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THE GEORGIA TELEGRAPH
by B.unriiL a. imv.
CITY ASP COVSTY PRINTER.
TERMS—For tha pap-
r in advance, per »nn. $2 50,
CTm—we——
Well <lnne Gnllnul Florida.
SllVERT—TUF WllXOT PROVISO.
’.Vo published iii our lust number ibe Virginia Bc-
aolutioui, and to-day subjoin the spirited resolu.
Vions toncliiog the same question, adopted by both
parties in the Florida legislature. Florida has
> spoken unemimously. We copy tlie following re
marks and rvsolultoui from the Tullelnssee Flori
dian. No divisions on this question in Florida.—
Thst Is the position for Southern States to take.
The following r.-soliitions, introduced by Mr.
Blackburn, Chairman of the House Committee on
Federal Relation*.'have Ih-cu unanimously passed
in each branch of our Legislature. We rejoice
at tho unanimity thus exhibited Let oil the
Southern States act in this same spin*, and all the
North will very soon see bow fur there are divi
sions among ourselves un these uiomeutous ques
tions:
Resolved by tho Senate nnd Ifonso of Eepre-
Snnta'ivo* of Die State of Florida in General As
sembly convened, That, as Iriemls of Cuiuu, we
view with most serious alarm tho course of our
Northern brethren in relation to the question of
Slavery—a course which, marked tty uukindnets,
wrong, insult nnd injury, has alresdy, to a most
unfortunate extent, weakened the bonds wnich
unite them and us; which, if persisted in, in the
Mme spirit, can only terminaje in further elicita
tion. and in the inevitable dissolution of the Con
federacy.
Resolved, That the recently acquired-Territory
having been purchased by blood and treasure, of
which her full proportion was contributed by the
South, she and her sons are entitled equally, with
any portion of tha Union, to the enjoyment of the
suno; this General Assembly, therefore believing
that Congress possesses, under the Constitution,
no power to pass such a measure, adopting simi
lar language to that of the Legislature of Virgiuia,
hereby declare it as their opinion, "that under no
circumstance, will the people of this Stnto be wil-
ling to recognize as biuding, any rnaetmrnt of
the Federal Government which has fur its object
the prohibition of Slavery in any Territory South
of the liue of the Missouri Compromise, holding
it to be the natural and independent right of each
citizen of every State of the Confederacy, to reside
with his property, of whatever description, in auy
Territory acquired by the arms of die C. States,
or yielded by treaty with any foreign power.”
Resolved, That the Abolition of Slavery in the
District of Colombia, involving, as it does, an ex
erciae of power not granted by the Constitution,
and. designed, as it is. as a means of affecting die
institution of slavery in the States,' against which
it is aimed as a blow, should be resisted on ibe
psrt of the South, by whatever means are best
ada|ited to the protection of the Constitution, the
defence of herself, and the preservation or the
Union.'
Rxsnr.vFD, That, knowing no fartt names, or
political divisions, on questions involving iu their
settlement and consequences, the character, prop
erty, aud lives of thoso whom we represent, wo
are ready, heart and aoul, with a united front, to
join Virgiuia, the Carolina*, and the other South
ern State*, in teUbig each measures for the de
fence <f our rights, and the preservation of our-
•elves, and those whom we hold dear, as the
highest wisdom of all may. whether through a
Southern Convention sir otherwise, suggest aud
devise.
Resolved. That -a copyof these resolutions be
transmitted to the Governor of each of the slave
Slates with n request that they be laid before tho
Legislature of such as are now iu session
MACON.
Tl I SDAY ’lURMMi, FSB. 6, IM»
Pay 17 p.
In many of the comities our collections have fal
len very mnch in arrears. We call upon all such
not to watt for our collector, bnt remit at ouce by
mail. We bold our subscribers to be just men,
ami trust all wbu know themselves to be indebted
to ns will not neglect this call. Two dollars and
Gfty cents, sent in advance, will pay for the paper
tfno year. Five dollars in advance will pay for it
two years. To clubs of ten or moro new subscri
bers. at the same post office, tbo Telegraph will be
furnished at two dollars a year. Payments to be
made for dobs in all esses in advance.
Ncnator Sevier.
Wo have already noticed the suddon demise of
this lameuled gentleman, and take a melancholy
pleasure in copying the following notice of him
from the Piue-JUuff (Arkausaa) Jeffersonian of tho
Gih ultimo:
Death or Taz Hex. A.H. Sevier.—It becomes
our painful duty to announce that the Honorable
Ambrose H. Sevier is no more. He departed this
life at Ibe house of Judge Ben. Johnson, the coun
ty of Chicot, on .Sunday night, the 31st of Decem
ber, at half-past ten o'cluok. lie died of chronic
iuflammutiuu of the stomaob. ill's corpse passed
up the river Thursday uiglilnu the steamer Medi
um, iu the care of Iti. brother-in-law, Benjamin S.
