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[COMMUNICATED.]
To F .
Three years ago, with aching heart,
My hand was clasped in thine,
The time had come for fate to part
Thy kindred soul and mine.
1 heard thee breathe a long “good-bye,’’
Nor knew 'till thou wer’t gone,
How vain in absence I would sigh—
How miss the loving tone.
Three years ago! and can it be—
Three years have passed away
Since first you breathed, your vows to me,
Beneath the moon’s pale ray?
But time in thee has wrought no change,
Nor any brought to me ;
Naught could this faithful heart estrange
From the dear past—and thee.
1 know not.if thine eye still gleams
With all the fire of yore,
I’ve seen thee only in my dreams
For three long years and more.
Since last we met thou has’t wandered far,
And “won the wreath of fame,”
But still thou art my hope — my star,
Thy heart instill the same.
When stars are glimmering pale above,
Shining o’er mount and lea,
And others breathe a tale of love,
I only thiiJ: of thee !
I curl my lip in scprn—l smile,
Ah ! could they hope to win,
A heart, where thou, so free from guile,
Art fondly shrined within ?
Three years! oh, long, and dark they’ve been,
But now the pang is o’er;
Tbou’lt soon return, thou long unseen,
To leave me never more !
Brighter the lamps of Ifeaven will burn,
When thou art by my side,
Then to thy home, this heart return,
Where thou wil’t e’er abide. Rena.
Richmond County, Ga.
[COMMUNICATED.]
To the People of Elbert County.
I have heretofore, as is well known to you, act
ed with the American party. But recent develop
ments having fully convinced me, that it is the
duty of every patriot in the present crisis, to rally
under the Democratic flag, I shall not hesitate to
strike for Buchanan and Breckinridge. And I de
sire to give you my reasons briefly, in justification
of this course, simply because I hold an office,
which was conferred upon me, mainly by the votes
of that party which now advocates, for the Presi
dency, the claims of Sir. Fillmore. A generous
people will at least tolerate an honest difference of
opinion.
The slavery question is recognized as the para
mount issue in the present contest; and the Kan
sas bill, in my opinion embodies the correct prin
ciples for the South upon this question. I occupy
the same position now that I did last year, when
the American party declared that no man was
worthy to be considered a member es the party,
who was opposed to the slavery features of this
bill. I have been forced to the conclusion, even
against my wishes and feelings, that Mr. Fillmore
and his supporters areenemies and not friends of
this measure.
When he, in his letter of acceptance, endorsed
the Philadelphia platform, which denounced the
policy of the administration, as “reckless and un
wise” in repealing the Missouri restriction, and at
the same time referred to his past administration,
for his future policy, I flattered myself with the
belief that that obnoxious plank did not express
his true sentiments, conflicting, as it did, with his
acts sanctioning the Utah ana New Mexico bills,
which, by implication, actually repealed that re
striction in those portions of the Louisiana pur
chase, included within the limits of these territo
ries. But at Rochester and Albany, he spoke out
and left us in no doubt as to his opinions. The
Kansas bill which we had been accustomed to look
as a measure of “deliverance and liberty,” he de
nounced as a “Pandora’s box”—a great wrong—a
violation of good faith.
This was strong talk ; but so loth was I to quit
the American party and unite with the Democra
cy, against whom X had done battle for many a
long year, that I clung to the hope, seemingly
somewhat plausible, that Mr. Fillmore, and his
party would give the country some assurance, that
they would at least stand by existing legislation,
and not seek to restore the Compromise. An op
portunity was afforded him to speak out, when
the party in Georgia, met at Macon, repudiated
the Philadelphia platform, by constructing one of
their own, and nominating him upon it. The pro
ceedings of this Convention, were transmitted to
Mr. Fillmore, and his acceptance requested.
The party said in unequivocal terms, that they
were opposed to restoration. It was an easy mat
ter, if Mr. Fillmore agreed with them to say so.
This he refused to do, leaving the inference strong
that he did not.
Subsequent developments have rendered this
almost absolutely certain. His supporters in Con
gress, from the North, have actually voted for
restoration, side by side with the Black Republi
cans. Their opposition to what we consider our
just rights and true interests, has been further
evinced bv their hostility to Whitfield, the pro
slavery delegate from Kansas.
Surely the acts of Fillmore’s friends in Congress
must afford some index as to what are the real
sediments of that party North. But we are not
even left to inference and conjecture. We have
confirmation in the fact that in some of the North
ern States they are actually co-alescing with the
Black Republicans and running the same candi
dates. . - , .
Take these facts, in connection with tne fact
that the party in the South are becoming more and
more open in their denunciations of the Kansas
Bill, and I ask a candid public how any true friend
of that measure can consistently support the
American party. I certainly should have to stul
tify myself if 1 did. I should have to stop my
ears and close my eyes.
There is, therefore, no alternative left me but to
do as our great leader, Charles J. Jenkins, has
done—buckle on the Democratic armor, for this
campaign at least, and fight side by side and
shoulder to shoulder with those who are upon my
principles, and aid them in what I believe to be
the true interest of the South.
In conclusion let me say. that no man can charge
me with having changed my principles without
uttering that which is untrue. I occupy the same
ground that I did last year; and if the American
party has seen proper to change theirs, they will
certainly not be so illiberal as to require me to
change along with them, contrary to my convic
tions of right and duty. Simeon Hall.
Kuerten. Sept, ldth, 1856.
[COMMUNICATBD.J
Kansas Meeting.
At a recent meeting of the Kansas Aid Aseocia
tian of Richmond county, the following preamble
and resolutions were unanimously adopted:
Having observed, with sincere gratification, the
movement now on foot in Georgia to organize a
State Association with affiliated clubs in every
Bounty to raise men and money for Kansas,
Resolved, That we cordially respond to the ob
ject had in view by our fellow-citizens in other
portions of the Sate, and that we will unite with
them in the employment of every honorable
means to secure its speedy and certain success.
