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1 ht'tn. they flung ilmm-elves on the beds
in pnroxvsms of-oppressed ineriinent.
The next morning Gol. Burton turn
ed «mh!cn!y to ‘Tun 8.-ltm, who sat
Ht breakfast beside him trilling roquet*
tishly wi'.h her buttered muffin, and
said :
••Come, now. Miss Belton, since you
succeeded so weU in spiriting away your
cavalier*, voVi may as well tell me how
it was done. By George i! I had se
cured that and of a Colonel, 1
should not have minded the rest.”
••Perhaps ! may satisfy your curios
ity.” site laughed, “if you will except
inv confidence as a gentleman and not
hs an officer.”
“Agreed!” answerer! Colonel if.,
whose curiosity was indeed greatly
t:xc t’d.
••Well then,” continued she, “Jacque
has a magic robe and Maggie a wonder
ful cap, which posesses the virtue of
that in the fairy tale, and renders the
charming prince who uses it invisible.
“By Jove ! I believe if,” cried the
Colonel;** and that is why some of
them neglected to take their own head
gear, perhaps.”
“Now Clara, arn’t you ashamed,’’re
monstrated Jacque and Maggie ; but
Clara went on remorselessly.
“Do you remember the two fright
ened girls in the music-room last
night ?”
••Yes, 1 do,” answered the Colonel,
“and a very touching sight it was. —
Cad ! I never was so sorry for the two
joung creatures in my life. They
trembled like aspens.”
••No wood r they trembled, Col.
Burton, for indeed they occupied a ve
ry novel position. Infacl, they were
•seated on a real Ottoman. The re
doubtable «Col., jU Id burn, the hero of a
hundred fights,* was at that time doing
hard duty under pettico:u government,’
Mini, so far as he is concerned, will, I
think, prefer a lounge henceforward to
cither ottoman or divan. Jacque, my
dear, I’m afraid fie will not fancy angels
quite such eiheriai beings hereafter, as
each of those ‘trembling young creat
ures’ weighed over a hundred avoirdu
pois.”
“Well, I’ll bed and !” exclaim
ed the Colonel, astonished out of all
sense and propriety, as her meaning
'penetrated slowly through his thick
ill —air. These rebel women do beat
all!”
-‘And the rebel men, two, Sometimes ,”
cdemurely added Clara.
“But how did you get him out of the
house ?
What became ofuim afterwards? cried
he.
“Perhaps he borrowed Miss Maggie’s
wonderful Cap, and walked invisible by
the sentinels, another young friend of
hers did while you were at supper,” an
swered Clara.
“I can’t sec it,” said the Colonel,
.-hopelessly. “Who can keep up with a
parcel of women ?”
Who indeed !
******
How Colonel Oldburne and Charley
got safely to the old landing, and join
ed their delighted friends in the close
recesses ol Shady Hollow ; and how
they christened them Colonel Ottoman
and the Sleeping Beauty then and there,
searing the grey old owls from their
dim retreats with wild bursts of meii
ment, as they turned Charley round
and round to examine his strange mas-
qutirade ; ami In w they made queer
comments on ‘Nellie’s things,’ as they
ilaid unhallowed hands on the same—
but the little cap—Maggie’s ca,p—was
salelv sheltereddrom their prolane fin'
4i«rs, and mocking glances, closelv
folded against the true heart with whose
every pulse it rose and fell—are not
all these things written in the chronicles
of Buford Hall? Aye, and more beside;
.lor is it not written that Colonel Buford
and his officers stuck to their quarteis,
captives in their return to the charms
of its fair inmates, who made them
selves treacherously agreeable, while
Uncle Chris stole night after night to
Shady llollow, with little perfumed
billets hidden away in the false crown
ol his old wool hat ; while the captured
horses of the rebels disappeared mys
teriously from the stables, their hats
from the hall, and at last the very guests
themselves from their bedchambers,
and Buford Hall knew them no more
for ever. Tempted by their bewitch
ing sirens, they partook freelv of the
Squire’s heads old wines. The door
of the cellar teas left open, and presto J
,'they were gone. The darkies were
j.yvore convinced than ever that the eel
• lars wyre haunted ; they shook their
u wooly heads, and spoke of strange
.gleams qf light and clashing noises
, heard beloyy. The spirits down there
.certainly had .something to do with the
.mishap ; hut the same night the whole
jTegiinent was surprised and captured to
a man. Was that the work of spirits,
,100 ? Aye, jgailatjt,spirits !