Jobuson, and his fi lend. Air. Tbontus Churchill.
They will Lury him at Little Bock, on the premis
es of Judge Johuson.
Col- Sevier desoemled from a family most emi
nent aud distinguished for their galliuitry and pa
triotism, iu the trying struggle of our country’s li
berty, They were ideulitieil with wnuy brilliant
military eveuta in the revolutionary struggle. A
Huguenot of the uauie of Sevier, emigrated to So.
Carolina, about the middle of the last century,
from which the Sevier family sprang.
•Col. Sevier was born ii. Green-county, East Ten
nessee, iu the year 1803. Many disadvantages sur
rounded him iu boyhood; but that euergetic dis
position which characterized him in after life, eu-
aided him m aurinouut them all, and to acquire an
education .uflicieiit for the great emergencies thru’
which he passed in after life. In East Tennessee
he passed bis youth, until lie reached his uineteeutb
year, aud theu, mounted on borse-back. with but a
lew dollars in bis pocket, yon might have teen him
weeding ins way to Arkansas,—that country that
was afterwards to eqjoy the advantage* of hi*
inroe of character aud superior mind. He lauded
•' at the Post of Arkansas, then the seat uf govern
ment of the territory, now the Slate of Arkansas,
without a dollar fe his pocket; and with uo nanital
but a stroug constitution and a vigorous mini], be
entered npon tlie practice of the law. By the force
sti character and powers of niiud. he was very soon
enabled to obviate the inauy difficulties tbut ihen
surrounded him. Ilis frank and uauly bearing
•non snrniauded him with many frieuds. Am
while prnfessioual .favors were daily thickening
around him, politics, a mure briliiaut sphere, was
opened to Ilis view. His comprehensive iniud at
a glauce solved the great political questions before
him, aud decided his course for the future. The
people of the Slate have laden him with their high
est honors, and he has richly repaid them with *
patriotic seal, aupcriur ability, and n thousand fa-
•rare. ' ,
To attempt tn recnpitnlntetbe many statesman,
tike act* of Arkansas’ noblest son, would be to
w rite a book; and while Arkansas may exultingly
boast uf tbit noble statesman, as her peculiar son
yet bis deeds and hit reputation are the property
ill'the ualiuu. While distinguished at n statesman
iu the lime of peauc.iu tbo council* uf tbi* great
nation bin voice was ever beard with delight by
the people. In the last great effort ofiti* country,
having urged with mere ability iheuecctaity of-sup-
plyiug oar army with new troops, and with neces
saries to ameliorate their wants, than any man iu
the councils of the nation—still it -remained for
him to be selected by the President, and-by tho
unanimous content of the .most dignified body uf
men upon earth, to bear the olive branch uf peace
to Mexico, aud conclude a treaty-lastingly honor
able lu bulb ualiuu*. Tbi* event, which wil! gild
the page* uf American history for ages to couie,
was the liuithiug stroke to bis great public career
in life. Arkansas may justly be bung iu mourning
for the lost uf an great and ao.good a man, while a
great n atioo mmiroa hia loss. Peace to bis depart
ed ipirit. Ilo 1ms left many public, and many pri
vate friends, uid several orphan children to weep
fur him. May the recollection of his ooblr, bold,
luauly, patriotic, majestic, and maguammoutcourse
in his most useful life, soothe and Ie**eu their btt-
reavemeut.
EF“S.8. Fodoz, Esq. of Thomasville. is Tally
authorized to act as the agent of this paper, to re
reive and receipt fur subscriptions and ailvertisng
in tbo coantics of Thomas, Early, Randolph Ba
ker, Stewart, Irwin, Decatur. Lowndes, Ware and
the neighboring conntiesof Florida.
Thc California Gold Minks.—On the first
page of this day’s paper will be found interesting
reports received at the War. Department, from
officers in California in relation to the gold mines-
The Nouthcrn Addret*.
The spirooccupied in our coinms this morning,
by this able qnd highly important document, leaves
no room fur any commeuts. The temperate and
dignified tone of this paper.not less than the enter,
gency that produced it,- will however, command
for this address the most solemn and earnest de
liberation from all our readers, without further
comment from os at present.
