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Tie CartersTille Aaerican.
PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING
T
DOUGLAS WIKLE, Editor and Propnetor.
CA BTF.KBYILLK, A.
OPPIOEI
Ul>-SUlr in (he Baxter Building, North-east
turner of West Main and Erwin street*.
All communications or letters on business
ihould be addressed to
DOUGLAS VUkLF, Editor.
Carteravtlle. Oa.
DIEECTORY.
COURT CALENDER—CUKKOKEE CIR
CUIT.
J. C. Enin, Judge. J. W, Harris, Jr., Solici
or General.
Bartow County—Second Monday ;u January
er.dJuly. . ....
Catoosa County—Second Monday in February
and AuKui>t
Murray (untv—Third Monday in February
a nit August. . „ .
Gordon County— Fourth Monday in February
and August.
.Cade County-Third Monday in March and
Septcui Scr. . , . ..
Whitfield Count)' First Monday in April
and October.
COUMTY OFFICERS.
J. A. Howard, Ordinary.
F. M. Durham, Clerk .Superior Court.
11. W. Cobb, Treasurer.
A. M. Franklin, Sheriff. John A. Gladden,
Deputy Sheriff.
Hailey A. Barton,Tax Collector.
W. W. Ginn, Tax Ueceivw.
Commissioners—A. Knight, T. C. Moore, A.
A. Vinoeut, John 11. Wilue, T. . Hawkins.
CITY OFFICERS.
A. P. Wofford, Mayor. _ .
James D. Wilkcrsou, Marshal. W. E. Puck
ett., Deputy Marshal.
Goo. 8. Cobb, Clerk.
B. It. Mountcastle, Treasurer.
Aldermen—First Ward, J. C. Wofford, A. It.
Hudgins; .Second Ward, G- Harwell, W. 11.
Barron ; Third Ward, John j-. Storcr, JCliliu
Hall; Fourth Ward, W. C. Edwards, Aaron
Collins.
CHURCH DIRECTORY.
Methodist—ltev. A. J. Jarrell, pastor. Ser
vices every Sunday at 10:80 a.m., and7:4sp. in.
I'rayor meeting on Wednesday night. Sunday
school at 3 o’clock p. in.
Presbyterian—Rev. Theo. E. Smith, pastor.
Services every Sunday at 11 o’clock, a. in.,
aud 1:46 p. m. Prayer meeting on Wednesday
night. Sunday school at 0:80 o’clock, a. in.
ftaptlst Itev. it. H. lleaden, pastor. Services
every Sunday at 11 o’clock, a. in., and 7:45 p.
ni. Prayer meeting on Wednesday night.
Mundav school at 9:30 o’clock, a. in.
Episcopal—M. K. Rees, Rector. Services*
Fonrth Sunday of each mouth at 11 o’clock, a.
m.
DOST OFFICE DIRECTORY.
Mail North and West, via W. A A. It. R-,
closer, 8:30 a. m., 4:15 p. in.; opens 9 a. m., 5
p. m.
Mall South, via W.AA.R. It.,closes 11 a. m.,
u. in.; opens 11 i>. rn.
Mall West, via Cherokee Railroad, closes
1 :S*> a. m.; opens 4:80 p. in.
Mail to Pine l.og and Fairmount arrives
Momiays, Wednesdays and Friday* at 4 p. m.:
loaves Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays at
7 a. m.
Mail to Stamp Creek leaves Mondays and
Fridays ill 6 a. in.; arrives Tuesdays and Sat
urd iy*K at 0 p. hi.
OtUce Hours.—General Delivery opens from
7:00 a. in. to 0 p. in. Money Order and Regis
tered Letter Department open from Ba. m.
to 4p. ui. General Delivery open on Sundays
from 9 to 10 a. m.
Travelers' Guide.
WESTERN *. ATLANTIC RAILROAD.
FAST EXPRESS—DaiIy.
Leave Atlanta 2 40 pm
Arrive Marietta 3 27 pm
*• i nrtoisvUle..... 429 pin
Kin: sw<n • 4 0* pm
•• Dalton.... 0 0- pe •
" Chattanooga 800 piu
SOUTHERN EXPRESS—DaiIy.