* '* * Jj; ,ijc jj; ? Jfc
Ere the vines which wreathed ghe
.white pillars of the piazza had shed
their gold and crimson leaves in
autumn, there was a tripple wedding
t the old hall, where Colonel Oldburnes
,tall form towered as a principal, Ar
thur Clayborn’s red whiskers shone
resplendent, and .'Charley lying’s,
smooth face flushed triumphant.
‘How do you feel, liddbnrne.?’ enqui
red a saucy friend soon after the cere
mony.
“I feel.” he replied, in the words o!
the immortal Foots, “as if some ladv
had been sitting on me.”
“Now. Alex, you must dry that right
up.” pouted Jaqf“ue, stealing a little
\yhite hand lov/nrds bis moustache, to
be captured and kissed for its presump
tion.
Charley had his j »ke too. but that
was reserved for Maggie’s especial ben
efit. wheu-he slyly opened au elaborate
daguerreotypiNyise and niXKtaled to her
curious eyes. neattTTiTrlted away with
iii, a dainty little tace cop!—Metropo
litan Recorder.
awHrMii-’sPauwmurrMeß .mx-W-ncra
M iM !_
•fib -S!j
g» - --- S'
S.VM’L H. SMITH and UOI3T. P. MILAM
Editors and Proprietors.
Cnrlergvillc.&ia.. Marcli 8, SM»7.
What shall be dowel
The passage of the Sherman bill
through Congress over the veto of the
President settles the fact of the milita
ry occupation of this, as well as all the
ten rebellious states. By its prov isions
our whole civil fabric is declared a nul
lity, as far as it pretends to be a gov
ernment, existing in the future at the
mere sufferance of the military author*
ilies. In other words the State ol
Georgia *is territorialized. While such
is the case we must look to the enact
ments ol Congress rather than our legis
latures for the laws that are to govern
our conduct and control our political
destiny in the future. Hooking to Con
gress, we find that our late slaves have
been enfranchised and arc entitled to
vote on all questions whatever, that are
to be submitted to the people. Not
■only have oar African citizens been en
franchised. but a very considerable
number cf our most respectable white
population have been disfranchised. —
These are two fixed facts. Any elec-
tion now held in this State which either
excluded the first named from voting
or admited the second, would be illegal,
null and void. Nothing that we can
do can reverse these facts, We have
neither yea nor nay in it. Our politi
cal masters have decreed it and it is so.
Whether constitutional ur not, we say
it is a fixed fact. If we should ever e
merge from the condition ol a territory
to that of a state again, these same facts
will continue to exist. The negro will
have his franchise and certain Anglo-
Saxons will not; for the only road that
leads us from the status of a territory to
the condition ol a state, is paved by
these Congressional decrees. There
is absolutely no other way. When
we take tip our march to the long lost
status of a State we must take these
burdens on our backs; else our labor
and travel shall be in vain. Negro
suffrage and white disfranchisement
are the only passwords which will
satisfy the grim radical sentinel, that
with a drawn sword, guards the pass"
age to the tree of political life. In ad
dition to these things, our territory
•will shortly be occupied by the army
of the United States, and its officers
will become the arbiters of our fortunes,
our property., our liberty, our peace, our
happiness, and all we possess of earth
ly good. President Johnson well de
scribes it as the most flagrant despot
ism that ever disgraced the annals ol
history. The officers of the army of
the United States are the natural ene
mies of the late rebellious states
unbridled authority is grievous in <4.lie
hands of the greatest and best of men,
what shall we say of it in the hands
of men inilamed with passion, warped
with prejudice, and urged on to tyran
ny by vindictive and disappointed men ?