We will fellow np this paper by publishing in
our next tbo substitute offered by Mr. Berrien
as well as nf such portions of the proceedings of
the adjnoreed meeting at which the nddres* of
Mr. Calhoun was adopted as we deem of interest
to onr renders.
Thomas R. fl. Cobb, Esq- of Athens, was
at the late session of the Supreme Coart at Tal-
button, appointed Reporter, to fill the vacancy oc
casioned by the death of James M. Kelly, Esq.
Tnvtor'a Family.
Col. Bliss auil Lady and Mrs. Ged. Tn
companied by Maj. Hunter and- Lady, arrivod
this city on Sunday evening en-ronte for Washing
ton. They were met at Barnesvlile at 2 o'clock on
Sunday by tho Mayor and n Committee of
gentlemen who had been appointed for the pur
pose and attended to the city on. an Extra Train
provided for tho occasion, by the very efficient
and gcn'lemauly President of tbo Macon & West
ern Rail Road. Col. Bliss and party on their arri
val iu the city, took Lodging* at tho Washington
Hall, where they received during tho evening, the
call* of several of our citizens. The paity pro.
ceeded yesterday morning by the Central Bail
Road on their route to V/achiiigioc. His lion
or tho Mayor, in behalf of tho city tendered
Col. B1 iss jL family the hospitalities of opr citizens
The following it the correspondence between the
Mayor and CoL-Bliss.
MACON, Feby. 4ih 1849.
Col. W. W. S. Blms, U. S. A.
Sir—In behalf-of tbo citizens of Macon, who
undemanding you had arrived in town, are desi
rous of manifesting their personal regard for. yoo,
and of giviug some testimony of the high estima
tion in wbioh they -view yonr services in the Ar
my of the UuiuiK I take pleasure in conveying
to you the very general with of dl, tbnt yoa, to
gether with your family and friends, should re
main among n«. «t least ono day, end partake of
the hospitalities of the city, before proceeding ea
yonr journey to Washington.
I also beg leave to add in behalf of myself, .as-
snranoes of individual respect and esteem.
-GEO. M. LOGAN, Mayor.
MACON, Feb. 4, 1848.
His Honor, Gcorgi M. Xogax. *
Mayor of the City.
Dzar Sir: I have the pleasure to acknowledge
the receipt of yoor note of this date, tendering to
the party with which I am travelling, the hospital
jties «f yonr city, aud kindly ezpresaing a wish in
behalf of the citizens, -that we should remain one
day with yoo.
On -behalf of onr party aud for myself, I beg yi
-to accept our sincere thanks for yoor kind invita
tion. We all fully appreciate the -respect and
friendly feeling which it conveys, and regret the
more that the necessity of cantinning onr journey
will nut permit us to accept it. and -thus see
more of yoor thriving city, aud become bettorac*
quainted with its hospitable inhabitants.
Jam, with high respect, your ob’t serV'L.
<W. W.S. BLISS.
Cotton SHirrzo raoj* Griffin.—The following
ii a statement of the number of bales of coltou
forwarded from this place up to the first of Jana-
ary, and from January to the first of February :
Forwarded from Griffin previous to Jao. S19G5
u " “ iu J.-ui. 6824
Total, 28789
l-Griffi* mig, Ut iiut.
Macon & Wlstcrk BnAxc-u Xcr.roiurti -Co.—
At a meeting of the stockholders of Ibis Company
held at the office of C. Lewis, Esq., in this city-on
yesterday, Emerson Foote, Esa., was chosen I’re-
indent, aud Reuben Cone, Richard 1’oter*, Miles
G. Dobbins, ami D. E. lleman. Directors. After
appointing a committee to draft By-Laws fur the
government of the company, the ineeliug adjunrn-
.d lujueel again the hut Weduesdav iu March.—
P-id.—
VoLOStazn California Rioikznt.—The New
York Globe, of Wednesday Iasi, ha* the following:
“Tho largest movement for California which w»
have yet uolicod is a reginmut now being organ
ized ia.d who intend to otl'sr themselves to Gov
ernment (for tbo term of 3 years, to. serve in the
Gold region* -of California, widi a view of pre-
torviug public order. They propose to clothe
themselves.aod niko their pay fro.- the mines, but
to be sent to California at tbo public expense nod
found in arms, medicine*, red monition* of war by
Telegraphic Intelligence.
[TRANSMITTED FOR THE GEORGIA TELEGRAFH-]
ARRIVAL OF THE CANADA.
BALTIMORE, Jan. 30tb, 16-19.
The Steamship Canada from Liverpool, arrived
at New York today at 2 o’clock, P. M, with two
weeks later news fn-m Europe.
