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SATURDAY, MAY 12, 1«C0.
The Charleston Convention.
We may, perhaps, at another time, speak more
at length of our pleasant visit to Charleston, but
there are other themes of more importance now,
than a premeditated ecatacy about a pleasant city,
its old fashioned houses and narrow streets, com
merce crowded wharves, multitude of s °
churches, noble buildings for public an c
ble purposes, it. battery with walks of shells
around the verdant squares, w.th
embroidery of happy children The
bjv beautiful ever, if brtght w.th sunbeam , dark
«,',h storms, or sleeping at ntgbt like a vast mtr
r, r for the starry eyes of Heaven to look upon and
see their images, trembling in misty glory on its
bearing breast. Nor have we now time to tell of
the cannon-crowned island fort, the name of which
has made a sandy waste all hallowed ground, nor
of that glorious sea-breeze which is the chief de
light of our sister city.
But before we enter upon that interminable
theme, politics, one word as to the ladies of
Charleston, who have been by a polite contempo
rary, pronounced a nuisance in the convention.
They tilled the gallery which had been provided for
them, and one half of the speeches were intended
as much for them, as for the salvation of the coun
try. They were invited to seats upon the floor of
the house, oy the unanimous vote of the members,
and second only to the great inflcnce and ability
of the presiding officer, it Is atributable to their
presence, that the deliberations of the convention
were marked by the absence of all discourtesy and
ill feeling, a singular characteristic of a body so
divided. The convention did not deem them a
nuisance, nor did the chairman, when every
ing they crowned his desk with flowers. We only
hope that the platform born under their approv
ing smiles may please the South, for if it does,
we are one people yet.
The convention lias now adjourned, and it is our
purpose to publish what we understand to he the
condition of affairs, both National and State.
The National Democratic convention assembled
on the “3d of April, and it was well known that
there were three sets of opinions among its mem
bers. The smallest portion were represented by ’
those from Alabama, who advocated a Congres
sional slave code for the Territories; hut tha‘. idea
as a principle to in a hopeless minority. The
next class was composed of those who cared no
thing for platforms, regarding them as a kind of
political architecture llmt amounts to little, but
insisting upon such a construction of the Cincim.
nati platform, as would defeat Judge Douglas ;
these were southern delegates und northern ad
ministration Democrats.
The third division consisted of the delegates
from the North-west und a portion of the North,
who were for the platform upon which the party
had once been victors, and for any northern or
southern man who would take a moderate plst-
form.
In these three divisions there were sub divisions
thut we will notice at another time. That portion
which advocated protection as a principle of con
stitutional right, were so small as not to have ma
terially affected the result, the real division being
upon the northern and southern construction ot
the Cincinnati platform.
Upon this issue, which was simply a judicial
question as to the time when Territories receive
the attributes of sovereignty, we were met in the
fairest spirit of compromise by the North.
Mr. Yancey, of Alabama, who is the leader of
tho secession wing, spoke in the highest terms of
the decision of Judge Tansy in the I>red Scott
case, and the Douglas Democrats proposed to
abide by that decision. It was objected that the
real points of difference were not yet decided, the
Territorial views of the court being a mere opin
ion not delivered upon the main question before
the court. The North then went still further, and
said that us the opuium of tho court was in our
it that ih.. decision would be,
and therefore that they would pledge the party to
abide by such decision as had been,or ‘'might lie”
made. To that proposal it was objected that the
court might change its organisation, and therefore
the minority in their linal report offered only what
was endorsed by tho whole South in the vote of
1856—the Cincinnati platform, with the simple adv
ditionul resolution in favor of the l>r*d Scott deci
sion as recommended by the Georgia State Con
vention in December last.
Yet, strange to say, this platform, recommended
by the State of Georgia, endorsed by every south
ern press,and by even the distinguished gentleman
from Alabama in his glorification of the Supreme
Court, was rejected by tho withdrawing delegates,
and even by twenty-two Georgians.
Nor was this the only compromise thftt our north
ern friends were disposed to make, for when the
territorial resolution endorsing the decision of the
Supreme Court, came up in the minority platform,
there was an appeal made by the member from
North Carolina, stating that it was obnoxious to
the South, and urging northern men not to press
it, and almost every northern State, voted against
their own resolution upon that simple request.
That the action of southern delegates was sui
cidal, there can be no doubt, for as we have said,
there were but a handful who cared for the ab
stract, impractical, and insane idea of protection.
The southern policy—they being as correctly stat
ed by the Chronicle, frightened bv the shadow of
Dot ulas— was to nominate a southern man, and
we have little doubt that half of the Douglas del
egates came to Charleston for that purpose.
Let us examine facts. Judge Douglas has stated
that the Presidency is not an object to desire at his
time of life, his forty-seventh birth dav being the
day of the meeting of the late convention. But as
he had twice before withdrawn his claims, it was
but fair to expect that he should receive, if not
a consideration, at least no "injury ill payment.
