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vbqc> i ’ z* •s’arTOaxsjssaMceooan*
Benjamin Franklin Butler
on the Army Appropria
tion Bill.
(lends, no Credit Mohiliers for labor,
but only sweat and toil.
Mr. Butler analyzed the expendi
tures ot the Government for the last
five years, un<t -?ai
SOUTHERN BANNER: JUNE 4, 1878.
hkuuipju ggg
together ; and he confessed that that j of the Army and his large pav, said
| letter often rung in his‘li^c-an j that.the office was entirely a super-
” ... one, and he commended to
alarm bell in the n.
aged 8445,000,0(1
printed |titjld|k(
At the evening session Mr. llutler
(Hep., Mas ,) said that there was no
fact more patent and no omen more
portentious than the great lack of
employment by the laboring classes
of the country, and this; too, in the "T
lace ot the tact ihat for years past
the harvests have been bountiful,
and that the ships of Europe
referenci
prialion in Jl
benefit of
pended in Congress over the condi
tion ofjabor. Even in the Federal
bodies—municipal, Slate, and nation
al—were found engaged, under the
name of reform, in reducing the com
pensation of those living by wayes in
the public employment. Sonic legis
lators seemed to believe that the
country owed them thanks if by
some accident or movement they
could reduce the wages of employees
of the Government. The motives of
such legislators were always- open to
doubt so long as they left their own
salaries and those of other high ofii-
cers ot the Government untouched.
Alludiiig to the dibits of the English
Government to relieve distress and
starvation during the Irish famine,
and to the contributions of America
at that time, lie said that no national
. I
vessel and no train of ears had been
freighted to relieve the distress of
starving Americans while,' on the
cmtrarv, ears had been loaded wi'h
troops to suppress the ill-judged and
wrongful attempts of starving labor
ers to right their wrongs. Two na
tional vessels had been sent to
France with articles ol luxury for ex
hibition. How many poor families
might have been rd'eved by the large
sums thus expended? There was
enough of natural wealth in this
Country for all, if that natural wealth
could be, as it ought to be, placed by J f
law within teach of all. The
was found to be twofold in its char
acter: First, the insufficient employ-1 j*
ment of labor: Second, the iiisutii-'
cient wages paid to those who have
employment. There was a grievous i
and national wrong in this evil and
there were many causes contributing
to it. There were, first, the damages
accruing to the country from loss of
life and property, Ninth and South,
in thu late rebellion: Second, the
stoppaga of development duriug the
war: Third, the crowding of laborers
into large cities and manufacturing
districts : Fourth, the' reflux in the
tide ol prosperity-: Fiilhj trader con
sumption ; and, finally, that there
never had been any legislation in be
half of the industrial classes.
Mr. Wright—Except the Home
stead law. v
Mr. Butler—Except the Home
stead law ; but it was of no practical
benefit 1o laboring men to tell them
that in distant Territories they could
get a Government farm for nothing.
Some means would have to be found
to bring the laboring man and the
land together. He had no sympathy
for idlers and criminals, the pests ot
society. lie would suppress them
with the strong hand. But for the
hundreds of thousands who would be
producers of wealth if they were per
mitted, his heart flowed over with
sympathy. The country was ap
proaching a crisis which, if not
guarded against and provided for,
would produce a condition of affairs
wherein constitutional considerations
would be as powerless as they were
ii 1861. What was needed was
that the gift ot land in the Home
stead law should be made remedial
in this time of present distress. He
referred to the enormous land and
money grants to the Pacifie Rail
road companies, which he estimated
—principal and interest—at over
§1G2,000,000 and 285,000,000 acres
of land. How much of the vast
wealth had gone to labor, and how
much to capital, and how much to
those who had neither labor nor cap
ital to contribute, no one could tell.
But one thing could be said for labor,
and that was that it did not get a
dollar of all that wealth which it did
not earn by the sweat of its brow at
the lowest possible rate of wages.
There had been no subsidies, no divi-
Ol ©tTU
J 9 ’ ■ 'i
ocean iyc
) the night mungrary c
What4mie_ricaf!?Tie asked, who ever Gen. Si.erman’s imitation the exam-
read that fetter did not reeollect it "pie of the Roman General Cinciunalus,
st .atfier *'— . k-. ' r -*- ■ * 1
1
one knew!
to -tnaf&tW I
or -whether as :
c to prevail ?
lieve in tl
Maeauila;
ntly been in one portion
of the country, and the courts could
not punish the criminals, and it was
unconstitutional to use the army for
tliat. put pose; but-let a few laborers
impede for an hour the course of
commerce, or destroy or threaten the
property of commercial corporations,
and the Treasury opened wide its
doors, swinging on golden hinges,
and the whole military power of the
nation was called forth to pub’doivn
the riot, arrest, the criminals, and
protect property. . , >t .
At this point the hour expired, and
propositfomjdbr ah extemion of time
were made by several members.
* Mr. Wright, wiio, @;it in Mr. But
ler's seat while Mr. Butler read, his
speech in the area, broke in with the
remark: “There are but two dema
gogues in the House. Let iis hear
ono of them.” j’Geueval laughter]. 1
Mr. White—Who is the other,
demagogue ?
Mr. Butler—As Patrick Henry
said when he attacked George III.,
“ If this is treason, make the most of
it.” I accept this and say, if this is
demagpgery, make the most of it.