Resolved, That to initiate the movement above
referred to on our part, the Chairman of the Kan
sas Aid Association of Richmond county, appoint
s, delegation consisting of twelve members of said
association to represent us in the Convention pro
posed to be held at Atlanta on the first of October
next.
Received, That the collecting committeeappcint
ed at the last meeting be, and they are hereby re
quested to continue their exertions :c the premi
ses, and report at a meeting of this association, to
be called bv the chairman after the adjournment
of the Atlanta Convention.
Under the second resolution the Chair appoint
ed as delegates to the Atlanta Convention, Messrs.
J. V H. Alien, E A. Sibiev, Julien Camming, J.
D. Reilly, A. M. Rodgers, V. W. Boiselair,_ Geo.
T. Barnes, James Brandom, Esq., Jno. David
Walker, Robt. W. Schley, E. J. Walker, and Jos.
E. Burch. On motion
Resolved, That the delegation have power to £ll
any vacancies that may occur in their body.
After ordering the foregoing proceedings to be
published, the meeting adjourned.
A, M Rodgers, Seme—“t.
Letter from New York.
New York, Sept. 20th, 1556.
To the Editor of the Constitutionalist:
As this is a rainy day and I cannot attend to
out doer matters, I will give you a few “pints”
as to politics. I find npon talking with our
Georgia friends that a majority of those that left
home, Fillmore men, have concluded to vote for
Buchanan and Breckinridge on their return; as
they say that they .are now perfectly satisfied that
Mr. Fillmore has no strength anywhere North,
out of the State of New York, and he has not the
“shadow of chance,” even here. He is bound to be
the hindmost man in this State. I have been told
by several of the city merchants here, who are
Americans and prefer Mr. Fillmore personally, that
they shall vote for Buchaaan as they say he only
can beat Fremont.
I find that merchants from Maryland, Tennessee
and Kentucky are doing the same thing.
I do really believe, that if it were so that every
man South could come here and see for himself—
attend the meetings of the several parties, and
see who are their true friends, and which of them
all is the only one that stands square up to the
rack and defends our rights, that Buchanan and
Breckinridge would receive a nearly unanimous
V °l C see that the Chronicle & Sentinel devotes a
stnng of rigmarole in trying to make little of the
great Democratic procession here of last week, and
then in the next column copies from the Express
their account of the Fillmore and Donelson pro
cession, stating that it was the largest ever seen
in this city, and heads the extract with “New
York for Fillmore,” as if the lying statement of
the Express could give the State to Fillmore. Now
the truth is the Democratic procession was near
ly if not quite twice as large as that ot the Know
Nothing. I timed them both, and the former was
one and three quarter hours in passing a given
point, while the Know Nothing was hut fifty
minutes, and the Democrats were more compact
and in the same space would exceed the Know
Nothings one fourth. I am satisfied with one thing
about this State, if the soft Know Nothings cau
be kept in the traces so as to keep them from vot
ing for Fremont; that Buchanan will carry it by
a handsome majority; but should they fly the track
and go over, soul, body and breeches t» Fremont,
as I fear they mav, he is bound to carry the
Stale. As to Sfew Jersey and Pennsylvania I have
no fears but that they will cast theirelectoral votes
for Buchanan, however the State election may go;
for the Fremonters and Fill uore men cannot agree
on an electoral ticket as easily as they can on the
State tickets; for in State matters they can divide,
but they cannot divide a President. In that case it
is all or more. So between their bickerings on
this question, Buchanan is good for these two
States, which without any other northern votes will
elect him, if the South stands united as present in
dications seen they will. I have got a large num
ber of papers supporting Fillmore in which are
articles to prove that he is a letter, (yes, better is
the word,) anti-slavery man than Fremont, which
I will give you when I get home.
Thev also prove conclusively that he only
signed the “Fugitive slave act” in obedience to
his views of the veto power —that notwithstanding
he was opposed to it, as his advisers (Mr. Critten
tenden, Ac.) decided it to be constitutional, lie
could not withhold his signature. G.
Chronicle and Sentinel—Squatter Sover
eignty.
To the Editor of the Constitutionalist:
The political fight in Georgia has narrowed
down the gibbering of this paper to empty and
senseless denunciations of what its editors con
ceive to be the Squatter Sovereignty of the Kansas
Bill. Nothing lias been left in its columns which
merits the consideration of an intelligent and hon
est man,except its dolorous complaints against this
one single idea. To prop the falling fortunes of
itself and followers, its editors resort to misrepre
sentations and denunciations of the Kansas bill,
which, when exposed, will but aid in sinking
themselves to the dirty level their cause, with its
defence, so richly merits. To all who agree with
them in rejecting this great southern “boon” we
have to say, that they have either been sleeping
over their rights as they now understand them, or
they have submitted to injustice too long Tor their
present clamour to rekindle hope of redress.—
They may to-day plead ignorance and confess that
thev made jubilant by a deceptive poison. Be this
as it may—the fact still exists, that they have
drank of their own accord, drank deeply, drank to
the very dregs of the cup which they say contains
Squatter Sovereignty. Whether their shouts of
joy over this principle, to the tune of “ fair, liberal
and just,” were the ebulitions of stupid ignorance,
or the frantic screams of a victim maddened by
concealed poison, we leave for them to determine.
We do know and intend by this communication
to prove that if the Kansas bill contains Squatter
Sovereignty, the editors of the Chronicled; Sentinel,
together w'ith every Union man in Georgia, not
only endorsed it in 1851, but said it was lair, lib
eral, and just. We will prove before we are
through, beyond all question, the perfect identity
of the Kansas bill and the Utah and New Mexico
bills. We promise, if we do not, to make a public
recantation of our errors, and to take an open
stand for Mr. Fillmore.