Leave Chattanooga. 2 55 pm
“ Dalton 4 32 pm
“ Kingston 003 pm
“ Carte rsville 0 32 pm
“ Marietta 7 48 pm
Arrive A tlanta 8 40 pm
WESTERN EXPRESS—!' ~V.
lamvo Atlanta ' °0 am
Arrive Marietta 7 17 am
“ Cartorsvlllc 8 54 am
“ Kingston • 020 am
** Dalton 10 53 am
“ Chattanooga 12 30 am
FAST EXPRESS—DaiIy.
,iuvo Chattanooga 8 00 am
•• Dalton 0 40 am
a Kingston - 11 15 am
•* Cartersvillo It 42 am
“ Marietta 12 47 pm
Arrivo Atlanta 1 to pm
LIMITED EXPRESS—DaiIy except Saturdays
Leave Atlanta 12 60 am
Arrive CartersviUe 2 40 am
“ Dalton. 4 40 am
“ Chattanooga 8 22 llul
LIMITED EXPRESS—DaiIy except Sunday.
Leave Chattanooga 1° 45 pm
Dalton 12 10 am
“ Cavtersvlllo.. 208 am
Arrivo Atlanta 3 58 am
KINGSTON ACCOMMODATION.
l.eavo Kingston 7 00 am
Arrivo Cartersvillo 7 “8 aru
Ac worth f 8 20 am
** Marietta 8 58 am
Arrivo Atlanta • tlf 05 am
Leave Atlanta ® to pm
*• Marietta 606 pm
“ J 42 |m
*• 2 P m
Arrive Kingston 8 (H) pm
ROME RAILROAD.
On and after Aug. 14, trains over Romo Rail
road will run a* follows:
NO. 1.
Leave Romo 8-00 a ni
Arrive at Kingston u-W a m
NO. 9.
Leave Kingston ***j® ix "J
Arrive at Koine 10.20 am
NO. 3.
Leave Rome •••• 4.30 p m
Arrive at Kingston u.su p ni
no. 4.
I. Kingston 0.03 pm
Arrive at Rome.... 1 6.55 p m
ROME EXPRESS—DaiIy except Sunday.
Runs solid between Rome and Atlanta.
Leave Rome at 8.30 a in
Leave Kingston at !i I!!
Airive at Atlanta at 9.56 a m
ROME EXPRESS—DaiIy except Sunday.
Runs solid between Atlanta and Romo.
Leaves Atlanta at 8.25 p m
J .eaves Kingston at S.OB )i in
Arrivo at Rome at 8.53 p in
KBEX llll.LY ER,
J. A. Smith. G. P. A. President.
J. A. SMITH, G. P. A.
CIIKROKEE KAILKOAD,
001X0 WK3T. NO. 1. NO. S.
Leave CartcrsvillO 015 am 4SO inn
■> Stiles boro 054 am 5 if. pm
* Tavlor>villo .... 10 15 am 521 pin
V Uoi-kmart 10 Mam 1103 pm
Arrive Oilartown 11 50 am 100 pia
ooixa KAser. no. 2. no. 4.
Leave ITuUrtnVn. 305 i>ra 505 am
•• Hoo kin art 500 pin 04 am
*• Taylorsville 3 35 pm 6 40 air*
•* Stiles boro S 53 pm 656 am
Arrive Cartorsville 4*6 pm 1 3ti am
ETOWAH & HEATON'S R. K.
Leave Etowah B.olam 2.40 pm
Leave Deaton’s*** .am 3..15 pm
Arrive Etowah 0.40 am 4.00 pm
Connects with passengers and freight trains
an Cherokee It. K
JOIIN TAILOR,
Tlic old original of Atlanta,
Uco~ilv ensconced in the Parlor Barber Shop
at the ST. JAMES HOTEL.
JOHN TAYLOR has fitted up his shop in a
manner to ettcite the sympathy and captivate
the public generally. He uses the best shaving
sap in the world—Russian Ccissan soap. It
prevents pimples, eruptions, and all humor on
*;e mce. He also uses Plialou’s chemical hair
Lusigorator. fer removing scurf and dandruff,
and prevents the falling out ot the hair, lie is
■the cuJ y barber in the south that uses these two
iviiiolehlul articles. He also uses Florida wa
rum and all toilet waters and the
■best pemariM. „ . ,
This is Hie 42.1 year of John’s experience, and
Jh? is no doubt ouh j>f the Oldest barbers in iht*
>*tate. He Matters that lie can please
Abe most lastidious.