It is well known that by his kindness in with
drawing in 1556, he brought into power an Admin
istration that has done alLiu its power to crush
him for the last two years. Therefore, it was but
right that his friends should iusist upon the law
of the United States as it now exists, os his plat
form, he being one of the authors of that law, and
the nation having once endorsed it. But with the
most earnest desire to conciliate the South, they
agreed ter let the law as construed in favor of the
South, by the Supreme Court,be the platform of the
party, aud on existing points of difference to sub
mit to the supreme umpire that has already deci
ded in our favor.
As for the nominee, however, their foremost
choice was the great statesman of Illinois; and
second, any southern man that was not his enemy.
That the Douglas men would have compromised
upon a southern man, had the States remained, is
in our personal knowledge, true. They could not
take a northern man, for that would weaken the
chances of Judge Douglas the next time. They
did not want any other northern man, for as we
were told by delegates from Ohio, “when a north
ern man is nominated, the patronage of the Gov
ernment all flows South to conciliate them, but
with a southern man we get our equal share.”
Douglas never could have had the nomination
in the late convention. The South would have
centred upon lluxter or Guthrie, and finally,
both sides would have been forced to compromise
upon some third man, not in the field. \Y ho that
man would have been, we have entertained no
doubt, forifthe southern States had have remain
ed and voted, th iron throated cannon of Fort
Moultrio, would long ago have heralded to the
winds, the glad news, that Alexander H. Ste
phen's, of Georgia, was, by the unanimous vote of
the Democratic conveDtiou, t' e nominee of the
partv But by the withdrawal, the southern arm
was paralised; and had Virginia, Tennassee, and
Kentucky also, abandoned the assembly, the with
drawing delegates would have accomplished the
very object that they were endeavoring to defeat,
viz: the nomination of Douglas.
We wish now, in conclusion, to call the attention
of southern men to two pictures; first, the posi
tion of the seceding delegates; and second, to the
certain results of Congressional protection, if had
which will be two fold, one a negative evil, the
other a very positive one.
The gentlemen who withdrew from the conven
tion professed to do so because they were denied
a great constitutional right; but there are few. of
them who will dispute the proposition that they
would have voted for the nominee of that conven
tion, had he been a southern man; and the fact
that they would, proves conclusively that they
care more to defeat Douglas than to sustain a
principle ; that they have nothing to contend for;
and we leave the question to them, as men of honor,
if they would not have taken the man for the
construction, and supported him without platform
or principle.
It seems evident to us that, as sensible men,
they cannot advocate protection in the Union in
earnest; and if they are not disunionists, why is it
that they cannot submit to a refusal of their newly
begotten rights from a National convention ol fel
low Democrats, when it is evident that they will
have to submit to the same refusal from the Con
gress which is, by a majority, Republican? What
is their chance for protection ? There has lately
been a test of power in the election of the Speaker
of the House of Representatives. It is well known
that a Black Republican, who endorsed by his vote
the man who, by his pen, endorsed Hklpkr’s
book, was elected to that office.
Now, let a protection bill be brought before that
same body, and what will be its fate? The North
western Democrats who prefer the dissolution of
the party to the passage of such a resolution in
convention, are not likely to vote in Congress for
an act which would cause their constituents to in
struct them out of their seats. The southern Amer
icans would only support it as they do in their
papers now, as a firebrand in the camp of Demo
cracy. The Black Republicans are no't likely to
support it, and.would not, except for evil. Mouth
er# Democrats are divided upon it, the majority of
them deeming it worthless; and yet with the cer
tainty that such a measure would die still-born in
Congress, or be rejected with contempt, these
statesmen of the bolting school, who cannot bear
a polite refusal from northern Democrats, and who
sneer at compromise in the National convention,
they will quietly pocket the insult when offered by
Congress, und lamely Submit to Republican rule.
The worst of it is that they are making bids und
offering a premium for Iho inevitable insult, and
while tendering a demand which they know will
he refused, they all refuse to suy what they will do
when it is refused; and by their ablest orator and
noblest champion we are told that he is not u dis
nnionist!
Nice, national men, these are, to sever every
lipk that hinds to them a single conservative
mutt at the North, (Fkrxando Wood excepted)
and yet hope to live in the Union ! The Constitu
tion was framed for the purpose of a “more per
fect Union,” and yet upon ideas purely sectional,
they propose to build up a new party, which will
hear the same name as its twin Yankee sister—
the Know Nothing Cunstituti<mnl\>UT\y.
The fact is, that the movement is either a dis
union one, or a mere scheme for office. The latter
view is very plausible, for while it is evident that
protection in the Territories will not create ne
groes to go there, and would be worthless if there
were negroes enough to go there and be protected
by the votes of their masters, and while it is worse
tliuu hopeless from the present Congress, or any
soon likely to sit, yet us a mere party move, with
out any principle about it, there is a possibility of
If all the Rimlhcni States could be hum bulged
by u wild und discordant cry about soutbern
rights, protection ol our property, squatter sover
oignty, traitor Dooolas, and such cant catchwords,
and by a division in the North betwecu Douglas
and New Aim, the election could be thrown into
the House. Once there, the electoral college uo
longer exists, but each State would have one vote.
Seventeen votes elect, aud the fifteen southern
Stales, with California und Oregon, could now
elect, but us Kansas wdl be in by the time of the
election, it would probably be a tic. This is the
only sensible purpose that we can see for bolting—
and if that does not'mect the veto of the South,
we are much mistaken.