In our humble opinion it is the heavi
est judgement ever visited by heaven
®n a down-trodden and subjugated peo
ple. Ami this is our condition today.
We are powerless to prevent it. There
is no power or earth to help us. Un
less we can help ourselves, nothing
can be done for us. This we we are
allowed to do. Can we do it 1 ’i hat
is a practical question and ought to be
regarded and discussed without passion
or prejudice, party or position, past,
present or future. Had we best do
nothing but quietly submit and stub
bornly endure the evils are or will
be on us, or resolutely meet and try to
mitigate them ? Will inactivity bring
relief and change the hearts of our rul
ers-? We think not. Suppose we
submit (or twenty years and do noth
ing all that time, what shall weiiawe at
the end of it.? A ruined country., negro
suffrage, white disfranchisement — and
military rule ! Extend the time iudefi
finitely and w.e have the same result.—
As lone as .we refuse to act these things !
must be our portion. They are the j
inevitable results of inactivity. Inac-I
tivitv then brings no relief. On the
other-hand, it will multiply the evils.
The chastising rod will not be held up
as long as the patient is stubborn and
refractory. Other tortures will be de
vised and indicted.
Shall we say that we will not further
degrade ourselves? Have we not long
since, touched bottom in point of po- I
litical degredation, or is there a lower
'dace still ? . W T e think not. Political
non-entity is our condition. Can there
be greater degradation—if so, where
and how? f,et us not deceive our
selves; private faith, morals or charac
ter, are not involved in these things.
We are not called on to sacrifice our
const: e iec to renounce our religion, or
abjurem.r God. The matter is purely
political ; those bolding in their hands
our destiny call on us to act. If we
do their bidding, we shoulder a griev -
ous burden—one hard to be borne.—
That is true. It is what happens to
all subjugated people. But, if we re
fuse, vvhatthen ? We suffer all that we
could suffer by complying plus the
greatest burden of all —military rule ,
This, then, is the question. If we act
and do what we shall be permitted to
do, we have negro suffrage and a few
whiles disfranchised. If we fail to act
we have negro sufiruge, a few whites
disfranchised, and the military rule.
This is the whole question. Here are
three great evils proposed. Two of
them we must and will suffer; the
third and greatest we can avoid. If
we act, wo have two of them —if we
do not act, we have them all—with
reasonable certainty of an addition to;
the catalogue.
We are asked, what action shall 'be
taken. The answer is, do what ■Con
gress requires. We all know what
that is. Uo it, not because we think
it right, or desire it—but, because it is
required ; and no blame can attach to
us lor it, The responsibility ot it will
not be on us. The agent that exercis
es no will or discretion, is responsible
for nothing, neither in law nor con
science. There arc now a large num
ber of good men in this State not dis
franchised—quite sufficient to control
it. These men must act, md if they do
not, worse men will. Action will be
had which will effect the interest of
all. Let us not say we will have noth
ing to do with it. Look at Tennessee
--her good men failed to act ; her bad
men did act, and what is the result?
Let the hundreds of gentlemen in this
county who have fled from a despot
ism in that State, which would disgrace
h—l itself, reply. \Y r e talk of holding
meetings to deliberate. About what?
Are not our duties prescribed ? Have
not our political masters said so? Shall
the clay reason with the potter—the
marble with the sculptor? Not only
are our.duties prescribed, but the wav
to perform them is equally so. What
then shall we-discuss—on vvliat shall
we deliberate? We are opposed to
baste—to precipitancy. We will not
lick the hand that chastises or invite
the yoke that galls us. But we can
do as Generals Lee and Johnson did,
when they could fight no longer, they
gave up —surrenderd. They tried to
make easy terms, —-could not do it, and
they took hard terms Histo-ry is con
stantly repeating itself. We shall do
well to consider ilmse facts. The
storm ts sweeping over -.us. A large
number of us have the choice to get on
top, and ride above danger, and so di
rect the storm as to save the whole
family. Shall we do it? or shall we
all stubbornly sit still and all go ki.mii)
together,
-
B**uWu.vr we Propose !—A distin
gnkffied.gentleman at Washington city,
some years since, in a correspondence
was asked his opinion in regard to what
is called “Modern Spiritualism.” He
replied that on that sobject he had no
opinion —had not had time ito investi
gate it Its matter and consequently was
not prepared to express an opinion as
to the truth or falsity of the doctrine.