Now to the law and the testimony. There is a
clause in the first section of the Ltah and New
Mexico bills which read thus: And when admit
ted as a State, the said Territory, or any portion
of the game, shall be received into the Union with
or without slavery, as their Constitution may pre
scribe at the time of their admission. This clause
is contained word for word in the first section of
the Kansas bill. It will be perceived that this
clause has no reference whatever to the jiowers of
legislation conferred on the people of Ltah or of
Kansas. It does not specity the time when, nor
the maaner in which the existence of the institu
tion of slavery in the territories shall be determin
ed. It neither grants nor restricts the fcgislative
power of the people of the territories. It only
lays down a rule by which the Congress which
mav be in session when they apply for admission
into the Union shall be governed. It simply de
clares that Congress shall not refuse them admis
sion because their Constitution does or does not
establish slavery. Many have supposed that this
clause of the Utah and New Mexico bills forbade
the people of the territories from touching slavery
until they framed a Constitution preparatory to
admission into the Union. Such is by no means
the case. It is true that it acknowledges their
right either to admit or exclude slavery at that
time, but certainly no intelligent man will say
that it denies their right to legislate on the sub
ject before the Constitution is framed. This posi
tion could nut be maintained, because it says
nothing whatever about their powers of legisla
tion, which are to be exercised whilst in a territo
rial condition.
The only section of either the Kansas or the
Utah bills which confers legislative power on the
people of the Territories is the sixth, and is
framed m exactly the same words, in both bills,
viz: “That the Legislative power of the Territory
shall extend to all rightful subjects of legislation
consistent with the Constitution of the United
States and the provisions of this act.” If the
people of the Territory of Kansas have the power
to exclude slavery by any legislative act, it is de
rived from the above clause. This is the only sec
tion of the Kansas bill which confers on the Ter
ritory power to legislate on any snbject. There
cannot be found the flimsiest shade of a shadow of
legislative power in any other section of the bill.
Be it remembered, ss we proceed, that this section
is word for word the section which confers legisla
tive power on the Territories of Utah and New
Mexico. Now, we call upon any member of the
Fillmore party, be be stump orator, newspaper
editor, or lay member, to show that there is legis- j
lative power conferred on the Territory of Kansas, !
which is not conferred on tbe Territory of Utah, |
and we will make good the promise made in the ;
outset of this communication. The Constitution ;
of the United States and the provisions of their
organic law are tbe only restrictions placed upon
the legislative power of either Territory. If these
restrictions were taken off, their powers of legisla
tion would be as unlimited as the inherent free
will of the people. If then there is any difference
in the extent of legislative power conferred od j
the people of Utah in 1850, and on the people of j
Kansas in 1854, it arises from a difference in the !
severity of the restrictions found in the provisions j
of the acts themselves; for we do not imagine;
that the most illiterate would suppose that the
Censtitution of the United States was more bind- :
ing in Utah than in Kansas. From a careful ex
amination of the two acts, we say, without fear of
contradiction, that there is no restriction placed
upon the legislative power of tbe Territory of i
Utah bv anv provisioo of its organic act, that is
not placed' also on the legislative power of the r i
Terr. -i j Kansas by its organic act. If there 1
is any one who doubts this, (and I know there will
be some\ we insist that they shall get the two
acts and examine them for themselves. We do
do not _sav that the Legislatures either of Kansas
or of Utah have the power to exclude slavery, for ;
the Constitution of the United States is hung over I
both bodies, but we do say that if it can be done i
constitutionally under the Kansas bill, it can be
accomplished in like manner under the Utah bill.
Pending the consideration of the Ist section of
the Utah bill, on the 7th Sept., 1800, Mr. Seddcn, 1
of Virginia, in the House of Representatives, of- i
sered an amendment to the clause which declared ,
that, “when admitted as a State, the said Territo- ,
ry, or any portion of the same, shall be received
into the Union with or without slavery, as their
Constitution may prescribe at the time of their ad- '
mission,” the amendment read thus: And that
prior to the formation of a State Constitution, .
there shall be no prohibition by the action of a
Territorial Legislature of the emigration of any
citizens of the United States with any property re
cognized as such by the laws of any of the States
of this Union. This amendment was voted down,
and in lieu of it the Constitution of the United
States was placed over the action of the Tengtori
al Legislature prior to the formation of a State
Constitution. The same thing was done by the
Kansas bill. The framers of both these acts said
to the people of all sections of our country, go to
these Territories, and you shall not be deprived by
a Territorial Legislature of any right guarantied
by the Constitution of the United states.
We wish to notice, in connection with this argu
ment, the section of the Kansas bill which repeals
the Missouri restriction, for fear that unless we
do, some one will say, that this portion of the Kan
sas bill confers legislative power on the people of
the territory of Kansas, which is not conferrred on
the people of the Territory of Utah by its organic
act. The repealing clause" reads thus: “That the
Constitution, and all laws of the United States
which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the
same force and effect within the said Territory of
Kansas as elsewhere within the United States,"ex
cept the eighth section of the act preparatory to
the admission of Missouri into the Union," ap
proved March the sixth, eighteen hundred and
twenty, which, being inconsistent with the princi
ple of non-intervention by Congress with slavery
in the States and Territories, as recognised by the
legislation of eighteen hundred and fifty, "com
monly called the Compromise measures, is hereby
declared inoperative and void; it being the true
intent and meaning of this act not to legislate
slavery into any Territory or State, not to exclude
it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof per
fectly free to form and regulate their domestic in
stitutions in their own way, subject only to the
Constitution of the United States.”
The first part of this clause declares that the
Constitution, and all laws of the United States
which are not locally inapplicable, shall be bind
ing on the people of Kansas; the second part re
peals the Missouri restriction; and the third part
is a declaration of what is the true meaning oj
the act. No part of this section confers any legisla
tive power whatever on the people of the territory.
