Hon. Robt. Toombs ad
dressed the people of this county on the 23d. Hon.
A. 11. Steruens spoke on the 24th. Recorder
Gibson, from Augusta, is announced to speak on
Thursday. Judge Thomas, I understand, will fol
low on Friday. Wilkes, it is generally believed,
will give the “Buck and Breck” ticket from one
hundred to one hundred and fifty majority. This
will be a large gain on Judge Andrew's vote in
October last."
Mr. Toombs at Warrenton.
A friend writing to us from Warrenton, says,
“Mr. Toombs delivered a powerful and effective
speech in this village on Saturday the 20th inst.
There were between five and six hundred persons
present at the Court House. He spoke about an
hour and a half. It was oue among his ablest ef
forts, and was most enthusiastically responded to
by his audience. Old Warren is all right, and
will show a result of eight-tenths of her votes in
November in favor of Buchanan and Breckin
ridge.”
Ex-Governor Washington Hunt, one of
the prominent members of the late Know Nothing
(or bogus Whig) Convention, in Baltimore, in an
address to the people of New York, in August,
1855, says : “My opposition to the introduction of
slavery into free Territory is unalterable. As a
representative, I resisted it to the best of my
ability; as a citizen, I will sustain all just and
reasonable action to confine the institution within
its present limits."
David Paul Brown, another prominent speak
ing member of this bogus Whig Convention, is
the volunteer lawyer for all fugitive slaves that
reach Philadelphia)
Hiram Ketchum. of New York, another of the
, leaders of this bogus Whig Convention in Baiti
| more, in a recent letter, says:
I “I support Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency, be
cause ot his well kuown antecedents as a public
j man. What are his antecedents upon the subject
jof the extension of slavery? You know, them,
gentlemen, as well as I do — they hare erer and al
ways been apposite to the extension of slavery —and I
ask you to' publish anything, in'which, by a fair
construction. Mr. Fillmore has repudiated any of
his antecedents upon the subject of the extension
of slavery.”
I By such men, the bogus Whig Convention at
■ Baltimore, were addressed—by such men, the
people of the South are called upon to endorse
their proceedings.
The delegates from Georgia and the South lis
tened to addresses from thetc men—but in al! the
proceedings of the Convention, not one reproving
word was uttered against such men or such seati
utneute.
Nebraska-Kansas Act—Then and Now.
We showed yesterday the reception given at the
South to the Nebraska-Kansas bill, after its pas
sage, and the adherence of the Know Nothing or
American party to it up to the period of the nomi
nation of Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency. That
bill was a3 universally opposed by the Abolition
ists and Freesoilers at the North as it was support
ed by all parties at the South. The mere mention
of this fact will bring its truth vividly to the re
collection of every one who read the papers in
1854. It would be about as reasonable for us to
undertake to prove that the sun rises, or the stars
shine at night, as to prove the truth of this decla
ration to those who saw the combustibles piled
upon the blazing altars of northern fanaticism*
The bill was denounced in their public meetings
and at their firesides—from the hustings and the
pulpit—by candidates for office, public speakers
and lecturers, ministers of the Gospel, letter wri
ters, newspapers, secular and religious, and papu
lar writers in the walks of literature. Language
affords no terms of abuse, no bitter and poisoned
phraseology, which was not brought into requisi
tion to denounce the measure and its supporters.
It was termed a hell-invented scheme against hu
man liberty, an infamons union of northern and
southern Democrats to lend the aid of the govern
ment to the extension of the atrocities of slavery.
It was denounced as an accursed law, an infamous
statute, and the people of the North were called
upon to demand its repeal, and to that end to rise
in their majesty and doom to political death and
execration all the northern members of Congress
who had dared to give it countenance and support.
Who does not know the result? Our northern
friends—the glorious, national, constitutional Dem
ocrats —after the severest struggles, were swept
down by the tempests of Abolition fury. What
did those gallant Democrats do? Did they turn
pale and yield like cowards to the invincible Know
Nothing and Abolition legions ? Did they give up
the Constitution and the rights of the South?