As for the power of the Territories, neither Con
gress or the party platforms cun settle that, for it
is a legal question only to be settled by the courts;
and protection is hopeless in prospect, and worth
less if had—the phantom of a ghost, the shadow
of a shade.
But enough of their position, and let us briefly
examine what would be our condition if we had
protection —how we hate the menial word!
If we were Abolition members of Congress, we
would ask no other boon of the South than to be
permitted to protect their rights. Aye, they will
protect us as the lion does the lamb, purring with
cat-like joy as it rends its limbs aud sucks its
blood; as the whole docs the little fishes, asking
them to come in out of the wet. When the young
mau marries an heiress, and wishes to settle her
property upon her children, docs he choose a dead
ly enemy, or a known thief, for the trustee? Po
land trusted the three great powers of northern
Europe, and they have taken care of her, in frag
ments, ever since.
Let us imagine the grim treason of the North in
un amiable mood, consenting to receive the sacred
trust, and become the custodiau of southern
rights in the Territories. We can imagine the
smile that would light up face of the demon
of fanaticism, as he would hug our negroes in his
arms, and say “they are mine now.” The first act
of our Joux Brown friends in execution of the
delegated powers, would be, of course, to enact
that slavery exists in the Territories by positive
law of Congress—thus, at one blow, destroying
that bulwark of the institution, which is the truth
that it exists by immemorial common law, every
where in the Republic, unless abolished by State
law.
As soon then as slavery was located by law,
they would doubtless grow very kind to their new
pet, and as humanity is so characteristic of the
witch-burning New Englanders, they would decree
by law, that they could not bear to have their trust
property whipped, and that if southern masters
under their protection dared to strike slaves, it
should subject them to a pecuniary or personal
penalty. They might argue that as their black
wards were not getting regular wages, that it
would be right that their food should be of the
first quality, and a fixed quantity, and their gar
ments of the best Kentucky jeans for working
hours, and broad cloth for holydays.
They would probably limit the number of hours
that slaves should work, so as to protect their
health, furnish them with umbrellas to prevent
sun strokes in the field, innumerable holydays for
self improvement, aud give them the elective fran
chise and an education, to improve their minds,
and if they talked of revolt, set them free to keep
them from it.
Oh yes, let us have protection, or dismember the
party, for protection will people with southern
planters the sandy wastes of the great American
desert, crown with, vineyards the earth-bare slopes
of the rocky mountains, and be just the thing for
the South when Greenland is annexed to the Union.
Now what is our future? The National conven
tion has adjourned to meet in Baltimore on the
19th of June, and those who resigned their seats
in that body, will have their places filled by men
who will represent the States.
As we have said, the action of the bolting dele
gates has defeated their own prime purpose,
which was the nomination of a southern
man. We went to Charleston prepared to vote
for Mr. Douglas, if he was the choice of the man
jority, and to support him if nominated —bat al*
most sure that he would not be, and that a south
ern man would be. The certainty now points the
other way, for Mr. Douglas has got rid of the fac
tionists, and having received one hundred and
fifty-two votes, which is a majority, he is, by the
usage of the party, entitled to be nominated by
two-thirds.
We now believe that the nominee of the party
in National convention, and the next President of
the United States, will be Stephen A. Douglas, of
Illinois. .
Questions of Platform and Men,
It is useless to deny the fact, that the present
disruption of fraternal ties, in the Democratic par
ty, is caused more by opposition to the Senator
from Illinois, than from any regard to what the
secessionists are pleased to call “great Constitu
tional principles.” Great, indeed, must be those'
principles, which the makers of the Constitution
never dreamed of, and which even the State of Al
abama had not heard of in 1856!
It is true that there is scarcely a corporal’s guard
in the southern States who are so weak as to think
of entrusting to a Republican Congress the guar
dianship of their rights. It is true that the only
question which really devides the North and the
South, is the legal question as to at what time- the
Territories become sovereignties.
It is true that all question as to platform ai the
South, has been, is, and will be, merged into the
question, will we accept Douglas as our candidate
or not?
We have expressed already our opinion that the
withdrawal of the southern delegate.! did more
than anything else could, to strengthen him among
his northern friends, and to weaken the chances
of the South for a nomination. For by that un
fortunate movement, those who were determined
in their hostility to him, were got rid of, and more
moderate men will.probably fill their places.
It is, therefore, not at all unlikely that be may
receive the requisite two-third vote before the Na
tional convention, and should that be the case, he
will carry enough northern States, with two or
three southern States, to elect him.
If he had received the nomination of the Charles
ton convention, and there had been no split in the
ranks, he would have carried every southern State;
but now, with a mongrel organization of disunion
secessionists, and Union Knew Nothings, it is not
impossible that a large part of the southern States
will support their nominee.
It is certain, however, that such uu organization,
with no fixed principle of action, cannot hold to
gether four years, and long before the campaign
of 1804 will open, the National Democratic party
will be in the ascendancy in every southern State.