It declares that the Missouri restriction, or action
bv Congress on slavery in the territories is incon
sistent with the Utah and New Mexico bills,and
that in the Territory of Kansas as in the Territo
ries of Utah and "New Mexico, Congress shall
have nothing to do with slavery, but that the peo
ple of the Territory shall settle it as they think
best. The latter part of this clause points out by
whom slavery shall be regulated in the Territory,
but it does not define when, nor how. It does not
say that it shall be decided only bv a territorial
legislature, neither does it say, that they shall
wait until they get in Convention to frame "a Con
stitution before the subject is touched. It does
say that their regulations for their domestic insti
tutions shall be subject to the Constitution of the
United States. Hence, it is evident that this
clause does not add to, nor detract from the legis
lative powers conferred on the Territories of Kan
sas and Utah by the sixth section of their organic
acts, which are" the same, word for word, in both
bills. There is not a ten thousandth part of a
fraction difference in the extent of powerover the
• subject of slavery conferred on tne people of Kan
sas by their territorial law, and the people of Utah
by theirs. If Squatter Sovereignty is contained in
the territorial acts for Kansas and Nebraska, Squat
: ter Sovereignty is contained in the territorial acts
i for Utah and New Mexico.
If the Kansas bill is worse than the Wilmot pro
viso, the Chronicle tf* Senlinel has said that a prin
! ciple worse than the Wilmot proviso, “is fair,
! liberal and just.” If a man was a traitor to the
' South, who would not stand by the principle
• of the Utah nnd New Mexico bills in 1851, the edi
tors of the Chronicle iP Sentinel are traitors to the
South to-day. We appeal to these gentlemen, and
ask them, in all candor, if they have been asleep
i for the last six years? If not asleep, were they
. maniacs or fools, when, in 1851, their shouts of
, “fair, liberal and just,’ 5 over this very principle,
were echoed and re-echoed over the State of Geor
\ gia by the very men who to-day denounce it as a
fraud upon the rights of the South. Whence came
this flood of newlight on this old principle? Was
it shed forth when the editors of the Chronicle, fol
lowing the banner of Messrs. Stephens, Toombs
and Cobb, with this principle for their motto,
rolled up a majority for its endorsement of eigh
teen thousand? Was it poured over their lazy
motioned brains, when the Georgia Legislature
declared, a few years afterwards, that opposition
to this principle was hostility to the South ? Was
in showered upon them when Mr. Fillmore assert
ed that he would abide the operation of these
measures in principle and in substance ? Were
they enlightened last year, when the American
party, in Conventien at Macon, put the handwri
ting upon the wall, that any man who opposed
this principle was unfit to be recegnized as a mem
ber of any party not hostile to the South ? I doubt
not that the editors of the Chronicle ((■ Sentinel,
if they had been accused last year of holding po
sitions they maintain this, would have instituted a
suit for slander. They would have denounced any
one who could have had the boldness to have said
last year what they have written this' as a traitor to
the South. Never did any party in Georgia think
of maintaining the positions the American party
are now defending, until they, the American party,
were committed to the support of Mr. Fillmore.
And they never would have attempted it then even,
if they liad not been driven to it, step by step on
account of positions since assumed by their candi
date. I know well, that though there were qpmc in
my county who were opposed last year to that fea
ture of the Kansas bill which allowed foreigners
to vote at their first election, there was no one who
ever murmured a syllable of complaint against the
principle which is to-dav denounced as squatter sov
ereignty, until Mr. Fillmore made his Albany and
Rochester speeches. It was then, that their Chief
tain informed them that this Kansas bill was a
Pandora’s box, it granted the South a boon they
did not as!: for, a northern Senator and President
ought to be blamed for it, he was opposed to this
bill, and did not like the disturbance of that sweet,
balmy, oily, wound heeling Missouri restriction.
His friends in Georgia having previously commit
ted themselves to bis support, rather than de
nounce him immediately as an enemy of their in
stitutions, a foe to their firesides and rights under
the Constitution, instituted an examination of their
own stomachs, for food that had nourished and
sustained for six years, and began very soon to
vomit up declarations they had swallowed time
and again ; until to-day, some of them stand on the
soil of my own native ’State washed of the last ves
tige of true southern sentiments, and are ready to
wallow in the dirty sophistry of freesoilism, if to
defend their warning cause it is required. It is
high time that the honest yeomanry of Georgia,
who have been duped and deceived into the sup
port of Mr. Fillmore by the misrepresentations of
such papers as the Chronicle. Sentinel should
pause, and in all seriousness address to their own
hearts the question, whither are we tending?
Where will our leaders carry us ?
Our country is now passing through an ordeal
such as the history of our government furnishes
no example. A great struggle is pending. The
parties in this trying contest, are the friends of
the Constitution of our fathers, and its open and
avowed enemies. It is a struggle between pat
riots, and traitors; it is a struggle on your part,
! for your homes and little ones, your hearth shines
; and tiresides; and it is for you to determine wheth
j er or not this struggle shall distract the country
; with fratricidal war. It is for you to determine
whether or not, in this dire event, your wives and
babes shall be left tc the mercy of an infuriated
negro race, and the many hill tops of your awn
sunny State made the resting place for the bones
of your own beloved countrymen. Let me en
treat you then, by all that is loved or sacred, on
i earth, or in heaven, if you would save your coun
try from civil war, your homes from destruction,
and our Constitution from the traitor’s foul grasp, ,
to lister, no longer to the syren song that Fillmore
is ft’mode! President, and tbathe knows no North, .
South, East, or West, for T assure you that he and
bis party are powerless to protect either; but rally ,
to the banner of your country, around the Consti- >
tut ion of your fathers, and shoulder to shoulder ;
with the true patriots of our land, whether they <
be Whigs or Democrats, struggle manfully to save (
our Union from dissolution ant? our land from .
civil war. Truth, j
Lexington, Ga., Sept. IStb, 18 ,0.