[Laughter anil.applause.]
Mr. Bragg (Ifeny., Wis.), objected
to the extension of time., ; , ,
Mr. Butler—I \v;is just beginning
j’ j to speak on the Army bilj„b£it I will
print the rest of my remarks.-
Mr. Wright (with an airof disgust)
ibor cannot get a chance In this
II oust*. [Laughter.]
Mr. Garfield (Rep.j Ohio,) argued
that, even in the absence of hostile
operations, the country needed an
army at least large enough to keep
alive the practical knowledge of mili
tary affairs in this country. In con
tradiction of a statement made the
other day by Mr. Hewitt, he declared
that the county had less i( djefensive
force to-day than it bad in 1846.
Then there were 265 men on the
average to the garrison ^ post ; uow
there were but 250 men:
Mr. Ilewitt—Compare it <>rwith
1860, when there were but 140 memo
the post.
Mr. Garfield weut on to say that
the force of any army, on paper had
always to be reduced. one4hird to get
at the effective: force. Wheu an
army of 20,000 was reduced by one-
third, there would be a very danger
ously small army in a country like
this. He quoted and criticised Mr.
Hewitt’s remarks about strikes,
wherein Mr. Ilcvitt had proclaimed
the right of me.i to say that they
would not work for certain wages.
No American had ever disputed that.
The gentleman had set up a man of
straw and had attacked him vigor
ously. The dangerous element in
those labor strikes was the interfer
ence to prevent others from workiug,
and, tor himself, he declared that the
man who laid any obstacle in the way
of another American working was a
breaker of the law and a violator of
the first right of labor.
Mr. Banks (Rep., Mass.)—How is
it with capitalists who combine
against labor ?
Mr Garfield—That is just as great
a violation of law and deserving ol
just as great, and possibly greater,
condemnation.
He quoted Lord Macaulay’s letter
to the author of the biography of
Thomas Jefferson, in which heproph-
eeied the utter ruin of institutions
based upon the votes of people coun
ted by the head, and proceeding
upon the supposition that rich and
poor, wise and unwise, learned and
unlearned, the criminal and the inno
cent, the vicious aud the good, were
all to be counted as equal units
He
doctrine of
know tfie
ersal education wipeli eiji-
ennobled, and fitted for
liberty the people of the United
States He had recently been told
by an enlightened Englishman that
he had never known a single case of
tr-fiimr laborer~lTrEngtaTrd"ris5ng
above his class. He thauked Gyd,
however, that in America there were,
no classes; that American society did
not resemble the crust of the earth
with its impassable barriers, but
rather resembles the waters of tbe
mighty sen; deep,' broad, boundless,
but yet so free in all its parts that
the drop which to-day mingled with
the yellow sands at the bottom was
free to move through all the super
incumbent mass of waters mniljt
‘gleamed' and flashed on the sunlit
crest of the highest wave. [General
applause.] There was no boy—in
America, however poor he might be,
who, under the light of free institu
tions, might not rise, if lie had a
brave heart, a cool head an 1 a strong
arm, until lie'.vas among the foremost
of his generation and among the bc.-t
of the people. [Continued applause.]
It was for that reason that he did
not fear the Cassandra prophecy of
Mnecanlay. But, gentlemen, Haiti 1fe
with great solemnity of manner, the
time may come wlit-n we shall find it
necessary to fight for society. [Sen
sation.] While I would (io as much
as I might to secure the rights of
labbrers against tlic'iniquity of the
law and the crushing power of capital,
still, against all comers,’I am for the
reign of law in this republic, and for
enough of an nritiv to make it
Applause.] Therefore, I hope tlia
our good friend from New York
(Mr. Hewitt), whose stake in the
stability and good order ot the nation
is greater than my own (inasmuch as
in a meterial way he is infinitely
beycind my reach), will help to make
’that stake secure for the whole coun
try, and when that time comes the
very ioncli and signal of that contest
dissolves political parties ns a knell,
and til men spring to the defence of
society against anarchy, of order
against chaos, of law against the
torch. And now, gentlemen, where
is-the power that comes in the final
■struggle to protect and save society,
if it be not in onr Constitution and
in the police power which the United
Slates Government can give at the
supreme momeut, wheu the States
are powerless, and when cities are
being consumed to ashes. I hope he
will consent to let an amendment bo
made to the bill that will fix the
army at 25,000, and that he will let
the bill be recommitted, so that all
its other parts may be adjusted in
conformity therewith.
Mr. Bragg made a speech in sup
port of the bill. He thought that it
did not go far enough. It was but
the u iodine treatment.” He was in
favor of using the knife and catting
ont the cancer. He believed that a
force of 10,000 cavalry and infantry
(with an artillery) was all the army
that was needed. He alluded to the
idle habits engendered in army offi
cers by garrison life.
Mr. McCook (Rep., N. Y.) remin
ded him that such officers were al
ways ready to do their duty gallantly,
and to charge to death, as under
Gibbon aud Custer.
Mr. Bragg—Men die everywhere.
That is the common lot. Tnese offi
cers are gallant men, but would
the gentleman from New York have
it understood that there ave no other
gallant men except those who while
away their time at garrison posts ?
Mr. Cook—Not so long as the
gentleman from Wisconsin lives.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Bragg, speaking of the General
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