Did President Pierce quake and tremble before
the blasts which swept down the noble political
army which had borne him to power? History, to
their eternal honor, will record their heroic devo
tion to the Constitution and the equal rights of all
sections of the Union. The northern Democrats
stood firm, struggling amidst temporary misfor
tunes, eclipsed for a while like the sun by clouds
and storms, but destined, by adherence to truth
and honor, and right, to shine with accustomed
beaufv and splendor.
No sooner had the Nebraska-Kansas bill become
a law than the Freesoilers and Abolitionists com
menced organizing their Emigrant Aid Societies
to make Kansas a free State by the potent agency
of Sharp’s rifles, and immense sums of money
raised to arm and equip and support their bloody
minded tools who were sent to seek the blood of
southern men in that previously peaceful territory.
Thus spoke General Webb, the Editor of the New
York Enquirer, in the Philadelphia Convention.
He is now a leader of the Black Republicans.
“ They ask us to give them a nomination which,
when put fairly before the people, will unite pub
lic sentiment, and through the ballot box, will res
train and repel this pro-slavery extension, and this
aggression of slaveocracy. What else are they
doing? They tell you that they are willing to
abide by the ballot box, and willing to make that
the last appeal. If we fail there, what then ? We
will drive it back, sword in hand, and so help me
God : believing that to be right, lam with them.
[Loud cheers, and cries of * Good ?’ ” |
Why need we repeat, what we have often shown,
that the Convention of the Know Nothing party
in February, 1856—the Convention which nomina
ted Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency—denounced
bitterly, the Kansas bill and the repeal of the Mis
souri restriction line—that Mr. Fillmore accept
ed their nomination and endorsed their pla’form
—that in his Rochester speech, he bitterly de
nounced the aforesaid bill and repeal as a Pan
dora’s box of evils. Thus we find that the south
ern Know Nothings, stood l»y the Kansas act for
more than two years up to February, 1856, that
then they denounced it for the first time, and fell
into line with the northern Know Nothings who
had consistently opposed it from the time of its
passage until the above mentioned period; and
now the northern and southern wings of the Know
Nothing party are acting harmoniously together
in their opposition to that great measure of equal
ity and justice.
There is a wide, radical, extraordinary difference
between the positions of the southern Know Noth
ings then and now. The northern Know Nothings
in the great mass consistently opposed the mea
sure from its passage to the present moment. The
instincts, the judgements of the southern wing im
pelled them to sustain the measure for more than
two years as one of justice to the S>juth. The in
stincts of their northern friends led them to op
pose it from the beginning, because it u-as a mea
sure of justice to the South. Southern Know
Nothings, then, have lowered their crests—have
come down to the footstool of northern preiudice,
have deserted their own rights and attempt" to es
cape from ‘his palpable dilemma by self-siultifica
tiou. For more than two years they had the same
act oefore them—the same Constitution—the same
means of judging—the same force of intellect to
bear upon the question. Were they blind for two
Tears? Were they under the baleful influence of
the moon for that long period ? Was reason be
clouded for so long a time, yea, dethroned, until
northern fanaticism winged the arrows of light
which restored them to their senses ? The people
of Georgia and the South, will conclude that thev
were right alfirst, and that party influences have
blunted their intellectual powers and their patriotic
impulses simultaneously to the detriment of their
own interests and those of the other portion of the
people of the South. These facts should inspire
southern men with thoughts which we shall not
utter, and with a firm resolve to stand to the ori
ginal position they unanimously maintained. Pa
triotism will prove stranger than party, and will
exhibit the people of the South standing together
as one man on the question in November.
l3£~Tb.e Hon. Percy Walker, who was so uncere
moniously tried and condemned by the Know
Nothings in Mobile, before his return home, has
had a hearing before the people of that city. A
numerons assemblage of both parties collected at
the Odd Fellow's Hall, on the 20th inst., and for
three hours he demonstrated the consistency of
his political position, and the necessity for the
South to rally to the support of Buchanan and
Breckinridge. We feel satisfied that Walker
will triumph before the people; he has already
achieved a glorious triumph, by his late speech in
Mobile, and when his clarion notes are sounded in
the rural districts, he will gather thousands of de
voted southern men to his support.