[COMECNICATSD.]
Warren-ton-, Ga., Sept. 28, 1555. 1
Jfr. Editc-r: The quiet of our village was ves- 1
terday disturbed by the announcement of a death 1
from Tellow Fever, and we deem it our duty to i
the public to report the case with all the facts ao- i
companying it. On Wednesday last, a man by !
the name of Frederick Smith (a German), arrived J
from Savannah, and was employed as a cook by a
gentleman of this place. Very soon he com
plained, and took his bed, and supposing his case
was one of Bilious Fever, he was treated for it by
Dr. Johnson. On Monday afternoon he died, ,
black vomit having ensued on the morniug be- i
fore liis death. After death, upon a full consulta
tion, it was agreed that it was a case of Yellow ,
Fever—which opinion was concurred in by the at
tending physician.
The young man before his death gave the foi- 1
lowing account of himself: Was a native of Wur- \
temburg, twenty-three years of age, and first left
the steamship Keystone State, a Philadelphia and ■
Savannah packet, and was a cook on board the
ship on the last trip. On arriving at Philadel
phia the ship was put under quarantine for five
days, the fever having made its appearance on
board. He returned to Savannah, and the sick
ness on board was reported to be Billious FeVcr—
on his arrival he left for this place.
To the citizens of the county and others in
clined to visit us, we are constrained to say that
we do not apprehend the spread of the disease
from this case. The town was never more healthy,
there being no case of fever of any description
within our knowledge.
E. V. Culver, M. D.,
Sterling Gibson, M. D.
A Card,
A Card by J. W. Jones appeared in the Consli
tutionaliet, of the 24th inst., purporting to be a
narration of the facts and circumstances which led
to the publication of the Card of G. A. Snead, in
the Constitutionalist on the 14th inst., and as it is
not strictly correct, I feel it my duty to give my
version to the facts. It is incorrect in this, that he
(Mr. J.) stateß that after lie had made his explanu
nation, I pronounced it “ perfectly satisfactory no
doubt,” but “subsequently requested him to make
the statement in writing.” The facts are these:
When Mr. J. made his explanation I asked biin to
reduce it to writing. This he declined to do. I
then told him if he would write it I had no doubt
that it would be satisfactory, but I would not car
ry a verbal message. He again declined, and re
peated bis explanation, adding that if Col. Snead
would call at his office lie would repeat it to him.
I then left. I however returned in a few minutes,
fearing that Mr. J. would suppose, afterhis last re
marks, that I would give bis explanation to Col.
S.—and being better satisfied that I was right, in
refusing to bear a verbal message—and asked Mr.
J. if he would allow me to write down his expla
nation, under his approval. This lie also declined.
I still adhered to my determination not to hear a
verbal message, and told him I did not regard it
as an explanation, nnd would not repeat it to Col.
S. He (Mr. J.) thought I was wrong. I gave him
my reasons for refusing to receive it in any other
than a tangible form—that the code of honor re
quired it—and that a written communication of
any nature, by the rules of common etiquette,
called for a written reply. I thought so then and
now.
My object in making this statement is to place
Col. S. and myself in the right position; and as
Mr. J. “ pretends to give the substance,” I wish to
correct him in the detail. My version, I assert to
be correct in fact, and I believe to be the words
used. JOHN D. REILLY.
Augusta, Sept. 25, 1856.
Dissolution ot the Union—lts Immediate
Consequences.
To the Editor of the Constitutionalist:
That an event of such magnitude as the dissolu
tion of our Federal Union should bring with it no
troubles, no evils at all, were scarcely to be ex
pected.
Some would say the experiment of free govern
ment had failed—that self-government had been
proved impossible. Except on certain conditions
we grant it. Slavery (at least political inequality)
is the necessary reservoir for the material which
in the North makes "isms.”
Many would feel that they had lost their moor
ings—what the moorings of the South would per
manently be we endeavored to show in the last
number, and they seemed to be by do means intol
erable. In discussing the immediate consequences
of disunion, we shall consider civil war to be one
of them. It may not be a necessary—it certainly
is a probable accompaniment, whether consequence
or cause. We deplore the probable necessity, but
think it will be short lived, and the South far from
getting the worst of it.
Suppose civil war, then, to he the cause, conse
quence, or accompaniment of disunion ; its legal
incidents would he
Ist. Confiscation (during war) of debts.
The South would for the time being lose debts
due from the North. The North would lose the
far greater amount due her —debts due for mer
chandise would go unpaid. New York and Boston
would break in a day. What would become of
the merchant princes ? Os the Banks ?
2d. Commerce between the sections would be
suspended. Tbe importation of cotton ceasing,
what would become of the vast investments in
cotton manufactures, and ofthemultitudesengaged
in them ?
The South being by far the largest (almost ex
clusive) purchaser of northern manufactures, what
would become of the general manufacturing in
terest—the factories broken and the workmen dis
charged.
The coasting trade, its most profitable branch,
would be lost to the marine interest.
Under the recent stipulations of the great pow
ers of Europe, abolishing paper blockades and
confining captures to articles contraband of war,
our own carrying trade would but be transferred
to other hands.
Communication between the North and South
being cut off—direct importation would'he made
to the South, and a large portion of the revenue
from duties soon change its channel.
New modes of taxation upon an impoverished
people would need to be adopted. The sinews of
war gone—oppressed by unusual burdens, the
eyes of the North would be open too late to the"
consequences of their folly. Not many months
would elapse before the North would sigh for re
union, and (unless restrained by pride; sue for it,
too, and npon terms.