Shop open until So’cloek, p. m.
The Ame bican.
THE
YOL. I.
HON; W. H. FELTON.
HIS GREAT SPEECH IN CAR
TERSVILLE ON THURSDAY,
JULY 27, 1882.
Complete Exposition of True Democ
racy.
•‘Democracy Not a Merc Name, but
Means the People Ruling—the Peo
ple Governing—the People Con
trolling.”
Fellow-Citizens I propose to
address you to-day upon some politi
cal questions that are now at issuo in
the state of Georgia and the United
States. lam always pleased to ad
dress an audience composed almost
entirely of citizens of Bartow county
—the men who have known me
longest, the men who know me best.
Under these circumstances I find a
freedom of thought and a freedom of
expression that possibly I find in no
other surroundings. I talk to you
freely, frankly and with candor, as I
would talk to my friends under my
own roof, because I have before mo
to-day the men and their children
who have been the untiring friends
of my early manhood and my matur
er years. I am here to talk with
you, as I stated, upon those political
questions that are of interest to us all.
I do not wish to detain you any
great llßgth of time. I propose to
speak as calmly and as rapidly as I
can. Judge Fain has kindly tender
ed me and you the use of tho court
house until 3 o’clock, for which I
thank him most kindly.
We are citizens of the United
States. We are hero to-day to con
sider questions that are of vital im
portance to every citizen of Georgia
and every citizen of tho United
States. I trust that every one of us
appreciates tho inestimable value of
a representative form of government.
Theoretically, at least, it is a govern
ment by the people and for tho peo
ple. Practicaliy this form of govern
ment simplifies and makes efficient
tho pure democracies of some of the
older historical countries. 5 " .which
countries and governments the peo
ple assembled en masse and enacted
such laws as the public welfare might
require. These pure democracies
were applicable to governments of
only limited territorial extent, in
which the people, the great body of
people, could be readiiy concentrated
at some central point; but, as states
enlarged, as communities widened,
it became necessary to adopt the
representative form of these demo
cratic governments. This was abso
lutely necessary to overy people
desiring to maintain and preserve a
democratic form of government.
“Demos”—the people, and “kra
teo”—to rule, are the two Greek
words from which the word “de
mocracy” is derived. The people
ruling—tho people governing—the
people controlling! These are the
grand essentials and this the meaning
of tho word “democracy 1” All sov
ereignty lodged in the hands of the*
people; every legislative act simply
the expression of the popular will;
every executive order simply the
embodiment of the popular com
mand ! This is democracy! And 1
assert hero to-day before this audi
ence that if I know anything of the
principles, purposes and intents of
the political independents ofGeorgia,
they inscribe these principles upon
their banners, by these principles
they propose to stand or fall, and for
these principles we struggle In all
good conscience!
BE NOT DECEIVED.
Democracy is not a more name.
It is not simply, fellow-citizens, a
combination of partisans. Democra
cy docs not consist in a mere organi
zation. llemeraber that! Democra
cy is a principle interwoven with
your liberties. It is a principle and
not a name. It is not lodged with
any particular organization or com
binations of partisans. Democrat y
is a principle interwoven with your
civil institutions the foundation
stone of all free government. Be not
deceived. I ask you to-day, my
countrymen, that you exercise cau
tion, prudence and foresight just
here. Democracy is a sentiment, an
opinion, a principle, and democracy
always manifests itself in that senti
ment anti in those political opinions
and in that action which keeps the
people always, at all times, in charge
eff the government. Democracy is a
principle and a sentiment and a
political action which reverently and
sincerely bows to the popular will.
It is a principle, an opinion, an ac
tion which always keeps the people,
in all public affairs, at the front and
sustains there at all hazards,
and that bows reverently and obedi
ently to every decision that the pop
ular majority may order.