Our telegraph correspondent, in sending j
us the news that the National Intelligencer had run
up the Fillmore and Donelsox flag, was “rather
fast." The Intelligencer has done no such thing,
but tamely compliments Mr. Fillmore, as that pa
per always has done, while at the same time it
evinces its repudiation of the “proscription and
religious intolerance ” of the Know Nothing
party.
IST' On the first of October members to a new
Territorial Legislature are to be elected by the
people in Kansas.
ISTTbe dwelling and several of the out houses of
i William Wilbt, in Hancock county, were recently
destroyed by fire.
There were eighteen deaths ia Savannah
the past week.
Know Nothing Braggadocio.
The Chronicle <k Sentinel, the Know Nothing pa
per of this city, is making itself positively inter
esting to both sides by its ludicrous assertions
and predictions. We make extracts from both of
its editorials of yesterday. The first is as fol
lows:
“Although New York, Kentucky. Delaware
Maryland, Tennessee, Florida, Louisiana ami
California have declared in an unmistakable man
ner for Fillmore, still the northern and southern
Democracy swear that all the States that do not
so for Fremont will certainly rote for Buchanan.
he New York Herald gives the majority to Fre
mont, and the Richmond Enquirer awards it to
Buchanan; while all the time it is notorious that
unless they coalesce, the election of either is not
even probable. If New York alone votes for Fill
more, the election of Fremont bv the people will
be an impossibility, and that New York will do
so there is not the shadow of a doubt. If Penn
sylvania rejects the Buchanan Democracy next
month, and that it will do so few sane men'really
doubt there is no chance for Buchanan carrving a
single free State, and consequently he cannot be
elected by the people.’’
Query : When did New York, Delaware, Mary
land, Tennessee, Florida, Louisiana and Califor
nia, declare in an unmistakable manner for Fill
more? Have there been any electious in. those
States this year? What did Kentucky declare
"in an unmistakable manner ,” last month ? She
declared eight thousand Democratic majority.
The Chronicle <£• Sentinel does not mention what
North Carolina. Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas and
Texas declared last month "in an unmistakable
manner .”
Oh no! It never mentions them. That New
York will vote for Fillmore says the Chronicle,
“there is not the shadow of a doubt.” Indeed? In
deed ! Is this the truth ?
If Pennsylvania rejects the Buchanan Democra
cy, which, says the Chronicle “few sane men really
doubt,” “there is no chance for Buchanan- carrying
a single free State.” Indeed' There must be then
a great many insane men in and out of Pennsyl
vania. As to the chance of Buchanan- carrying a
single free State even in the contingency named,
the public will wait till they hear from New Jer
sey, New York, New Hampshire, Connecticut, In
diana, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, lowa, Wisconsin,
and California. They will in the meantime give
liitle heed to the say so of the Chronicle rs; Senti
nel. We think that sagacious paper has said on
sundry occasions, this year, that Buchanan has no
chance to carry Georgia.
In another part of that paper yesterday occurs
the following veracious disclosures and predic
tions.
“The defeat of the Administrative ticket in Octo
ber, is now beginning to be looked upon as a cer
tainty. The opposition in Pennsylvania are not
only confident of a triumphant result upon that
occasion, but they anticipate a majority of at least
twenty thousand. The effect of such a vote can
not but prove electrical. It will prove beyond the
shadow of a doubt that the Cincinnati'nominee
has not a chance in this State. Throughout the
entire South, the Democratic electoral tickets will
then be virtually abandoned, while the accessions
to the Fillmore banner will be overwhelming.
This is the prospect at the present time, and it
cannot but improve during the few weeks that in
tervene before the election. In Philadelphia our
friends were never in better spirits. They feel that
they have the game in their own handstand they
are determined to play- it manfully, honorablv and
boldly.”