And now (briefly) as to the war itself: If Kan
sas should choose to go with the South—as she
doubtless would—Kansas would be the first and
chief theatre of war. Upon that war we should
enter wi iL a clear conscience, “He’s doubly armed
who hath his quarrel just.” We have never
asked in Kansas or in any other Territory, for
more than equality. We have never said to tbe
men of Massachusetts —“We alone shall mould
Kansas, giving you no voice in the mattor.” We
have claimed our equal right only—and are just
in maintaining it to the bitter end.
Great as are the evils of war, there are greater.
Great as the evils may he to us, ..to the North they
will be greater.
And here let it be considered that delay would
not probably prevent, but only postpone these
evils and greatly aggravate them when they come.
Prompt, decisive action is our safety, as well as
our duty. Delay would but allow the powers of
the government for intrigue and force to be col-*
lected and set in array against us.
The precise course and end of civil war we can
not predict. We can only say that having em
barked in a just cause, at tbe best time, and with '
every ground of hope—we would conduct it with j
the spirit of southern freemen and come out of it (
eulv when its just ends had been subserved.
The South deprecates blood, but she is not
afraid of it, nor need she be. To almost every
distinguished General this country has produced
she has given birth. Washington, Jackson, Scott, '
Taylor, the heroes of every war have been her 1
sons. The legitimate fruits of her system, to wit:
The aggrandisement of the master though not at <
the expense of the African, who has been also elej
rated, have appeared in due season alike in Cab- <
inet and field. i
In all this sectional controversy, the moderation i
prudence and courtesy have been shown by the
party aggrieved. But while there is no where
more aversion to war than at tbe South, nowhere '
is there less fear of it.
The justice of our cause and the necessities of
self-defence would be the prime incentives to ani
mate us. We have shown the reasons why Free
soil is yet in its minority—we have pointed out its
elements of growth. There is as little hope ol
re-action as of re-action in the growth of a healthy
stripling.
And now what does Freesoil propose to do ?
What is its platform ?
True it is not always necessary to resort to a
platform to learn the "position of "a party. In time
of Indian wars, should one meet an armed Indian
at his door he would scarcely stop to accost him
with—“ Sir, what is your platform ?” However,
we are left to no conjecture. Our adversaries have
a platform and a policy.
A convention was called of the people of the
United States without regard to past political dif
ferences (for the issue is one and naksa) who are
(among other like things) opposed to the re
peal of t the Missouri Compromise—to the ex
tension of slavery into free territoir—in favor
of the admission of Kansas as a free State and for
the purpose of nominating a President and Vice
President?
That convention, so called, merging all minor
questions into this one—forgetting past differ
ences, was as honest as fanaticism usually is. Its
objects are undisguised.
The Ist and 2d resolutions are in keeping with,
nnd embodied in the 3d. The 3d resolution is as
follows:
Resolved, That the Constitution confers on Con
gress sovereign powers over the territories of the
United States for their government, and that
in the exercise of this power it is both the right
and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the territo
ries those twin relicß of barbarism—polygamy and
, ‘slavery.”
No more unqualified or insulting claim of right
could be framed in language.
The 4th resolution is a precious array of fictions
on the subject of the wrongs of Kansas. And the
sth resolves that “Kansas should be immediately
admitted as a State of the Union with her present
free Constitution,” referring to the informal, irreg
ular minority Constitution adopted at Topeka.
The 6th is against the Ostena Circular.
The 7th in favor of the Pacific railroad.
The Bth of Internal Improvements.
And the 9th invites the aid of all who concur.
Fremont’s letter of acceptance is worthy of the
party and of the man. He, born and reared in
the South, a pro-slavery man from infancy, and
so in California and in the U. S. Senate, shame
lessly says.
“ The declaration of principles embodied in the
resolves of your Convention expresses the senti
ments in which I have been educated, and which
have been ripened into convictions by personal
observation and experience.”
When we consider his birth and education, liis
associations and habits, his early life, his earnest
opposition to the prohibition of slavery in the
California Constitution, his defence of himself
against the churgfof affiliation with Col. Benton’s
questionable views, his votes in the U. 8. Senate,
(always with the South) we can but he amazed at
the impudence of his perfidy.
In the course of his long postponed and elabor
ately considered letter of acceptance in speaking
of the evils of slavery extension, he declares “a
practical remedy” to Be “the admission of Kansas
as a free State.” Adding that the South should,
in his judgment, earnestly desire such consumma
tion,” ana that “the North having practically the
benefit would he satisfied.” Well, indeed she
might be.
He says further:
" Tbe only genial region of the middle latitudes
left to emigrants from the northern States for
homes cannot be conquered from the free laborers
* who have long considered it as set apart for Diem
in our inheritance without provoking a desperate
struggle." This, same genial region, the common
purefiase of North and South in liis judgment
should be surrendered by the South, not only
. without a desperate struggle, but ns a consumma
tion ‘to be earnestly desired.”
To the great body of non-slaveholding free
* men—“including those of the South upon whose
) welfare slavery is an oppression” he proposes a
j bribe out of the common fund— i e. —he proposes
“to advance their interests and secure their inde
pendence” bv a beneficial exertion of the power ol
the General Government over the public lands,”
and promises in aid of the national will, all the
> authority of the Government.
One portion of his fellow-citizens, “that small
but compact and powerful class of men interested
in slaasry," seems alone to have no part in “a
* heart capable of comprehending the whole enure
> try with all its varied interests.”
. This is the man—this shameless and impudent
renegade—who is proposed as the President of
this great nation and ourselves, lie and his in
' famous policy, supported by men who abandon
| all political differences in common opposition to
i the equality of the South—distinctly pledged to
do those two things which tbe people of Georgia
and the South are pledged to resist—prohibit
slavery in the Territories and force a Freesoil
Constitution on Kansas.
And yet there may be those who will say (hat if
such a maD uud such a platform shall be endorsed
by every northern State—we of the South ought to
wait, wait, wait.