Liverpool Cotton Market Jan. 13lb.—The
Cotton Market for the week ending 5th. inst ex
hibited an advance of J to nearly j d. and con
siderable speculation in American description* bad
taken place. During the week ending Jan. 13.
speculation abated, and prices slightly gave way.
Highest business last .week, compared with to
days, about one eight pence above quotations two
weeks ago. Fair Orleans 4} uj ; Mobile 4 j alj;
Georgia Bowed 4J a 4 j. *
Sales of first week 44,000, and second -week
26,000 bale*.
January 1C— p.4n«—The business in cotton was
moderate this morning. Bales about five thousand
bales, at steady price*.
•Commercial nflairs generally are-encouraging,
and a good business anticipated during the-coming
spring.
Frascc-—The President has been occupied in
tho reccptiou of visitors- The populace have on ull
public occasion* received him with enthusiasm.
There bsve'been Slight disturbances iu the vioiuity
of Paris, but these were aooa -quelled
The government seems to he to favor of dissolv
ing the constitncnt assembly, as it i*:beconiing un
popular. Lamartine approves of them ensure.
Odilion Barret wil! undoubtedly bo-chosen Wee
President, having been strongly recommended for
tliatoifice by President Bonaparte-.; and Dnfaure
will probably succeed him as Minister of Justice.
Jrbla.ii>.—The-probability is that the'trial of
Daffy for treason, will not go forward. The J odg-
es will not jgcoe on a Writ of Error iu the case of
Meager.
Nrw York Jan 30lb.—Flour aud Oram.—Best
bonded Flour, 27*. Yellow Coro, 30*.
The California gold fever is ranging in London
and throughout England. Mauy ships am np at
London and Liverpool.
New York.—The Cotton market to day ss heavy
and drooping.
Flonr andiGrain also heavy.
There are no fewer than fifty.four vessels up for
California.
Ki w York Feb. 2. 1849.
The Cotton Market to day is drooping. -Sales
of six hundred bales have been made lo-dsy at
igiit to one quurler cent a pound decline,—
Stocks unsteady.
"IUI.M 'W ASHINGTON.
[CORRESPONDENCE OF THE GEORGIA TE t.Xti R A PH-]
WASHINGTON, Jauuary, C7tli, 1849.
The fecliug existing on the part of Southern
members of both parties:, agaiust Houston aad
Rusk, growing out of what the former set down
to be the disposition of the latter, to sacrifice eve
ry thing in the hope of making capital for H. t may
in n measure militate ngaitisttbe settlement of She
slavery qnestion, by placiug any portion of New
Mexico nr California, under the jurisdiction of
Texas. This sentiment I am sorry to have tn
write, will bo pretty sore to defeat all the Texas
bills of the session, as the Snalb seem disposed to
let the Senators of the New State, rely wholly on
thoso whose favor the South say they seek so as
siduously. All this is indeed to be deeply regret
ted—but so it is.
Soon, the New Mexico and California state bill
of Douglas, the majority report of the esmmitea
of the Jndicisry against that bill, and the minority
report of Dowus, with his bill for the admission
of California alone, are to be taken apiu the Sen
ate. They will however, not be then finally dir
posed of, as the Southern Senators design doin
nothing conclusive in tbo premises, until the whole
of tlra southern movement, may have been con
cluded. I hear that the report—the arguments of
Downs, lies made converts of his fellow commit
tee men. Bntler and Berrien, who previous to
its publication, were of opinion that Congress bad
no power, under the constitution, to ertale states
oat of soil not proviously organised into a territo
ry, or territories. N
Mr. Calhoun though still nnwell, is better this
evening I learn.
On inquiry to day, I find that the project to set
tle the slavery question as to the new territories,
by dividing them-oat. giving Texas jurisdiction
of all sooth of the MHequricompromise liue, will
surely command some northern-whig favor, in
view of the uncertainty as to Taylor’s position up
on the slavery qnestion, which "reigns, here. The
burniug. dnzzlcing influetiae of desire for office,
is of course at the bottom of this support, yet, I
have uo idea, that Gentry Cabell & Co., are right,
in the hope of being able to gneaso tho proposi-
n so as to mskeit swallow-able to sufficient an
ti-slavery men to secure its enactment as a der
nier resort by way of ridding Taylor of Vexation
from having to deride furor against the proviso.