We are tolerably well satisfied that Mr. Douglas is
not now the choice of the southern States, for they
have quarreled with him without adequate cause,
and lack the firmness and magnanin.it}' to confess
that they are, and have been in error
It isu lover’s quarrel, and one of the most bit
ter ki*d. lie was the darliug of the southern
States for years, and no term of pruisewasjoo high
for him, but the South took offense at his position
on the Ijecompton Constitution, and one howl of
disappointment and rage went up from among us
at what was supposed to be his infidelity to the
party and section that had sung pecans to him so
long. It is a matter of regret that the American
press were successful in leading Democrats at the
South iuto such denunciation of a faithful friend;
but he was tried without evidence and condemned
without a hearing; and as the Know Nothings
and some few Democrats keep fiddling away upon
the same discordant string, it is not likely that he
will shortly get either an impartial hearing or
justice at the hands of our honest meaning, tut
hot headed, friends.
If the South does not want him, how can his
nomination be prevented ut this time, and yet the
National organization of the party be preserved*
The only way Is to fill up the blanks in the Slate
delegations, caused by resignation, and to send
men to llaltiinore, on the 18th of June, who will
take the existing platform with the Bred Scott de
cision, as recommended by our State convention,
and by offering a compromise of platform to the
northern delegates, we are confident that we can
get the man.
lint it is plain that should Mr. Douglas be the
nominee of the Haltimore convention, that trie
Georgia Democracy will sacrifise no principle in
supporting him, or his views, unless two State
conventions grossly'misrepresented their senti
ments.
The following is the platform on slavery in the
Terrifhries, laid down by the Georgia Democratic
convention in December 1847, ahd re-adopted by
the convention of June 1848 :
"Resolved, Tlmt Congress possesses no} power,
upon the Constitution, to legislate in any wvy or
manner in relation to the institution if slavery. It
is the Constitutional right of every citizen to re
move ami settle with his property in any of the
Territories of the United Stales.
“Resolved, That the people of the South do not
ask of Congress to establish the institution of
slavery in any of the Territories that may be ac
quired by the'United States ; they simply require
that the inhabitants of each Territory shall be left
free to determine for themselves whether the insti
tution of slavery shall or shall not form a part of
their social system.”
But not only is Georgia committed by her re
cord in convention to oppose the interference of
federal legislation upon the subject of slavery,
whether as a naked Wilmot proviso, or masked in
the delusive garb, and crawling in the serpent
shape of protection , but by the solemn action of
her convention, held in December last, composed
as it was of her legislators, the State of Georgia
stands bound by her plighted faith, her sacred
honor, to support the minority platform as re
ported from the Charleston committee on resolu
tions, and which will be affirmed in full at Balti
more. The little alteration now existing was made
by the North under a mistaken idea of the wishes
of the South.
We copy the first* resolution of the December
convention, and ask those who passed it and have
endorsed it, if they dare risk the infamy of aban
doing their plighted faith ?
“Resolved, That we will send delegates to the
National convention to be held in Charleston—that
we pledge ourselves to support the nominee of that
contention upon the condition that it determines to
maintain the equality of the States, and the rights
of the South—that we will yield nothing of those
rights for lhe sake of harmony, but will demand a
firm, strict, and unqualified adherauce to the doc
trines and principles on the subject of slavery, and
the rights of the South in the common Territories
of the Unton, which have been recently declabed
by tiie Supreme court of the United States.”
We now give the minority report in full, and
ask to be informed wherein it differs from the
demand made bv our State convention in Decem
ber, and which would have been re-affirmed in
March, but from the refusal to divide the resolu
tion from that which recommended Howell Cobb.
Tell us, ye bolters:
MINORITY report.
1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the
Union, in convention assembled, hereby declare
our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously
adopted and declared as a platform of principles by
ti e Democratic convention at Cincinnati, in the
year ISS6, believing that the Democratic princi
ples are unchangeable in their nature, when ap
plied to the same subject matters; and we recom
mend as the only further resolutions the follow
ing :
Inasmuch as difference of opinion exists *iu the
Democratic party as to the nature and extent of
the powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to«
the powers and duties of Congress, unaefine uon
stitution of the United States, over the institution
of slavery within the Territories—
2. Resolved, That the Democratic party will
abide by the decision of the Supreme Court of the
United States, on the question of constitutional
law.
3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United
States to afford ample and complete protection to
all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and
whether native or foreign.
4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the
age, in a military, commercial, andfpostal point of
view, is speedy communication between the Atlan
tic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party
pledge such Constitutional Government aid as
will insure the construction of a railroad to the
Pacific coast, at the earliest practicable period.
5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, ou
such terms as snail be honorable to ourselves and
just to Spain.
6. Resolved , That the enactments of State Leg
islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the fu
gitive slave law, are hostile in character, subver
sive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their
effect.
We now also copy the resolutions of the majori
ty, which were the reasons given for quitting the
National convention, and we ask if the second
resolution which was put in to kill the chances of
Judge Douglas, and which vaguely prates about
right to protection, when “ necessary,” as if pro*
tection were not now needful, if ever ? Tell us,
we say, what Southern right affirmed in this
wonderful piece of carpentrj, that it took seven
teen States three days to construct, is of enough
value to split the party, and the Union for it ?
MAJORITY REPORT.