We are for no such policy. Never should the
South submit to see the chair of State once hon
ored and filled by Washington, shrink to the di
mensions and be polluted lay the contact of Fre
mont. Practically he could not govern this coun
try. In all free governments there must be sonic
00-operation on the part of the governed. Who
ought to—who would accept office under Fro
mout? The southern inuu who accepted a seat in
his cabinet would be accounted a brother rene
gade. Subordinate olßccb (few, it is true, in the
South where little federal money is expended)
wouldremain in like manner unfilled.
The South meanwhile refusing all participation
in the government, would have nothing to do but
sullenly to await *• overt acts.” What a spectacle
to mankind would the patient South present—
governed by a President and Vice President, Cabi
net and Subordinates, one and all northern men of
northern principles!
Suppose the Black Republican President and
party to forbear their policy, the South would not
consent to accept equality as a boon, and as a poor
inferior receive favors from the condescension of
Black Republicanism. What love, what fealty
would she ever again bear to the Union ?
But never will this degradation be—never shall the
North look upon ns with pity ; nor shall the words
of warning uttered to the North by those noble pa
triots, tbe veterans of the Democratic party —
Buchanan, Gags, Douglas, Richardson, who know
the Union to be in the issue -be belied. Nor shall
Mr. Fillmore (within whose ranks most of the
trrdy are to be found) have cause to blush for the
South as “ less sensitive than the North to her
honor and her rights.”
When every northern State shall have given its
endorsement to the declaration of our inequality,
the South, with the spirit of a free people, the self
reliance of a just people, the dignity of a great peo
ple, will show to tbe worthier sods of the North
that she is not herself unworthy of tbe estimate
they have placed upon her.
Sentinel.
Tbe Bogus Whig Convention.
Had tbe Convention simply declared that they
desired to preserve the organization of their party,
and to that end thought it advisable to support
Mr. Fillmore; had they placed upoD the ticket
with him, some respectable southern Whig, we
might have been induced to believe that there
were some genuine old line Whigs among them.
But no one, who is not born a fool, wouldbeheve
that a body of genuine Wbigs could, under any
pressure of circumstances, be induced to swallow
Andrew Jackson Donelson. Faugh! their stom
achs would revolt at the dose.
There is another evidence, if any is needed, to
demonstrate the political character of that body.
One of tbe resolutions declares :
“That even now, there is imminent danger that
the name of America will be blotted out of tbe
family of civilized nations.”
There is no mistaking the Samuelistic squint of
this. Tbe meaning, though veiled in those misty
adumbrations, characteristic of the propbesyings 1
of Sam, is clear enough. It needs but the addi- 1
tiOD of a single letter to be so plain, that he who
runs may read—‘Even now there is imminent
danger that die name of American, i. e. Know
Nothing, shall be blotted out,” Ac. Yea, verily!
great danger, nay absolute certainty, and the char- 1
acter of the gas now escaping, indicates that the
decomposition is far advanced!
Mobile Register, Sept. 21.
Parties in tbe next Missouri Legislature.—
Tbe Amsrican Citizen thus classifies tbe parties in
the next general assemby:
Senate— Anti-Bentons, 12; Bentons, 7; Ameri
cans, 12 ; Whigs, 3.
Hvuse— Anti-Bentons, 60, Bentons, 35; Ameri
cans, 30; Whigs, 7. On joint ballot the vote will
stand: Anties, 72; Bentons, 42; Americana, 47 :
Wbigs, 14. This classification is about conect.
Fremont and Dayton- will carry that State
'-7 fifty thousand majority. The writer in refer
ngjo the Fremont State Convention at Worcester,
ajlr
“ Tke American Convention behaved in t very
courteous and straightforward manner toward the
Republicans, to whom they certainly accorded all
that the Republicans had a rigjt to ask—a full
union on an electoral ticket, and on the re-election
of Sumner. On both the points the Americans
acted promptly and unanimously.”
The Nicaragua Accessoht Transit Compact.—
Corxeuus Vaxorrbilt, the President of the Com
pany, has brought suit in the Supreme Court, New
York, to obtain redress from the Republic of Ni
caragua for the grievances sustained by the com
pany “since the invasion of that Republic.”
COMMERCIAL.
CHARLESTON, Sept. M.—Cotton.—We "Cannot
undertake, at present, to give a list of quotations,
both on account of the unsettled state of the mar
ket, and the want of an assortment to make up the
different grades, but it was a pretty general (y es
tablished fact, that at the close of business the
good middling aud middling fair qualities were
worth 12@12%c. The receipts are on the increase
and reached this week some 5,471 bales, against
the sale in the same time of 2,541 bales, at the sub
joined prices, viz: 7 bales at 10; 43 at 10%; S 5
at 10%; 284 at 11; 39 at 11%: 189 at 11%, 162
at 11% ; 164 at 11%; 22 at 11 9-10 ;24 at 11% ;
120 at 11% ; 82 at 11 18-16 ; 205 at 11%: 721 at
12; 583 at 12%; and 83 bales at 12% cents.
Rite. —The transactions harp been at a runge of
figures within the margin of *3%@f4%. Among
the transactions was a lot of 80 tierces new, which
brought 4%; and 70 tierces do. qualitv not so
good were sold at 4% hundred.
Cbrn.—Booo bushels Maryland, imported by a
dealer, and 1500 do. North Carolina, were sold at
70c. In addition to which we note the sale of a
store lot of some 1200 sacks Baltimore, at 75c.,
sacks to be returned.
Flour. —About 50 bbls., among the best brands
received, were taken for export at #7% ft bbl.
The receipts bv railroad comprises 1800 bbls.
Bacon.— Sides and Shoulders have attracted some
little attention this week. The transacting, how
ever, have been in a small wav, atlo%@llc. for the
former, and 9%@9%c. for the latter.