Let us remember —I wish to dwell
here —that democracy is not lodged
with any order, combination, or
organization in this land, or any
other land! We claim to be demo
crats, and I assert here today that
democracy is simply that sentiment,
CARTERS YITLE, GA., TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1882.
that principle, which metes out exact
justice to all men. Democracy is
that sentiment which measures out,
fellow-citizens, the political rights of
all men equally, everywhere and at
all times; aud which says that every
citizen enjoys, under the constitution
of our conjmon country his equal
{Kilitical rights and privileges and
gives to each and every ono of these
citizens the equal privileges accorded
to him! Exact justice to all men !
that is it! For democracy recognizes
the absolute equality of all men
before the law ! Here I stand; here
I believe that this audience stands;
here I believe every voter in Bartow
county stands; hero I believe that
every intelligent, patriotic and sin
cere lover of this widely extended
union stands!
These are the great fundamental
principles of democracy as they were
summed up by the distinguished
founder of the democratic party in
this country Thomas Jefferson!
There they are in his first inaugural.
There they stand to-day—the very
foundation stones of the government
that blessed you aud mo aud every
other citizen of these United Status.
Go read that document! Study It.
Me is the founder of the democratic
party.
You have to-day as a candidate for
governor a man who, above all oth
ers, professes to bo admirer find
defender of Jeffersonian principles
and with him we plaut our standard
on this platform, proposing there to
stand to the last! [Applquse, [
RESPONSIBILITY OF CANDIDATES.
Now, such being a republican gov
ernment, you become deeply inter
ested in every man who proposes to
represent you in the American con
gress, or in your stale legislative
assembly. You are deeply concerned
iu the man—no question about that.
It is impossible /or you to go to
Washington or Atlanta, and there
speak in collective mass. You send
your representative there aud that
representative is the man through
whom you are to vote, through whom
you are to act. In other words he is
yvJue reprvsenyitiy.!, and yon are
specially concerned in every political
principle and every feature in that
man’s character, in his purposes and
iu his objects. It is a high honor to
be selected by an intelligent and
patriotic people as their representa
tive. It is tho highest honor that
any intelligent and patriotic people
can confer upon any citizen. To go
and select some legally qualified citi
zen to represent you iu the assembly
that is to enact laws for your govern
ment and tho government of those
who arc to come after you is a grave
and responsible duty. To represent
one’s people is a hiirh and sacred
trust and that man who, for money,
for place or any other consideration,
would betray this high and noble
trust would justly exclude himself
from the confidence and respect of all
honorablo men. He is your repre
sentative and every power of the
man, intellectual, moral and
ical, becomes the property of his con?
stituents. Every one of these pow
ers, iu season and out of seoson, are
pledged to the intellectual, moral
aud material growth and advance
ment of the people he represents.
It is, I say, a high trust, an honora
ble trust, and you have tho right to
inquire into everything connected
with the man who proposes to be
your representative, or who may be
your representative at the present.
Ho is°your property. lie belongs to
you. He is part and parcel of you.
Such man should be identified with
the people he represents. He should
be part of the people. He should
have such knowledge of the people
that he may properly aud constantly
present their interests to the assem
bly,of whieh he is to become a mem
ber. He should have such informa
tion about every interest of bis terri
tory that a knowledge of ail the
facts may prompt every act of his
official life, and shape and inspire
every speech he delivers. Such
should be the man who is your rep
resentative.
A NATIONAL REPRESENTATIVE.
Not only does he represent your
district, which he does in part, but
he is also, practically, in part the
representative of the entire state and
the national interests of the entire
American union. I know that tb
time has been, very recently, wht
we looked upon a member of j
gross as the representative of some
specified portion of the state. I
know that it has been customary to
say that this man represents this
state or this particular portion of a
given state, but I submit to you that,
under the new order of things, that
now when the federal laws are su
preme in this government, that now
when the federal laws govern all
over this entire federal union, that
now when, as is provided in your
state constitution, federal and state
| authority conflict with each other
the state Is compelled to yield to the
: supreme authority of the federal
I government—l submit to you every
1 representative in congress becomes in
part the representative of the inter
est, well-being and prosperity of
every portion of our widely extended
union.