Resolved, That the platform adopted by the De
mocratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the
following explanatory resolutions:
Ist. That the government of a Territory organ
ised by an act of Congress, is provisional and tem
porary ; and, during its existence, all citizens of
the United States nave an equal right to settle
with their property in the Territory without their
rights, either of person or property, being destroy
ed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial le
gislation.
2d. That it is the duty of the Federal Govern
ment, in all its departments, to protect, when ne
ce.-sary, the rights of persons and property in the
Territories, and wherever else its Constitutional
authority extends.
3d. That when the settlers in a Territory having
an adequate population, form a.State Constitution,
the right of sovereignty commences, and, being
consummated by admission into the Union, they
stand on an equal footing with the people of other
States; and the State thus organised ought to be
admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Con
stitution prohibits or recognises the institution of
slavery.
it will thus be seen upon the examination of the
two platforms, that while the real disturbance is
about a man, that the only pretended differ
ence is predicated upon the question, have
the Territorial Legislatures the right to abol
ish slavery? We think not, and as we have al
ways so held, shall not argue the legal question
with those who insist upon putting the negative
in the platform. But we want it remembered that
the denial of this right to the Territorial Legisla
tures coupled with a general assertion of a right
to protection when necessary, is the great question
held up by the secessionists, the principle, held to
be worth more than the party, or victory over Re
publicanism, or the pieservation of the Union.
Without then raising that curtain in the far fu
ture, pointed to by the “taken necessary” resolu
tion, we ask of our State and the South if it is not
perfectly fair to submit the question of Territorial
sovereignty to the Supreme Court? The more es
pecially, as Mr. Yancey tells us that the Court
has already decided in our favor? Shall we force
the North to declare a sentiment which no party
can determine ? Shall we disrupt alt fraternal
ties with them, upon a declaration in advance of
the decision of the Court, when it is not likely
that the whole question would do us any good, if
decided in our favor ? Forbid it, ye southern men !
Forbid it, ye Democrats. Assemble then, ye Geor
gians, in your county meetings! Assemble in
Milhdgevtlle, when the Executive committee calls
you together, (if they do not call you, assemble
any way). Fill tile blanks with conservative pa
triots. Other States will follow tb* example, and
upon the platform that the South has endorsed
we will be victors vet.
Douglas, the hero statesmen, will yield his high
claims if the sons of the South request it, and
with a southern leader and Natioual platform, we
will laugh at the combined powers of Federal
patronage, bolting sectionalists, ami defeated
Know Nothings.
But in the battle with Abolitionism, the Na
poleon that will lead our northern wing, will still
be Douglas ; for nominated or not, we cannot
spare his potent arm, nor that voice whose very
tones are victory.
Views of the Southern Press.
The Fayetteville (N. C.) Carolinian, of the -d
May, says:
'lhe Charleston Contention. —lt will be seen l<y
our late news that the convention is about break
ing up in a complete rupture. We cannot say
what will be the result of the matter. We, how
ever, think that North Carolina has acted thus far
the position which she should assume, and we
trust that she will have moral courage and forti
tude enough to hold out. The Democratic pariv
is not a judicial tribunal where the rights of ail
the citizens of the State are to be laid downexplic
itlv— they have only a right to declare the princi
pies upon which the Union has lasted for the past
half century—let the courts decide, and not politi
cal parties. We earnestly believe that if New Kn
gland and a few ultra southern States were out of
the Union and sent to Liberia, humanity would be
benetitted.
The Rome Southern and Advertiser, of 3d inst.,
says:
Th- Charleston Contention.— Our latest intelli
gence from the convention is, that a nomination
has not yet been made. We refer our reuders to
a telegraphic dispatch in another column, from
which they will learn somethiug of the doiDgs of
the convention. A platform similar in its prin
ciples to the Cincinnati arrangement, has been
adopted; and seven of the southern States have
withdrawn from the convention. We are glad to
sav Georgia is not among the number. Hut it is
impossible, from the meagre telegraphic dis
patches, to get much idea of the nature of the
platform, or of the reasons for the withdrawal of
the seven slave States. Our opinion is, that Judge
Douglas will be the nominee, since seven Slates
have seceded that are opposed to him. But no
telling ; we must, therefore, await the result.
The St. Louis (.Missouri) Bulletin of the Ist
inst., says:
It Still Lives.— Up to the time of writing this
article, no additional dispatches have reached us
from Charleston. Those published yesterday were
of an alarming nature, and created the utmost ex
citemeut, not only in this city, but throughout the
country. I’eople of despondent tendencies saw
in the action of the secediug States, an impending
disruption of the Democratic party-, that iu its con
sequences might ultimately- involve the integrity
of the Union itself. We profess to be of a more
hopeful frame of mind. It is certainly to be la
mented that the discordant elements that raged
with so much violence in the Charleston conven
tion, could not be reconciled. We are not with
out hope, though, that efforts to re-establish mu
tual confidence may yet be successful. But should
all such endeavors' fail, there is no room to doubt
that the great masses of the people will still remain
constant to the Democratic principle and loyal to
the Union. We cannot believe that a great party,
representing great and vital issues—a pariv that,
for more than half a century, has controlled the
destinies of this country, raising it to its present
high position of power and greatness—a party
whose principles are ingrained into the hearts of
the people, forming part and parcel of their very
nature—we cannot believe that a party of such
achievements, and so securely based, can be blown
into thin air at the bidding of any number of
wrangling politicians. No, the great organization
still survives, and will continue to flourish, when
those who now seek to sow dissension in its ranks
and oppose its progress, shall have ceased their ef
forts and been forgetten.