Bagging and Hope. —These articles have been
very much neglected this week.
SAVANNAH, Sept. 26.— Cotton. —Arrived since
. the 18th inst., 5902 bales Upland, and 60 do. Sea
Islands. The exports for the same period amount
to 2458 bales Upland and 9 do. Sen Islands—
leaving on hand and on shipboard not cleared,
a stock of 6947 bales Upland, and 907 do. Sea
Island, against 9,744 bales Upland and 428 do. Sea
Islands at the same time last year.
This week the feeling continued good through
out ; all ofTejing stock waa freely met, and holder*
obtained good prices.
QUOTATIONS I
Ordinary to Good Ordinary.. .11 @ll%
Low Middling 11%@11%
Middling 11%@ —
Strict Middling 11%@11%
Good Middling 12 @ —
' Middling Fair 12%@12%
The sales of the week foot up 2483 bales.
1 Rice. —There is not much doing in this article.
I The only sales reported arc of a retail character,
? at $4.50 100 lbs.
, Wheat. —None offering. Good Red would com
: maml (1.35@t1.40, and White, tl 45<&|1.50 *
v bushel.
* Flour. —Transactions have been made at t7.2f>@
$3 for Superfine, according to brands; Extra $8.50
@9 ; Family t‘J@tlo.
® Corn. —We have no new feuture to report this
** week. Sales have been made, in quantities at 78
® @3O cents, and by retail at 90 cents $ bushel,
j liny. —Northern Helling from wharf at tl, and
„ from store at t 1.25; Eastern from wharf at fl .25,
and from store $1.50. Stock fair; demand limit
e ed.
~ Bagging.— Not much doing in this article. We
‘1 hear of small sales in bales at 22 cents per yard,
which is the rate holders are askingfor a good arti
) cle of Gunny. Sea Island is held at 82 cents.
Rope —Is in very little resqest. Tbe only sales
. making are from store, to supply tbe orders of
- planters, and at our quotations, to-wit: 18@12%
cents per lb.
II COLUMBUS, Sept. 25.—Cotton for.the past few
3 days lias commanded very foil prices, and all of
-3 sered has met with ready sale. We quste Mid-
J dling 11%; Good Middling 11%; Middling fair
j 12 cents.
. NEWNANj Sept. 20.— Cotton —Our Cotton mar
ket still continues to exhibit considerable anima
tion-planters generally manifesting a willingness
to sell at ruling prices. We quote: Low Mid
dling, 10 a 10%: Middling to Middling Fair, 11a
11%; Fair, 11#.
COLUMBUS, Sept. 26.— Cotton. —The demand
yesterday was very active as will be seen by the
sales, which reached 811 hales. We continue quo
tations at 11% to 11 %c. for Good Middling to Fair.
Receipts of the day 835 bales.
BALTIMORE, Sept. 24.— Remark. —The late
European advices, published by us yesterday,
have deprassed breadstuffa. Flour has declined.
fh<rstock on hand, however, is moderate. Ship
pers art! buying cautiously. Wheat slightly de
pressed but a lair demand.
Provisions remain very quiet und prices irregu
lar. Sales mostly to supply the consumptive de
mand. f.
The leading articles of Groceries are firm.
Tobacco-AComea in freely and commands full
prices.
An active business in Dry Goods.
Whisky is firm and prices upwards. Stock di
. mimshing.
Tbe money market presents no change. Rates
of discount as last quoted. Exchange on J-ondon
i 9%@3% prem.
NEW ORLEANS, Sept. 22.—The weather be
ing unfavorable, with more ample receipts yet to
- be sampled, only a moderate business was done,
I the sales comprising about 1800 bales, and prices
: generally tending still further in favor of buyers.
i Low Middling 10%@U; Middling 11%@11%;
• Good Middling 11%@12 ; Middling Fair 12%p0
12%; Fair 12%@13.
I STATEMENT OP COTTOK.
, Stock on hand Ist September, 1856..ba1e5.. 7,198
- Arrived since 40,168
. Arrived to-day 9,082
! 56,443
Exported to date..... 12,308
Exported to-day 2,901-15,209
Stock on hand and on shipboard, not el’d.. .41,239
■Sugar and Moltmet.- -W e beard of no transac
tiohs in either article.
Hour. —Only 50 bbls. Superfine were sold at $6
75 y bbl.
tbrn.—One lot of 8500 sacks white was sold in
the afternoon at 61c. t? bushel, and 1300 Backs in
six or seven lots at 82@68c. for white and 50@53e.
for inferior Creole.
Bacon.—'We noticed a sale of 15 casks prime
ribbed Sides at 10c. and a few casks Ordinary
Shoulders at B%c. ft tt>.
Bale Rope. —6o coils fancy (Louisiana Manufac
turing Company) sold at 11%C. cash.
NEW YORE, Sept. 26.—The cotton market has
advanced %, and the sales of tbe day reach 2000
bales, with a very small stock on band. Tbe rates
now current are: Uplands, middling, 12%; Up
lands, fair, 18%. Orleans, 12%.
Flour has also improved, and commands for
Ohio 16.40at6.50, with no positive advance in oth
er grades.
Wheat. —An advance has taken place, chiefly in
White, which is now quoted |1.68; Red sl-50.
Cbm.—Mixed is held at 66c.
In naval stores or rice there is no change or im
portant movement.
Freights continue easier.
MARRIED.
On the 11th inst., by Rev. A. A. Morse, Mr. A.
M. Bkett, of this city, to Miss Victoria Ltthooe,
third daughter of G. B. Lytbgoe, Esq., of Ander
son C. li., S. C.
DIED.
On the 9th inst., in Lowndes county, Ala., at the
residence of her father. Mr. Edmund Harrison,
Mrs. M. J. Sappold, wifeef Milton J. Saffold, Esq.,
aged twenty-four years.