In like manner we are not prepared to
say what we even think is best to be
done, at this time, to avoid further de
gradation and subsequent ruin in the
South, and to secure civil law. peace,
and tranquility to uur conquered race.
One contends that the adoption ofthe
Constitutional Amendment with Uni
versal manhood .suilrage, will bring a
bout the desired e.nd. Another ignores
both these measures, .and advises tnas
lerly inactivity, on the p&rloditie South
and hang on subsequent decisions od
the Supreme Court for the vindication
ofthe South against the unconstitution
al demands and measures of Congress,
contending, further, that any morecoa
ces&iuns will he but a prelude to sorer
and more galling chains, and in so do
ing wild cuuiju'ouffse our dignity of
character ami thereby lose the respect
ofthe world. Both of .tloese positions
ire assuun J by leading men, to whom
the common people ol the country ua
turally turn for advice. Now who are
the people to follow ? One contends
for action —immediate action ! 1 lie
other says no let us lie still and groan
beneath our increasing burdens until
the courts come to our relief. One
says I am for principle. The oilier
says I am for expediency. Severe
diseases require severe remedies.—
When reason reigned principle was
the watch-word of all parties ; but now
ilia*, madness over-rides reason, expe
diency is recommended and thought to
be advisable.
In the days of secession one party
contended lor precipitate action , the
other says no! we will fight it out on
this line —or in the Union. Who was
right? Let tfie war with its attendant
evils suffice as a reply.
In forming our conclusions we are a
little like the Irishman who was drawn
up before a tribunal of justice to an
swer the charge of horse-stealing, when
asked! the question guilty or not guilty,
replied : “Faith, and how can I tell
before I hear the ividence.” We want
to hear the matter more fully discuss
ed, before we fully commit ourselves
to either line of policy, for if we
should hurriedly take a stand, M, e
might have to back-down from it, as
we did in the last political contest in
which we were engaged. We believe
with the wise man when he says that,
“In a multitude of counsel there is
safoty.”
Col. Willie’s Ueport—Experi
mental Survey—Carters* Hie
anti Van Weri Railroad.
O
To the President and Directors of
the Carter seiUe 4* Vein Wert Railroad :
In ive c©rdivuoe with instructions, the
experimental survey, commencing Feb.
6th, 1867, and completed on February
I.3th, 1867, between Cartersville and
Yan Wert, Juts been made. A report
of which, with the plot and profile of
the line, and an approximate estimate
ol eost, is now jv-e seated for your con
sideration.
From examination osf a map, the
country intervening would seem to
presold considerable difficulties in the
construction of a work of this kind,
and in the instrumental survey, it was
a source of much gratification to find
these .-m small as 'they really are. No
lighter line for its length., particularly
when considered in reference it© its
directness, and the crossing of deep
vallied streams, and t&eir dividing
ridges, is probably, to be fouud in up
per Georgia. Good crossings ■of the
streams are obtained, and the hollows
and gorges leading,to and from <Ube
gaps in the ridges, are well adapted to
the development of the grade line.
The plat and profile will show for
themselves, and call for but few words
of remark. The lin e will be found
extremely direct, and averaging very
nearly a South West course. Its
length is 20] miles, very nearly, which
distance will be slightly increased in
location, to allow the proper develop
ment of the grade, a«d lessen the depth
of cutting at die summits.