The Memphis (Tenn.) Appeal of the 4th instant,
says:
the Cka^^pnuet&perUion. —
The been
lb iffbev in
*on of JH»**£nd the
seated are requested the vacancies occa
sioned by the secession of tne delegates who have
withdrawn. The inability of the convention to
agree, at ter fifty-seven ballots, became so apparent
that the convention did the most sensible thing to an
agreement, and resolved to ask instructions from
the seceding States, and to make another effort at
Baltimore as soon as they can hold such a consul
tation as may bnng about a greater concordance
of opinion. We applaud the motive of the con
vention, and approve of its action as being wise,
prudent and conservative. Moderation, prudence
and deliberation are needed in our councils at the
present time, and will certainly meet the sanction
ot the Democratic masses. No hasty or inconsid
erate step should be takeD, but everything should
be.done with the view to harmony and an efficient
campaign against the Black Republican party in
the approaching struggle for power. Before the
re-assembling of the convention the public will
be able to divine something definite with regard
to the purposes of the Black Republican
leaders, and our convention will thus become
consolidated and united in its strength, and can
come to a fuller aggreemest. In the meantime,
if it be possible, we trust that the unfortunate
breach that has divided us may be healed and an
cient amity be re-cemented and restored.
The Nashville Union and American, of the 4th
inst, says:
It will be seen from our telegraphic dispatches
that the Democratic National convention yesterday,
by a vote of one hundred and ninety-nine to fifty
five, adjourned to meet in Baltimore on the 18 th of
June. This proposition, we judge from the dis
patches to the Louisville papers, came from the
New York delegation, who seemed to appreciate
the importance of conciliating the seceding south
ern States, and thus preserving intact the organi
zation and harmony of the Democratic party.
Those States are dow aiked to fill such vacancies
as have occurred or may yet occur in their dele
gations, and meet their brethren in convention at
Baltimore on the 19th of June. Let us hope this
invitation will be responded to in the spirit that
prompted it, and that the integrity of the party will
be observed, and as a consequence, the Union
preserved under the Constitution.
While it was greatly to be desired that the Na
tional convention should have completed its labors
at Charleston, good not only to the party but to the
country may grow out of the adjournment that has
taken place. The delegates will have an oppor
tunity of mixing with their constituents and of
learning their views in regard to the important
questions that have claimed the attention of the
convention, and as “the sober second thought of
the people is always right,” we may look forward
to the assembling of the convention in June with
more than ordinary confidence that every dissen
sion will be healed, |tie sure precursor of another
glorious victory.
The Montgomery (Ala.) Confederation of the
4th inst., says:
Adjourned to Baltimore.— We have received a
telegraphic dispatch, stating that the regular Dem
ocratic National convention had agreed to adj-jurn
and meet again in the city of Baltimore in seven
weeks, in order to give time for those States
which are unrepresented to appoint delegates.
We now call upon the honest masses of the
South, and especially of the people of this State,
to rise at once and crush the shameful schemes of
those few who withdrew from the convention, and
by so doing, contributed to destroy the harmony
of the Democratic party. Let us have a delega
tion that represents the true Democracy of the
State, and not the wishes and opinions of a dan
gerous and reckless man.
We copy the following from the Macon (Ga.)
Telegraph, and which we find re-copied in the Co
lumbus Times, of sth inst:
The Adjournment to Baltimore. —The adjourn
ment to Baltimore is, under the circumstances, the
moat wise and prudent course which could have
been adopted. The lapse of a few weeks will af
ford all parties time for reflection and subsidence -
time to find out the "home feeling ” which troubled
Horseshoe Ned so much. The people, too, will
have time to think and to speak, and when the
convention meets again it will have the benefit of
whatever light the doings of the double headed
Opposition may throw ou their pathway. The
“ Constitutional Union,” and Black Republican
conventions both meet in the course of a fortnight.
The first thing in order for Georgia will be the
question of a representation in that convention,
and on what terms. This we must settle in State
convention, and the Executive Committee of the
State, will, no doubt, issue a call for another State
convention without delay. The Georgia Demo
cracy have uniformly and consistently adhered to
the nou-interveution doctriue, for ten or twelve
years. The State convention of last year, which
re nominated Gov. Brown, reaffirmed the Cincin
nati platform, and both the recent State conven
tions, called to nominate delegates to Charleston,
refused to endorse the Alabama platform.
The question now is, and it is a solemn question
indeed, are we prepared to reverse their policy—
blot their record, uud join in this suicidal cry for
Congressional intervention? If we are, let us say
so, and give the Baltimore adjourned convention
the go-by; but if our old position suffices—if we
are content with a fair non-intervention platform,
w hich shall devolve the duty of settling the slave
ry issues in the Territories upon the bona fide peo
die thereof at the proper time—in a word, if we
are content with the true meaning between the ex
tremes of Congressional provisoisms and protec
tion on the one hand, and squatter sovereignty
snap-judgments on the other, it can be bad—it
might have been had in Charleston, and we believe
it will yet be had as the settled doctrine of the
country.