To this, as to much else that appears in that
bragadocies sheet, we would say the public will
want to hear of those twenty thousand majority
being counted out before they attach much value
to the prediction.
If the Black Republicans and the Fillmore
Know Nothings combined, calculate only on twen
ty thousand majority in October, how do they cal
culate on their respective tally sheets, compairing
with the Buchaxan vote in November? Or do they
intend to keep up the fusion and vote but one Elec
toral ticket in November? The Chronicled- Sentinel
virtually confesses in the above that such an infa
mous coalition is intended.
If the Black Republicans and Know Noth
ings Only aspect tyventy thousand majority, we
think the presumption a fair one that it will be
just about twenty thousand the other way, in an
aggregate vote yvhich is not likely to fall short of
of four hundred thousand.
But the State election will not be conclusive, no
matter hoyv large the majority of the Fillmors
and Fremoxt coalition. They can divide out
State and county offices, and Congressmen,
among their retainers, but they can’t divide the
Presidency. There can be no cordial fusion on
the Presidential question, for there can be no har
monious division of the spoils. Would southern
Know Nothings tolerate Fillmore giving any
part of the spoils to the Black Republicans?
Would Seivard, Greelt, Bexxett, Theodorr
Parker, Ward, Beecher and Fred Douglass agree
that Frrmoxt should divide out with the Know
Nothings? There will be a jolly quarrel and kick
ing outof traces, on this hunt, long before the elec
tion all over the country. Already Bexxett has
come out in the Herald in favor of Judge Parker,
the Democratic nominee for Governor in New
York. We will see queerer things than that burst
ing out in the midst of the fusionists, when even
in the separate factions, making up the Democrat
ic opposition, there are juStsuch wig-warm trouble*
all the time breaking out.
“ Throughout the entire South the Democratic
Electoral ticket will then be virtually abandoned,
while the accessions to the Fillmore Banner will
be overwhelming." Oh, dear! who wrote that—
yvas it the Oglethorpe Editor er the English Ed
itor ?
Quoth the Chronicle, “ • Our Jr lends ’ in Phila
delphia feel that they have the game in their own
hands, and they are determined to play it man
fully, honorably, and boldly.” Who are -“ our
friends?” Among the fusionists? Does not the
list embrace Thadoecs Stevexs, Pollock, David
Wilmot, G a ex's a a Grow, and the entire string of
Abolitionists, as well as the sound Americans '!
Is this fusion with such men “ the game ” referr
ed to, and is this mode of playing for the Presi
dency what southern men will endorse as “honor
able ?” The people of the old Keystone State will
answer this question in November very emphati
cally in the negative. So will the entire South.
Mr. Cramptox. —A London letter states that Mr.
Cramptox is named as the successor of Mr. Bligh
a3 British Envoy to Hanover. This favor is byjno
means a promotion, and may serve to show the ex
act estimate the British government has of Mr.
Cramptox. The post is only a secondary Conti
nental Mission.
Judge Catrox, of the G. S. Supreme Court, has
written a letter to Axdrew Jacksox, Jr., showing
that Gen. Jacksox (the old hero) urged the nomi
nation of Mr. Bcchaxax to the Presidency in 1?44;
after the publication of Mr. Yax Burkn’s anti-
Texas letter. Judge C. says he was one of those
to whom Gen. Jacksox expressed himself in favor
of Mr. BrcHAXAX.
Religious Movements ix Europe. —The grand
Protestant Synod, which is to establish an inde
pendent organization of the Protestant Church,
and form a kind of constituent assembly ot that
church, is to be convoked by the superior ecclesi
astical council of Berlin, and will assemble in that
capital in January next.
i3T Thomas Swax has been nominated as the
Know Nothing candidate for Mayor of Baltimore
In a public address, accepting the nomination, he
I said: “My friends, in the coming election you
must consider the name of Thomas Swaxx as a
mere circumstance. It is the platform upon
which he U placed—the great American pjattbrta
—i cheers) —which you are called upon to support,
and I know you will do is.”