No one claims that Texas has auy title to the terri
tory south of the bee. or west of the Bio Grande,
nor can I find any one who knows by what law of
the state of Texas, her Governor can alienate any
portion of what is now her wilderness north of
the Missouri compromise line; yet, such an alien
ation is to form an article in the project. I take it
therefore, that any enactment of Congress upon
the subject, will he merely in the shape of a prof
fer to swap iu case her legislature may approve
the bargain. In this manner a settlement uf the
slavery question may be approximated, if. (there’s
the rub) a majority of tho House will say yea.
SILFIAS.
WASHINGTON, January, 31, 1849.
Yonr readers have now the official account of
the proceedings of the Southern members of Con
gress before them, and may judge for themselves
of tljo relative merits of tho two addresses. I
suppose yon have seen Berrien’s letter to the North
American, which bos created no little excitement
among our Southern friends in Washington, as it
nnmnsks his treacherous purpose in going info the
meeting and proposing a substitute It covers a
virtual admission that bis design was really to de
feat tlie effective action which, in his speech in
the meeting, he declared himself not anxious to
bring shout. Under no circumstances would I
have seat them to that paper, had I been a member.
and the other does not come np to my standard,
though soaner than have made sneb a state
meut, I .would havo come -up to that. I do not
write lightly, having cmreluHy considered the pre
mises with a mind eagerly anxious to coincide to
the letter with those who urged upon the meeting
tbi* particular description of paper as the address
most-likely <o subserve the end of arousing the
whole people uf the 8outh to a just appreciation
of the imminent danger 4>y which they are now
threatened. Long before the address of Mr. Cal
houn -was adopted, I raw the fully of hoping for ef-
ective -co-operation of the Southern Wlrigaef the
House and Senate, until their injured constituency
may threaten them with the retribution their.con
duct throughout this affair most surely deserves. 1
was therefore in favor of abandoning all attempts
to induce them to take part in the movement, for
our baldly telling the whole truth -in giving the
people of the Soath the history of the rise and
progress of abolition efforts. They should have
been duly informed that drum the days of Rufus
Kiog dawn, the northern federal party -have left
no stone-untarned to engenderthe increase of the
spirit of abolitionism. It should have Been made
as clears* light, that this liss been the favorite of
federalism, with which to break-down the ascen
dency of the-Domocracy nt tho North, with the
North, .with the full understanding that, in so using
it, a condition of the public mind was being en
gendered, which if uot stayed will force a disso
lution of the Union between the sovereignties
comprising this confederacy, or reduce the Soutli-
era States to the condition of Ireland. I should
also have held up to the admiration of a grateful
people, the conduct, tho self sacrificing patriot
ism of those of the.North, who, up to the recent
Presidential election—until the South abandoned
her own causo—stood manfully by the spirit of
tho compromises of the constitution. I menu Bu
chanan, Wuodbnry, Cass, Dickinson, McClenard,
Douglas, Hannegan, Richardson, C. J. 1 Ingersoll,
Bisdsall, Charles Brown, Broadbcad, and the hun
dreds of thousands of Nortborn Democrats who
havo steadily opposed abolitionism io whatever
shape its assaults npon the integrity of the Union
were made.
J should have no less boldly told tho people of
the South Ibe truth, upon the subject of tho stab—
the vital, murderous blow, she has iuflicted upon
hemelf in tho recent .election, when atone, and
the same time, she-voted into the Vice Presidency
a man who would himself pledge to. if possible,
effect the abolitiou of slavery -in this District, and
struck down -the men who had perilled their all
of political position at home, to protect those
who thus aimed the deadly thru stmt them. With
what face, i ask, can we ever again look to any
parties nt the North to stand by onr rights, when
we thus reward those who have done sot Alas!
we have indeed with one hand strangled those
who were .our shield, while with the other we
handed the dagger to onr.caemy, that he might
stab us to the heart.
I regret beyond measure, that the address adopt
ed, failed thus to lay tbo axe at tho root of the
tro^—to begin the contest for tbo rights of the
South at borne, aguinaUbeir worst enemies, the
.Southern .federal politicians, who fur thc hope of
office under Taylor, .are virtually scheming to de
liver np their people,bound band and foot,that ab
olitionism.may do its-worst open thorn. As before
remarked, yon have .now had the two addresses,
Calhoun’* .and Berrien’s, for some limo before you
sufficiently dong to teat the justice of my criticisms
in advance. Tou and your readers most surely
perceive that the object -which Berrien bad in
view, waa not, (as he protested -in the meetings)
to carry oat tho purposo of his Soutcrn democrat
ic colleagues—but to emasculate the whole affair,
or iu other words, to defeat all action—tho pur-
thosc gentlemen to bring about the unity of action,
between whige and democrats of the south which
will not be attained until the southern members
see as in time, they will, that their constituents
properly appreciate the time, serving motives at
the bottom of th-ir indisposition to take s manly
stand against the abolitionists and their allies by
whatever name the latter may call themselves.