Now, fellow-citizens, let me illus
trate this point, for i wish to present
it clearly. I assert to day that every
man in this Amorican government is
interested in the election—the hon*
est, fair and just election, in every
precinct in every state of these Uni
ted States—of representatives in con
gress. Why ? Because the member
from Massachusetts, the member
from California, the member from
Minnesota, sits in judgment upon
your material interests, upon your
necessities as a people, and by his
vote and inlience he awards to you,
under constitutional limitations, your
share in federal patronage, blessings
and comforts. The only difference
between a member from any other
state arid your immediate representa
tive is that the latter should have the
capacity and should have the influ
ence to present intelligently and by
persuasion and argument win from
others what your immediate necessi
ties demand. He is your advocate—
that’s all! Fie is your representative
and he pleads your case. You pre
sent it through him and others
decide upon his merits of that case.
Therefore, there is no election for
congress iu the United Slates in
which you are not interested. You
can go to Maine, to California, to
Massachusetts, aud there is no man
whom 1 address who is not interested
in the election is those states. Why ?
Because you wish to ascertain wheth
er that man was elected fairly, by
constitutional methods and according
to law, Tor by that you ascertain
whether the popular will has been
fairly and truly expressed. If so you
aro willing to bow to that popular
will. Hence, the man who cheats at
an election, who bribes u voter at an
election, who defrauds a voter, who
robs a voter of his legal and constitu
tional rights, however humble and
obscure that voter may be, robs and
defrauds the people of the United
States!
f , A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.
But 1 don't wish to uwell here. 1
call your attention to another fact.
This government is a unit; the
American union is a unit. That has
been proven by the fact that I have
Just mentioned. Hero is the man
from the north and from the west
sitting in judgment upon our rights,
upon your interests and upon your
demands. That is proof that we are
a unit as a people, absolutely* a unit;
and, if this be true, how strange is it,
how very strange, that we continue
to send men to congress and to our
national assemblies who aro section
al, local, exclusive, proscriptive and
iutolerent of political differences!
Isn’t it strange, isn’t it passing
strange, that we give our support to
such men? I speak now of the en
tire people. But is it not strauger
that we become the blind automatons
of an organization that is sometimes
sectional, sometimes local, and at all
times exclusive and intolerant of
political differences? This is the
question I wish to present to you.
We are citizens of a common Ameri
can union ; we are interested in every
portion of this American govern
ment, aud every representative in
tho congress of the United States is
in part your representative. Now, I
submit that, if this be true, isn’t it
suicidal for you to send men to rep
resent your interests in congress who
are sectional, who are exclusive in
political opinions and who are pro
scriptive in political dogmas and
intolerant of political differences?
Think of it! I ask you to think of
j it, for the time has come when jou
must consider these things. It might
have done, although it was always
unwise in my opinion, when the
southern states were the dominant
section of the United States. Such a
policy might have been wise, when
the south, by its numerical strength
and by the talents of its representa
tive men, could enforce and main
tain its position ; but now, I submit,
the south’as a section is iu a hopeless
minority. It is growing less power
ful every day. Asa section your
political sireagth is decreasing every
day. Take the apportionment bill
recently parsed by congress. See
b iw much arger is the gain to the
o rtliern slates as compared with the
si ulheru states. Take the aggregate
numbers of the north’s population
and representation and com pare them
with those of the south, and sec how
much larger is the gain of the north
than that of the south. Again, new
states, quite a number of them, are
soon to De admitted into the union—
every one of them northern states,
with populations cherishing northern
sentiments and having northern at
tachments. Again, remember the
immense amount of foreign immi
gration that is pouring into this
country annually, from five hundred
thousand to a million per annum,
and nearly all of them settling in the
north ; every one of them bringing
I more or less wealth and labor and
swelling tho gross amount of north
ern power and affluence; ar.d every
one of these immigrants cherishing
northern attachments and becoming
imbued with northern sentiments
and prejudice against these southern
states. I ask you, in view of these
facts, isn’t it suicidal, worse than
folly, to be sending sectional men to
congress, year alter year, simply to
be out-voted and crushed by the
mere numerical strength of the north
ern states? We have done it iu the
past, but I pray God we may cease
to do it in the future! Just as long
as we cherish these sectional senti
ments and prejudices, and act upon
them, we are necessarily overwhelm
ed by the greaterpporerw r er of the north
ern states. That is all of it!
RESULT OF SECTIONALISM.
Now what has been the result?
Our southern states are poor, our
lands at a mere nominal price;. de
pression of labor is everywhere ; dis
content is among our laboring and
producing classes of men every
where ! What else has been the re
sult? Exclusion from our rightful
share in the rights, privileges and
blessings of the common federal gov
ernment, of which we are members !