These are the questions which summon Demo
crats to action now. The times demand energy
and promptitude. Every dictate of enlightened
patriotism appeals to Georgia for an intelligent,
independent, and wise solution of these points in
controversy.
It was publicly announced in Charleston about
the time the convention adjourned, (by Geu.
Flournoy, of Arkansas,) that a dispatch had been
received there from the Chairman of the Louisiana
State Central committee, declaring that Douglas
would carry the State by a very large majority,
notwithstanding the secession of their delegation.
The Washington Constitution (the leading anti-
Douglas paper in the Union,» says: “We have
said before, and we repeat, that we do not see how
the National convention of the Democratic party
can make a nomination which one Democrat in
the entire Union can be justified in refusing to sup
port.*’
Augusta and .llacoii Railroad.
We had a call yesterday, from Messrs. Bonner
and Hutchings, delegates from Clinton, in Jones
county, to the railroad convention which will be
held in this city the ensuing week.
It is not known, so far as we are mformed, on
what line the Augusta and Macon railroad will be
located. We presume it will be located in away
to best subserve the interests of the stockholders,
and secure the largest subscription to the con
struction of the road.
We publish below a note from Messrs. Bonner
and Hutchings, which will fully explain the object
of their visit to our city.
Augusta, May S, 1860.
Mr. Editor: The undersigned came 'here to be
present to-day, as they understood, at a permanent
organization of the Augusta and Macon railroad;
and as delegates from Cliuton and the county of
Jones, have brought over one hundred thousand
dollars in reliable subscriptions to the stock of
said company. We thought proper to make this
communication, to let the friends of the road know
that Jones county has manifested a laudable de
sire in the building of the Augusta and Macon
railroad, by contributing liberally to the same, and
to stimulate the friends of the enterprise to perse
vere in their eflorts until the project ripens into
a positive reality.
R. W. Bonner,
R. U. Hutchings.
The State Convention. —It is time for Georgia
to arouse and assert her influence and dignity in
the counsels of the South and the country. 'One
voice comes to us from all quarters let us
have a convention, and let it be composed
of our most intelligent and patriotic men to dis
cuss and settle these questions, and shape the pol
icy of the State. If she is for secession, and is
ready now to sever the last party cord binding the
Confederacy together, let it be so; but let her take
her own position, and shape her policy indepen
dently, as becomes the Empire State of the South,
and the leading southern member of the Confed
eracy. The State demands the services and coun
sels of her wise and experienced men. Let us have
them.— Macon Telegraph , May 5.
The Favorite Paper.
We have read with much pleasure the fiftieth
, .number of the Southern Field and Fireside, issued
on Saturday—one of the best editions yet pub>
lisbed, containing gems from old and new contrib
utors. The article entitled “Educate Southern
Children at the South." (from the pen of Hon. Al
beet G. BROwx.of Miss.,) is replete with wholesome
truths; and we trust its perusal will arouse the pub
lic sentiment of the South to a full appreciation of
dangers springing from the present system. Chil
dren of, should be educated in, the South. The
subject is one which concerns every citizen; and
when every citizen, or even a very large majority,
shall determine to have southern teachers, south
tern schools, and a southern press, the work will
have been accomplished.
In place of any remarks of our own, to-day, we
endorse the following opinion, from a high au
thority—a late number of the Chronicle \ Senti
nel, of this city:
The Southern Field and Fireside. — We have
watched the career of the Field and Fire
side through the first year of its appearance
with interest, and, to say truly, with some misgiv
ingsastothe success of the"experiment There
were, unfortunately, so many obstacles to be sur
mounted. so many deep-rooted prejudice and hab
its to be overcome, that the task seemed too her
culean to undertake. But, whatever doubts we
may have entertained heretofore, we take pleasure
in saying they exist no longer. This literary jour
nal—pure in its tastes and elevated in its tone —
has achieved a success commensurate with its
merits, and is a striking instance of what can be
accomplished by untiring energy, perseverance,
and a judicious expenditure. It enters upon its
second volume, on the 26th of the present month,
strengthened in its financial arrangement by a large
and rapidly augmenting list of subscribers ; in
its literary, agricultural and horticultural depart
ments by acknowledged talent; and in all its ac
cessories with the most flattering prospects for
the future. We' are glad to record the fact. The
South has the elements within itself—the brain
and the money—to perpetuate the existence and
ensure the success of this best expone.it of its
tinkers and workers in the fields of science and art,
to be found in all the southern States. Give it a
generous support. Patronise home industry and
talent.
Mr. J. R. Thompson, long and familiarly known
as editor of the Southern Literary Messenger, will
assist* in the editorial department of the Field and
Fireside, commencing with the second volume. He
will be a strong and valuable accession. An able
corps of cohtributors—southern writers—will, as
heretofore, help to give zest and piquancy to its
columns.