Tbo tone of the address of Calbonn meets with
far more favor in sontbem circles here, than does
that of the proposed substitute—even with thoso
southern democrats who declined signing it. It*
every statement is marked .with the vigor °f
thought, the lucidness and perspicuity for which
its author has been so distinguished for the Inst
quarter of a century. Still, hundreds are express
ing in effect the objections to it which I set forth
in a previous letter.
It is beyond doubt that Stephens, Toombs, Ber
rien, Badger, aud the rest of the Southern. Whigs
intend to avert tho storm which they see arising
at home, by protesting that the address of Cal
houn does not go farenough for them, that it faffs
to denonneo the agitation of tho slavery qnestion
at the North in language of becoming severity.
They will virtually aid the abolitionists to enact
the proviso, to apply it to the new territories, if
perchance, the qnestion be not settled this winter,
notwithstanding all the efforts they may make du
ring tbo npproaching recess to appear to tako the
lend in the agitation of the question nt home. They-
know well that the policy of their party is that of
the northern capitalists, and that though they may
succeed once in a while in cheating the South into
believing that danger from the spirit nnd purposes
of abolitionism is only to bo averted by tho eleva
tion of ibe owner of hundreds of negroes in pref
erunco to any northern man. They know well I
say. that their real strength, their reliable strength
lies only where capital controls the bread of ver
ting labor; nnd therefore will be very careful to
do as little as possible likely to weaken the organi
zation of federalism where it is alone to be relied
on to keep them in power. Thus, while feeling
assured as they must, that every day the final set
tlement el the slavery question is put off, adds to
the strength of the war on slavery, they will sac
rifice their constituents by helping their northern
friends to put off this day of settlement, which
sooner or later must come. They too, are impu
dent enough to complaiu against their Democrat
ic fellow member* from the South for endeavor
ing to force the House to a direct vote on such ab
olition propositions as are being brought forward.
Now, to ray mind the point at issue is simply this.
Is it best that the real sentiments of the House
should be exposed or concealed. The sonthern
Whigs wish them concealed from their constitn-
eats, lest a knowledge on their pnrt of the length
to which their opponents will go when compelled
to vote, may so alarm them, a, to excite them to
take a stand likely to compel General Taylor to
stand by the South, which destroy* the organiza
tion of the whig perty of the North. On the oth
er band, the southern Democrats regarding this as
a vital question, and beiag sensible, that npon its
prompt settlement the existence of the Union de
pends, are determined to bring it to an issue re
gardless to mere consequences of party. The
constituents of these two classes of representa
tives most judge of tbo propriety of the course of
both.
The House yesterday, passed the West Point
appropriation bill, to which An amendment was
proposed to establish a professorship “of mines” at
a salary of $1500 per annum. It was lost howev
er. While uppermost iu the minds of most ol tho
members who voted for it, those from Peunsylva-
nia in their remarks npoa the proposition, evident
ly looked to what is of vastly mure importance to
the country nt large—diffusing information upon
the subject of managing thccual, iron, copper and
other mines with which the U- 8- proper abound.
The Navy and revolutionary pension appropriation
bills were also passed.
It affords mm groat pleasnro-to bo able to -write
that die bill to establish a breach U. S. mint in
New York city, was made the special order for
to-morrow (Tuesday) week. The friends of the
measure are more iudebted to Mr. Bugnrdus, the
naval officer of the port of New Y'ork, for the tri
umph of ibe resolution of Mr. Talmodge for that
purpose, than to any one else. lie was very ac
tively engaged in drumming up support for it, and
his personal popularity with the members turned
the scale sufficiently to ensure it a two thirds vote.
There can be no doubt of the enactment of this
bill by a large majority, or I am very much mis
taken in the signs in the Hall. There is no other
proposition before Congress of half as much cod-
sequence So the commerce of She whole country,
wbioh is beginning to be realized by the House at
least, -thoagh it has been hard to beat this truth
into some of the bouorable noddles. I think I
may veuture-to write you that all the Washington
correspondence stories, raying that Mr. Ritchie is
-about to dispose of the Union, are untrue. You
may .rely on it be will not quit the ship wbilu sen
sible as at presont, tbut the political principles uf
wbioh be has been the guardian for aocnany years,
require his baud at the helm.