Yet we are solid —solid as a section,
and the north is solid against us I We
are solid from Virginia to Texas, and
from Maryland to Missouri. We are
solidly democratic and bourbon, at
that ! The north from Maine to Cal
ifornia aud to Minnesota
is solid against us! “Let the pots
herd contend with tho potsherd,”
but I say it is folly to continue a pol
icy that perpetuates our poverty as a
people and our exclusion as citizens
from our rightful share in the pat
ronage and blessings of our common
federal government. Why is ail
this? It there is a reason for it i ana
willing to yield, but why is it? it
is simply to keep in power and keep
iu place a few political leaders.
That’s all !—Now let us talk plainly 1
Simply to keep in place a few polit
ical leaders, denominated political
“bosses,” in these southern states and
in Georgia 1 Why continue this pol
icy? You recognize its injurious ef
fects upon your material interests!
You see * ever.,-where 1 . Then what
is the purpose, what is the object of
it ? You are not benefitted by it;
your families are not benefitted by
it, your wealth is not increased ; your
intelligence is not increased; and
the strength aud power and glory of
your section is not augmented ! Then
why this folly? Because tho com
mon masses of the people in whoso
hand absolutely should be lodged all
sovereignty, aro manipulated and
controlled by a few political schem
ers for their own personal ends and
purposes! Is it true? I ask you,
fellow-citizens, is it true? (A voice
—“lt is, everywhere!”) I would like
to take some of these men, these la
boring men ; these men upon whom
all the wealth of Georgia depends to
day—these men who toil, who are
engaged in the productive interests
of the country—l would like to asu
them, “what bonefit have you per
sonally derived from political manip
ulations and schemes in the state of
Georgia since the late war closed ?”
“Have you been made richer by it?
(“No !”) Have you been made hap
pier by it ? (“No !”) Have you
been made more prosperous, as a
state, by it ? (“No!”) No honest
man can say otherwise! But, I am
not going to give offense to anybody
to-day; yet, I would like to inquire,
who has been made richer, who has
been made more powerful by it? (A
voice—“ Joe Brown.”) No names
are to be mentioned to-day in my
speech !
I will not pursue it further, for
all these remarks aie but introducto
ry-
Fellow-citizens, we not only keep
up this sectionalism and are not ben
efitted by it, individually, or section
ally—we not only keep it up, but we
preserve an organization here at the
south that, at the north, is the syno
nym for proscription and for disloy
alty and rebellion. It is not true, I
admit, but is so believed. For what?
Only to enrich a few and to keep in
power a party, or oiganiz ition with
out a principle! That is the most
wonderful feature iu all this discus
sion—that we labor to preserve and
keep in power.
A PARTY WITHOUT A PRINCIPLE !
Suppose I assert hero to day that
the organized democracy of this state
is a party without a principle! Now,
I will prove it; I always like to
prove what I assert.
Now, I have here before me the
platform adopted down here the oth
er day in Atlanta. There were the
organized democrats of Georgia in
council assembled, there they were,
and they boast that it was the lar
gest and most reputable convention
ever assembled in the state of Geor
gia since the war. Ido not doubt it.
Every one of the gentlemen in it
were as clever as I am and just as
good patriots as are the men whom I
address to-day. And I shall say it
to-day and all along during this fight
possibly, and shall say it ail my life
long, that the organized democracy
are as clevor men personally as I
know of and as good citizens of
Georgia as I am. I mean the mass
es of the party—the voters who are
inside the democratic party. They
are just as patriotic, honest and vir
tuous men as I am, but I do not ap
ply that remark to the leaders. But
here they were assembled in conven
tion the other day and they adopted
what they called a platform.
I have read, fellow-citizens, many
political pronunciamentos, but I
confess never to have read in all my
life such a production as that. There
are no seven Philadelphia lawyers in
the United States who, with a mi
croscope, can detect a single political
issue of the present day mentioned
therein.
Let me glance at it:
Resolved, That the democratic par
ty of Georgia, through the accredited
representatives in convention assem
bled, reaffirm with all emphasis and
fervor the time honored principles
expounded by the sages Jefferson
and Madison, and illustrated and
enforced by the pure and able men
who, by their teachings and the prac
tical enforcement of their political
faith, advanced the glory and pro
moted the prosperity of this union.