But one bridge will be required
that over the Etowah river—being two
spans of about ninety-five feet each;
only 17 feet above the water. ‘The
other streams may at! be crossed by
trestle. Very few culverts will be re
quired, nearly all the masonry on the
line being comprised in the pier and
abutments at the Etowah river. The
amount of excavation in many of the
outs, particularly at the main summits,
tony be much .reduced by slight devia
tions from the present line. The
maxim um grade employed is 66 feet to
the mile.
The approximate estimate of cost
for the main items is shown in the
following tabie :
Excavation, earth —198,038 cub. yds
@306 “ “ “ $57,611,40.
Rock 32 000 50c “ 16,000,00.
Embankineut 106,111 17c 18,038,70,
Bridge Masonry 250 sl2 3,000,00.
Culvert 330 $5, “ « 1,650,00.
Howe truss bridge 190 lin. ft. §3O
“ “ “ “ 5,700.00.
Trestle 500, S2O “ 10,000,00.
Cross Ties 42,920 30c 12,876,00.
Bridge rail 1500 tons S9O
“ “ “ “ “ 135,000,00.
■Chairs and spikes—snot more than
per. mile S3OO “ “ 6,000,00.
Frogs and switches “ 2,700,00.
Track laying “ “ 2,500,00.
Enginering and continences 5,000,00.
Total " *■ “ 276,076,10.
Average per. mile, M 13,633,38.
The construction of this road, will
open ujj a country, whose products
ean not tail to be a lasting source ol
revenue to the Company. Slate of
the best quality from the iuexhaustable
quarries of Polk county is daily in
more demand, as a roofing material, in
our principle cities, and will have a
cheap and expeditious transit to con
sumers in contrast with the present
tedious, and expensive transportation
by wagons, to the Western & Atlantic
Railroad, tending to the equalization of
supply with demand, for wiiicii the
present means are altogether inade
quate. Having easy access to markets,
the agricultural products will be large
ly increased, instances being of record
where railroads, in a short time after
going into operation, have transported
an amount double the entire produce of
the country prior to their construction.
Landed property will increase in value,
districts hitherto unimproved be brought
into cultivation ; skilled labor of all
kinds, come forward to supply the
growing demand, while business of
every variety, will revive and flourish,
adding constantly to the prosperity
and wealth of the Company. The
towns connected by the road, and the
whole country which would be tributa
ry to its tralic. Throughout the whole
extent of the line, property holders,
with commendable liberality, have
either, already tendered, or will doubt
'css, do so, the right of way. It is
earnestly recom rn that tilts be
secured deed before permanent lo
cation, and the commencement cl
construction. This settles at once,
the question, and avoids all future
disagreements, and possible tedious,
and expensive litigation.
W. VV. WHITE,
Engineer.
from Washington.
SIIER3I4K’S BILL VETOED!
PASSES TIIE HOUSE OVER
THE VETO.
SYNOPSIS OF THE MESSAGE.
Washington, March 2. —The Veto
Message was sent into the House at 2
o’clock this evening.
The House proceeded to vote on the
biil immediately, and it was passed,
notwithstanding the veto, by a vote of
135t0 47.
o
Congressional Proceedings.
SENATE.
The Bankrupt hill was passed, and
goes to the President.
The Committee on Foreign Affairs
reported adversely to the resolution to
protect the rights of Americans in
Mexico, for the enforcement of claims
of American investment in Mexican
bonds.
The conference committee report
against compound interest notes, and
the report was adopted. It provides
for the issue of three per cent, loan
certificates, of which fifty millions only
shall be outstanding.
The Tenure of Office veto was read
and the bill passed, notwithstanding,
by a vote of 35 to 11.
The. Senate went into Executive ses
sion.
HOUSE OR -REPRESENTATIVES.
The proceedings in the House were
not generally interesting until the
message was received, at two o’clock.
The galleries were jammed.
The President says in effect.: Hav
ing examined the bill to provide more
effectual governments for the .rebel
States with that care which its trans
cendent importance awakens, he was
unable to assent to it. Ilis reasons are
so grave that he hopes by a statement
oLthem to influence patriots and en
lightened men. The bill places ten
States under military rulers and com
bats its preamble.