The members are amusing themselves not a little
over the modesty of Mr. Horace Grcely, as displayed
in a recent.number of the Tribune, in which he makes
a leader of his five minutes' speech in Committee of
the Whole, on the army appropriation bill, which, if
reported verbatim, .would not have occupied an eighth
of the two columns to which he has spun it out If it
carries as little weight in Abe Tribune.zls in the Hall,
heaven help,the orator's design of catting a figure—I
mean a respectable figure—as a legislator. I desire
yon to note the unanimity with which tha bill of Gen.
McKay, to reform the mileage law will be passed—to
contrast it with the furvor -with which all the dema
gogue propositions of Greely to the same end are vo
ted under the table,to-ondomtand the reputation which
G. has earned among his fellow members. I perceive
that, anticipating that the House will show a marked
difference in its action npon McKay’* bill, he has en
deavored to deceive the public of New York city, hia
constituents, as to the disposition with which that bill
will be pasted, alleging that they will only vote for Ibe
reform, when in tbe firm belief that the Senate will
veto it; or, in other words, that nearly all the House
are scoundrels, who design to deceive the pablic as,to
tbeir desire to reform abases, while be himself is per
fectly licnest and patriotic in hi* efforts to correct abu
ses. There is a cool impudence in this intimation in
•the Tribune,-which astonishes members wbo have ex
pected,to,Sad a decent regard for at least tire appear
ance of integrity of purpose even in one wbo has' given
them to many proof* that the study of hit life is to
"gammon’'somebody. Ten to one, half a dozen mem
bers will bo down on him before tbe week is out, for
this last shameless assault npon Abe character of
tbe whole Honse. Schenck, I fancy,will be tbe next
Q ne who is to show him np, as I have observed him
more than once chaffing and fidgeting when qthers
were maoling the member from New York.
Ilcally.our political friends in Congress will.Iiavcto
fake some measures to euro tbo cacoetkes loquendi of
the two or three young gentlemen troubled with the
-worry worm," -wbo volunteer on all occasions to
spenk in.behalf of the democracy or the administra
tion, to themauifest annoyance of every other Demo
crat in the House, and to the entire prevention of Im
perially as she turned tfce back of her hand uponTay- ; ADDRESS,
lor nt tbe last election. So Thompson is in Smith's OF THE SOUTHERN DELEGATES IN CON-
way sadly, and vise* versa. Tbeir somersets upon the I GRESS, t) THEIR CONSTITUENTS,
slavery question were doubtless caused by the desire , \\j e w ||o«h nines ire hereunto annexed, address
of each to stand fairer than his rival in the eyes of tbe J yon in fitseburp of whet we believe to he a sol
emn dutv, os lie most important suhji
dispenser of patronage, as I have before remarked to
yoa. Thompson was bora in Virginia, and when for
merly in Congress had not entirely thrown ol the in
fluences of his early associations. Then, thoagh rep
resenting a district of Indiana, he was a supporter of
tbe Slst rule. He went for it in its form most obnox
ious to most of the Northern members, resisting at
the same time every effort of those who, while anx
ious to keep abolition petitions out of tbe Hall, were
anxious to protect tbe right of petition. He went
strenuously against every motion so to modify it, as
while it might be effective against intermedlers from
the North in the matter of slavery in tbe States and
Territories, it woald afford no snbstantial reason for
getting np tbe cry tbat it infringed the right of petition
which ultimately brought about its repeal. When last
a candidate for Congress, Mr. Thompson bethought
him of’the abolition vote, and published a card "going
bis death” in favor of their views and plans. He suc
ceeded to a charm, reaping the support of tbe tribe,
one and all. On coming hero‘last winter, be took
strong ground in favor of whatever the' anti-slavery
men proposed, so decided, that np to the day on which
his recent speech was dliVered, he was regarded as
being decidedly a sympathiser with Giddings. It is,
indeed, a pity tbat “Richard” in recovering “him
self again ” has so openly avowed that the excellent
change in his tone is a mere matter of “ escalation of
the profits " of being no longer an abolitionist.
He caught it to-day with a vengeance. Charles
Brown, of Pennsylvania, one of the first orators on the
Democratic side of tbe Chamber, who has always
been open and earnest in opposition to abolitionism in
whatever shape it assaulted the integrity of the Union
and tile rights guaranteed under tbe Constitution,
managed to get the floor in Committee of the Whole,
and occupied his hoar principally with a review of
Thompson’s speech, his votes, and of the abolition ef
forts of this season. He took the broad ground that
from the formation of the Government to the present
time, the histoty of tbe slavery agitation is that of a
series of assaults and encroachments on the part of
his own section of the country npon tbe Sonth, from
the passage of the Missouri compromise, down, to the
enactment of the Proviso by the Honse and the virtu
al subversion of the Constitution with reference to
the surrender of fugitive staves, by juries, courts,
and mobs ,in bis own State, He made a strong ap
peal to his Northern friends to set their faces against
tho abolitionists, and warned them that the South,
if they were still men as Iristory proved them to hare
been, would soon- be compelled to resist in self defence,
with violence.