Do you object to that? No ! Do I
object that? No! Certainly the sup
porters of Mr. Stephens, who are Jef
fersonian democrats will not object
to that. O, let us gather them alllu.
As the Atlanta Constitution says:
“Let us yank them all in.” (Laugh
ter-)
But let’s go ou ; “Wo will do all
in our power to give efficiency to
these principles,”—what principles?
There is not one principle mentioned
and there is not a man in the L T nited
States, who objects to the resolution.
Resolved, That we charge the
present federal administration with
an undignified, partisan and corrupt
interference with local elections;
with a prostitution of executive pat
ronage in states for the purpose of
extending its lease of power, and, un
der color of the collection of internal
revenues, with setting on foot armed
raiding parties, etc.
5 wiiot UTVH K SPOILS.
Now just thero let mo mention a
fact. Ido not know whether PresL
dent Arthur has done that or uot. I
am no special friend or advocate of
President Arthur. I supported Gen
eral Hancock. But there he is, pres
ident of the Jnited States, and this
resolution charges that ho is using
and has used the federal patronage
to build up his party in the southern
states. I assert that there is no man
in Georgia who has received more
of that patronage than the distin
guished nominee of the democratic
party, the lion. Alexander 11. Ste
phens. (Laughter.) I will talk more
particularly of that aftorwhile. I
love Mr. Stephens ! I am going to
talk more of him aftervvhile. You
abuse President Arthur for using
federal patronage in Georgia. I know
of but one prominent democrat in
Georgia who has received office at his
hands,and that is the Hon. John W.
11. Underwood, of Rome, who was
appointed at the urgont request, re
commendation and solicitation of the
Hon. Joseph E. Brown, your sena
tor ! That’s all of it !
It is, porhaps, well enough for me
to mention another fact: What
about this federal patronage in Geor
gia? There is a9 I mentioned, John
W. H. Underwood, the bitter enemy
of independentism. There has not
been a worse or more bitter opponent
of independent action, thought and
principles than John W. H. Under
wood, and yel the president, at the
urgent solicitation ofSenator Brown
gives him one of the best offices in the
United States with a salary of ten dol
lars a day and all traveling and hotel
expenses paid. Who is enjoying this
federal patronage? Who! Go through
the state and search them out.
Let me give you another example.
A few months ago, after all this cry
of coalition was raised and it was
abroad in ihe newspapers and I was
being abused like a pickpocket as a
traitor and as attempting to African
ize Georgia, I waited my time, and,
thank God, that time has come to
day. (Applause.) Who has enjoy
ed this federal patronage? that is the
question. Some few months ago, af
ter this cry was all through the land,
I received a letter from Mr. Stephens
(about whom I will talk fully di
rectly,for lam going to vote for him)
telling me that the post-office at Au
gusta was vacant. (I believe it is
the second post office in the state
in the salary that it pays.) Mr.
Prince, who was then postmas
ter, expressed a desire to retire. He
did not wish to hold the office and
private business called him else
where. Mr. Stephens wanted to fill
that office; but does he go to Au
gusta and select 3ome good democrat
for that office? To my certain know
ledge a very distinguished independ
ent democrat wanted that office. But
no; he went up to Crawfordsvilie, his
home, and selected there Mr. Hol
den, one of the most prominent and
leading republicans of Georgia, and
The Caiteiile Aierican.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION:
Ono Year, Cash U Advance |i.w
Six Months, *• “ i.oo
Three “ “ “ S§
sent outside ol the County, 15 cents
addiiiohal for postage.
RATES Or ADVERTISING:
For each Square ol 1 inch or less, for the fir**
insertion, each subsequent insertion, 50
cents. Special contracts made lor largei space
or longer time. All contract advertisements
must be paid quarterly.
Local Notices, 50 cc’uts per line lor the first
insertion, ami 10 ceuts for each suqsequent In
sertion.
Special Notices ten cents per line.
Tributes of Respect and Obituaries, over six
lines, 10 cents per line.
Ah personal cardsin Local Columns, 2s cents
pcrlinc.
NO. 20.
he pressed him for that office, and
when the fight waxed warm between
Mr. Holden and some others, Mr.