The Southern Field and Fireside is published at
Augusta, Ga., by James Gardner, at two dollars
per annum, always in advance.
•Our extemporary seems to have fallen into a common er
ror. Mr. Tiioarsos willbe eilitorin-chtef of the literary de
partment—the present et itor retiring at the close of the pres*
ett volume.
Democratic Meeting.
An adjourned meeting of the Democratic party
of this county, was held at the City Hall Wednes
day night—James Gardner, Esq., in the Chair, and
Mr. J. J. Jacouvs acting as Secretary.
Mr. Wu. 11. I’kitcbaud introduced the following
preamble and resolutions:
Whereas, the National Democratic convention,
recently assembled at the city of Charleston, has
adjourned its sittings to the city of Baltimore,
where it will re-assemble on the 18th of next June,
And, whereas,the majority of the delegation from
Georgia has withdrawn and seceded from that
convention, aDd the minority of the delega
tion remaining in their seats were denied the
privilege of casting the vote of Georgia after
ihe majority retired, whereby the voice of Georgia
was wholly stilled and suppressed in the ballot for
a (’residential nominee,
And, whereas, in the opinion of this assembly,
it is expedient that the State of Georgia should be
fully represented in said convention,
Be it Resulted, That it be recomended to the
Democratic parly of Georgia, in the several coun
ties of the State, to hold meetings and send dele
gates to a Stale convention of the party, to meet
in Milledgeville on Monday the fourth’day of June,
or such day as the State Executive committee
may designate.
Resolced, That in the opinion of this meet
ing, the preservation of the organization of the
National Democratic party is necessary to the
peace, harmony, and strength of the American
Union ; its destruction will be but the precursor
of sectional parties, of discord and strife, and the
destruction of the Union itself.
Resolved, That Ibe principles of the National
Democracy, set forth at Cincinnati, and trium-
Sihaut in the election of James Buchanan to the
’residency, are sound and national, and sufficient
for the vindication of the rights of all sections of
the Union, and that where difference of construc
tion exists as to the rights intended to be protected
by those principles, ihe Supreme Court is the
proper and constitutional tribunal to decide those
differences.
Resolced, That under organised governments
there is no mode of protection to persons or prop
erty, except by law, as expounded by the courts of
the country, or by brute force, winch implies revo
lution and bloodshed.
Resolved, That as the principles set forth at
Cincinnati in 1856, were acceptable to the southern
people as evidenced by the vote of the southern
Stales for President, these principles Bhould be
still more acceptable now, since by the Dred Scott
decision of the Supreme Court, the views of south
ern statesmen in reference to the rights of property
in the Territories have been sustained.
Resolced, That a committee of five be appointed
by the Chair to report the names of ten suitable
delegates to represent the National Democracy of
Richmond county at the State convention at Mil
ledgeville in June nexl, and that they be author
ised to fill their own vacancies in case they cannot
attend.
Resolced, That this meeting will n*t give any
iustruciions to their delegates to Milledgeville,
further than to say that the Democracy ot Rich
mond county desire to have the party in «ur State
fully represented at Baltimore.
On an urgent appeal from Mr. JamesM.Smvtbe
for the meeting to adjourn one week in older to
produce harmony in the Democratic party, tlx; mo
tion for adjournment until Wednesday night, 16th
inst., was carried by a few votes.
The meeting was largely attended, and the d«.
termination marked and emphatic that the Demo
cratic party will be represented at Baltimore.
Horrible Murder iu Scriven County.
Messrs. Editors Constitutionalist: A man by
the name of Reubtn Blackburn, a well known and
respectable citizen of Scriven county, was killed
on last Sunday morning, in a most horrible man
ner, by a negro man belonging to a Mr. Seaborn
Thompson, of that county. The negro has been
arrested, and I learn had his trial to-day. Mr.
Blackburn after being killed was thrown into the
fire, and had nearly burnt up, before he was dis
covered. The negro will receive his just punish
ment. Respectfully yours, Ac. J. W. R.
May Bth, 1860.
pST* Extract of a letter dated—
. Newsax, Ga.. Mav 6, 1860.
To Editor of Constitutioaalist: The National De
mocratic party, it seems, from the policy of the
seceders of the Georgia delegation and others, to
the Charleston convention, is endangered, and its
defeat South rendered almost certain. It is the
imperative duty (so I believe) of every true De
mocrat and patrtot, to rally to the rescue of our
common country, whose interests, nay, whose very
vitality, is identified with, and from which all the
glory, happiness, and power of the American peo
ple springs the success, and triumph, and policy
of the National Democratic party.
The National Conservative Democracy will, in
spite of the seceders, save our country, and achieve
a Constitutional triumph. Let those madmen who
think, and falsely assume that they represent the
sentiments of the southern States, go on in their
wild career. They will yet be restrained by pop
ular sovereignty and outraged patriotism. Let us
lose no time in preparing for the adjourned Balti
more convention ; let us lose nothing to secure
the nomination of S. A. Douglas, or some other
well tried national man.
The single vote for Hon. Jeffebsox Davis in
the Charleston convention, given persistently
throughout the whole fifty-seven ballots, was cast
by the President, Hon. Caleb Cusbixc.