His information shows that the peo-
pie are united in reorganizing their
Slate Governments on a basis ol'peae?
and fairness. The bill shows that its
object is not peace. After the States
adopt measures notoriously objectiona
ble, representation is allowed without
reference to the security oflile and pro
perty. Preamble’s excuse for the bill,
is admitted by the bill as false milita
ry rule us established, not for the
prevention -of crime, but far the en
forcement of the adoption of odious
laws.. The measure, in character,
scope and object, is without precedent
o r authority. It is palpably in conflict
with the Constitution, and is destruc
tive of blood-bought liberty. The
power given to a brigadier general is
that of an absolute monarch. His will
is law. and determines the rights of
person and property. It disposes of
the lands and goods within his district,
and makes his will a criminal code. —
Everything is criminal, and everything
which he so denominates is crime.—
Every person is guilty whom he con
demns. He keeps no record, and need
make no report. He can break up
courts, and make judges and jurors
criminals. His military courts are of
his own making, at:d his officers are
from his subordinates. Instead of mit
igating its harshness, a single rule of
sueb courts would divide the responsi
bility, making it more cruel and unjust.
Several provisions—dictated by hu*»
inanity—are introduced in the bill to
restrain officers, but are inoperative.
Each officer may define .cruelty ac
cording to his awn temper. The gag,
lash, or ball and chain, lie within the
ehoiee of the military commander, who,
under live provisions of the bill, may
condemn, <to death withoih trial, thus
avoiding the Executive sanction. The ;
authority given the officer amounts to I
an absolute despotism, and is aggra
vated by the power to delegate that
despotism to subordinates. The bill
declares that lie shall punish or cause
to be punished. This is a power
which was denied to the English Kings
lor five hundred years. In all that
lime the people speaking the English
language iiave borne nu such servitude.
It reduces the population often Slates,
regardless of color, sex or condition,
and strangers within their limits, t<
abject and degrading slavery. It may (
be answered that the officers are just
anu human. Doubtless they are cqal-
ly so with other classes, but the history
of the world has been written vainly,
in failing to show the danger of un
restrained authority. It is almost in
variably tyrannical when the ruler is a
stranger, appointed by an unfriendly
power. It Was tried in Hungary and
Poland, resulting in sufferings which
aroused the sympathy of the world.—
In Ireland, though tempered by the
principles of English law, it was in
dignantly denounced for its cruelties.
The French Convention, in arming
deputies with similar powers, sent
them to the different departments, and
massacres, murders and atrocities fol«
lowed. An irresponsible deputy nev
er yields what the laws do not extort.
Have we the power to establish and
carry the measure into execution? We
are certainly not deriving our authori
ty from the constitution, or acknowl
edging its limitations.
The balance of the message consists
in an elaborate constitutional argument,
embracing copious extracts.
The speaker ruled that two-thirds
could suspend the rules, rendering
fillibustering out of the question, ami
the bill was passed by a vole ol 135
to 47.
“ TL c New Bill ol" Roconstruc-
Iu the editorial columns of the New
York Herald , of late date, under the
above caption, we find a long eddito
rial, the two last paragraphs of which
we copy below. It will be remem
bered that the Herald is one of the very
leading journals of the North, whose
opinions are respected all over the
globe, and which has as large if not
the largest circulation of any other
paper in the United States :
“This new bill of reconstruction
continues the State establishments set
lip by Mr. Johnson as provisional gov
ernments subject to the will of Con
gress,and leaves it to the people of each
State concerned whether they shall
proceed at once to reorganize on the
terms laid down or wait a little longer
under the supervision of martial law.