Stephens writes down to me saying :
“Doctor, please endorse Holden for
the post-office at Augusta and send
it on to me immediately, for I am
anxious to have him get the office.”
I wrote back : Mr. Stephons, please
oxcuse me. You know that I would
do all I can consistently for you, no
man would oblige you more readily
than I would, but, sir, a venal press
and men whose hearts and tongues
are set on fires of hell are setting it
on foot in Georgia that I, lor vilest
purposes and ends, have formed a
coalition with President Arthur that
I might control the federal patron
age in Georgia. Therefore I decline
to recommend Mr. Holden or any
other man, democrat or republican
in Georgia! (applause)—and Mr. Hol
den got the office and Mr. Holden is
in that office to-day and was put
there by Alexander H. Stephens, the
distinguished nominee of this won
derful convention that assembled
down here in Atlanta the other day.
(Laughter.)
Not only so,but let us look at some
other appointments in Georgia.
What connection have I had with
these appointments; what? Whore
is the man; now answer.
The Atlanta Constitution charged
some time ago that Felton had* form
ed a coalition with the radicals in or
der that he might control the feder
al patronage in Georgia. Now
where is the man outside of this dis
trict—mark the impression ! I staud
by the people of my district, demo
crats or republicans, white men or
colored men—l stand with them and
by them to the lr.6t, and whenever
I can get a place for them that is
honorable and profitable, God being
my helper, if I believe them honest
and competent in every particular, I
will use every power, moral and le
gal, to secure them that office. But
where is the man outside of the sev
enth congressional district of Georgia
democratic or republican, white or
colored man, organized or independ
ent, who has been appointed to office
by Pifsident Arthur by my sugges
tion, recommendation or endorse
ment? Now answor!
Now I have got you concerned.
Now I have got you treed. (Laugh
ter.) Now I put the question to you
directly, as honorable men, and I de
mand an answer. Get up, any one
cf you, like an honorable man, and
put your finger on the office and the
man. Where is the man outside of
this district—no, I go further, in this
district, who was appointed by Proa
ident Arthur 8t my suggestion? I
beg you to answer, and if you do not
and cannot answer, I beg you forev
er after to hold your peace. [Ap
plause.] I was in hopes some one
would answer, for I have got the doc
uments to seal falsehood right home
to his tonguo.
Now I will tell you : I did, In re
spect to the district judgeship pre
vious to the appointmont of Judge
Atkins, who is not coutirmed, recom
mended two men. One was Col.
Daniel S. Printup, ot Home, a prom
inent and distinguished democrat of
this district. He asked mo to do It,
and I recommended him in these
words : “If a democrat is to receive
this office it would give me pleasure
to have my friend, worthy and com
petent, as far as my knowledge goes,
in every particular, receive this of
fice.* ’ The lot her was Judge Cun
ningham, of Atlanta, a republican,
the son-in-law of my neighbor, Col
onel Miles Dobbin. I recommended
him in about the same words, saying
if the offiee’was to be conferred upon
a republican, I would like to see him
get it, but neither of them got it nor
ever will.
Judge Atkins, I never recommen
ded. Judge McCay I did not recoin*
mend. Both are my friends, clever
and excellent gentlemen, but neither
of them asked of me any endorses
rnent and I gave none. Tnese are
the facts. But there is Senator
Brown, there is Hon. Alexander H.
Stephens, there are numbers of oth
ers, indeed the whole Atlanta bar,
who endorsed Judge McCay and re
commended him for this office, so
liciting President Arthur most hutn
%biy, for a little of the spoils that he
might be pleased to dispense at their
request ! “Coalition 1” But, fellow
citizens,let us talk a little more plain*
‘y.
THAT HORRID COALITION.
Where is the coalition ? Borne time
last fall a correspondent of a Chicago
newspaper asked me to formulate —
yes, let me say formulate—certain
principles and political ideas which
in my judgment, would be a sort of
platform on which all true men tfc
the state could agree. He sent mi
the request in writing and I sat down
in my own room and with my own
pen, and at the suggestion of no oth
er living person on earth, I wrote
that platform which appeared over
tuy signature in the Chicago paper
and others throughout the couutry.
I assert that it was published as it
(Continued on Fourth Fayt.)