We presume that the present Southern
Governors and their Legislatures, un
der this discretionary power, will pre
fer to hold on yet awhile until they can
take their soundings and make their
arrangements concerring the negro
vote, so that we may hear of no South*
ern movement under this hilt for the
election ol a reorganizing State con
vention until after the crops of the
coining summer shall have been secur
ed. Meantime, from the re-establish”
ment of martial law and the submission
of the Southern people to their “mani
fest destiny,” wo may expect North
ern enterprise and capital to be invited
to the development of Southern re
sources iu the wav of cotton, corn,
rice, sugar and tobacco, a,ud on such
terms as will give a great impulse to
Southern industry and p raff table har
vests to all .concerned.
“With t:he last vestiges of slavery
and the old slavery epoch cleared away
the revolution inaugurated with the se
cession of South Carolina, seven years
ago, will be complete—-the last remain
ing harriers against Northern emigrants,
Northern enterprise, skill and capital
will be removed, and the great North
ern tide ol emigration will be diverted
from the West to the more inviting
soil and climate of the South.. This
bill will open the gates, and with the
gates opened the tide will roll in upon
the South and down to the Gulf of Mex
ico, far more reviving and fertilizing
than the annual swellings of the Nile.”
4ion.”
Who are Affected by the Amend
ment. —It is believed our people do
not generally understand who are af
fected by the Constitutional Amend
ment and excluded from office, and
from the ballot box by the late bill.
The following persons are excluded.:
Ist. All persons who, before the war,
were members of Congress or officers of
the United Stales . and took an oath to
support the Constitution ol the United
States and .afterwards engaged in the
rebellion. 2nd. All persons who, prior
to the war, were executive , legislative
or judicial officers of the State, and
took the like oath, and engaged in the
rebellion. This embraces Governors,
members of the Legislature, and judi
cial officers from a Judge of the Su*
preme Court down to a Justice of the
Peace, who at any time, field the of
fice and took the oath, and afterwards
engaged in the rebellion.
Who .then are not excluded ? Ist.
No one is excluded because he held an
office under the Confederate States
from President down, it he does not
fall within one of the excluded classes
above specified. , The simple fact that
he was a Confederate Senator, or a
Confederate General, or that he took
an oath to support the Constitution of
the Confederate States, does not ex
clude him.
2d. No State or county officer is ex
cluded on account of ins having held
the office and taken the oath and en
gaged in the rebellion, if he were not
an executive, legislative or judicial
officer, therefore, neither a lawyer,
sheriff, clerk, tax-collector, receiver,
county treasurer, coroner, surveyor,
constable, or road commissioner is ex
cluded.
3d, As no man under twenty-one
years of age, when the war began held
any such office as disqualified, ami
none of them took the oath to support
the Constitution of the United Slate*
during the war, and as the war coin
meueed nearlv six years ago, no man
in Georgia under twenty-seven years
of age can be excluded.
4th. Militia officers are not exelued.
sth. The whole mass ol our people
who fall within none of the excluded
classes above mentioned, are free I rum
the disqualification, ami may vote and
hold any office in the Stale without
regard to the part they took in the
war. Atlanta.
[The above farts have been prepared
lor the Era, by one of the first legal
minds in the South, and \v< accept us
statements as critically correct. —Eu.
Era.]
NEW AI)VEIH’ISEMENTS.
Bartow Sheriff Sale.
ON the first Tuesday in April next,
within the legal hours of sale, will be
sold before t r <ecourt house door in Cnrtersville,
Bartow county, the following property to-wit :
Lois of land numbers 201) and 22 t, in
the 21st district and 2d section of said
county ; levied on as the property of
P. C. Loveland, to satisfy two fi las is
sued from the justice court of the 903d
district, G. M., in favor of Laura Cor
bin vs. Andrew Bohinger and P. C.
Loveland ; Levy made and returned to
me hy a constable.
Also, the undivided half interest in
lots numbers 806. 852. 870. 877. 878,
923, 824, and 825, all in the 21st (list,
of originally Cherokee hut now Baitow
county : levied on as the property ( f
Edward F. Mahonc, to satisfy an at
tachment <1 la issued from Cherokeu
Superior court in favor of Thomas 1),
Perkinson against said E. Mahonc.
Also one hundred acres ol lot ol
land No. 217 lying in the oth Di.-t. A
3rd Section of Bartow. Then* is mi
said land a good framed House, two
rooms, stack chimney. Let i< <1 on as
the property of Win. Hunter to satisfy
afi fa issued from Bartow Couiilv
Court in favor of M. C. Jackson vs
said Hunter propi rty pointed out by
Defendant,
Also lot ol land 905 in the 21 Di.-t.
and 2nd section of Formerly Chcrokie
now Bartow County levied on as the
property of P. J, I'r a *isco di eea-ed
(to satisfy a lax li la in f; vm » I the
Stale of Georgia and Barlow Comity vs
said Francisco le vie made a/j I id.lin
ed bv a cub stable,
Als, lot of loud No. 911. in the
21st Did. and 2nd Seel ion of Biu tow
County, levied on as the property
of one Mr, Fort, to satisfy a Tax
(ifa, in favor ol the Stale of Georgia
and Bartow County vs. said Fort .; levy
made and returned by a constable.
Also, lot of land No.. 824 iu <lue the
21st Dist. and 2nd. Section of Bartow
County •; levied on as the property of
Holland and W litis to satisfy a Tax
fi fa in favor of ithe State of Georgia and
Bartow County vs. said Holland and
Willis ; levied and returned by a con
st able.
Also, loif nl land j\o. ,851 in ibe&lsi
Disl, and 2wd Section of Harlow Cn.j
levied ou as the property of one Mr,
Garmey so satisfy a Tax fifa in favor
of the State of Georgia and Harlow
County vs. said Garmey ; levy nude
and returned by a constable.
Also lot of land No. MSI 1 t;i the 21
Hist and 2nd Seel ion of Harlo w Co,un
tv levied on asillie property of J, Wing
field to satisfy a ifi fa in favor of it he
Slate of Georgia <&. Harrow County »v«
said Wingfield:; levy unufe ;andrHtiirti<wl
by a <c(Mis,table.
Also lot of land No, Eight feuud.red
ami forty nine, in the 2j? Dist. aijd -2d
section of Harlow county, levied on as
the property of one Air, Sligh to satis
fy a lax fi fa in favor ol tlm State of
Georgia, and Harlow county vs said
Wingfield, levied a,n.d returned by a
Constable.
Also one lot of lumber lying in the
town of XJai.ters.vUle in /ear of Loewen
stein &i Pfeifer’s store, four thousand
feet more or less lying on lot adjacent
to A F Morrison. Levied on as the
property of Caleb Tompkins, Lo satisfy
a fi fa issued from the C unity Court of
Harlow in favor oi\Sam.nel Carroll vs
said Tompkins,
Also lot of land No, 779 in the 21st
Hist and 2nd section of Hartow county
Levied on as the property of Nathan
Turner to satisfy a tax fi fa in favor of
the State of Georgia and Hartow county
vs said 'Purner, levied and returned by
a Constable.
Also lot of land No. 914 in the 21st
Dist. and 2nd section ol Hartow coun
ty, levied on as the property ol’Seaborii
Jones, to satisfy a tax fi fa in favor of
the State of Georgia and Hartow Coun
ty against said Jones, levy made and
returned by a constable.
Also Lot of Land No. 847 in the 21st
Dist. and 2nd section of Hartow coun
ty ; levied on as the property ol one
Mr. Hendrix to satisfy a tax fi fa in fa
vor of the State of Georgia and Har
tow county vs said Hendrix; levy made
and returned by a constable.
Postponed Sale.
Also fit the same time and place, will he sold
One Jot of land in the 15th or 16th Dist, <>t
the 3rd see, of Bar/ow coimtv, No. not known
containing 160 acres, known as the Hadden
place, hy virtue of a li fa issued from a Jus
tice of the 856 district, (i. M., in favor of J L.
Neal v s John Hadden, levy made and returned
hy a Bailiffi W. L. IYCOCK, Sheriff.
A. M FRANKLIN, and
TIIOS, H, WfLKRs,
March 8, I SG7, Depty. Slifl ’s.