But yon should by all means repnblisb his speech
which is replete with doctrine and argument, such
a* lew Northern men have of late years dared to ut
ter In the Hall. I shall refer further to this speech
to-morrow. His colleagoe, Strong, followed him in a
speech against steam-ships at tbo expense of tbe na
tional treasury. Yon will fipd from bis remark* that
in common with a large number of members, he has
become disgusted with the number of speculations
of this sort which are being urged upon Congress, so
many of which are mere spevnlations.
A resblution to print an extra edition of Butter
King’s report on the Panama railroad project, passed
by the casting vote of the Speaker after nluch oppo
sition- This is a poor showing for the project, for
its prospect before the Honse. SYLVIAS.
Items from thc .Hails.
We are glad to state, says tbe National Intelli
gencer of tho 27th ult., that Mr. Calhoun has so
(ar recovered from his recent indisposition as to
be able to resame his seat in tbe Senate.
We regret to learn, that the Hon. Mr. Mangnm,
of North Carolina, who has not taken bis seat iu
the Senate thus far at this session, it detained at
home by indisposUiav. Also, that Senator II. V.
Johnsop, of Georgia, isik-taiued from bit seat io
tbe Senate by a severe attack uf iufltienza.
Fuesch Emigration to Texas.—The Haris cor-
respondunt of the Commercial Advertiser writes
on this subject as follows, under date of Dec, 18.
“The Commanist emigration to Texas, nuder
the allspices of -M. Cabet, continues, though the
condition of the members of the society, who
have spent tbe summer at the new paradise on tbe
Red river, i* fur from eitcouragiug. The enter
prise his been conducted with the greatest want
of wisdom, and it* success is much more doubtful
than wbeu it was commenced. M. Cabet left in
tbe steamer ou the 16th, to endeavor to retrieve
the blunders of his subordinates. At the same
timo a new datachment-af Gfty persons had jnst
sailed from Havre, to assist in tbe foundation of
“Icaria.” It is to be hoped, for their sakes cer
tainly. ns well as for that of the four hundred per-
sonsalready there, that jho efforts of their chief
may be snccosfnl.”' •
Sr* A Paris correspondent of the London Atlas
says tbat “Lonis Napoleon has a cottager ut Uou
quival, whither he drives immediately after the
breaking -ip-of the Assembly, and where he is
welcomed by .one whose smiles once iuspired the
most popular o£ modern poets with the theme of
his noblest Sung, uee who in -this very place
moved and looked a queen, whose English beauty
set all Paris iu a blaze not two years since, and
whose marriage, celebrated at the British £mbas
sy, was made the occasion of a kind of national
fete mnougst her couutrjrmen gathered here. Thus
was ahn then admired aud .respected, and now
-what has she become!”
CP* The uew -York Herald gives a list of the
Vessels and Passengers that have gone to Califor
nia within five weeks, np to the 20th ult. The
passengers number 3095. Thirty-one vessel* have
sailed from New *Yurk, twelve from Bogtoq, four
teen from other places, inciudiog none from New
Orleans, and none of the steamers. The whole
number of vessels is sixty-one. Of the passen
gers, 2283 have gone direct to San Francisc i; by
Vera Ceuz 215; and by Ghagres 595. Of the
whole number 1113 have gone bunded together
in twenty-four companies.
State of SociETTAF the <Gold Regio.-l—Mr.
TenEyck, American commissioner nt the .Sand
wich Islands, writes home tohis friends at YVuter-
town, New York,-under date of August 6th:
“Ibave visited tho .digging some forty miles a-
long what is called the American fork of the .Sa
cramento ; almost every yard is occupied, and all
nre getting out quantitiesof ore. I have abont five
dollars worth of gold dust, which 1 washed oat
myself in tbe course of two or three hours,
shall keep it, of course, as a memento of what I
myself havo done in gold digging. The effect of
this discovery will he bad for the morals of the
country, and -will ruiu all its prospects as a farinin
or agricultural country. I would not again go
through what I hove to see the country, and I
would not settle down to lice in it for, all the gold in
the mines. Tho mode of life is horrible, and a
mrire dissipated and immoral set of people I nev
er y-’t saw. People are flockiug in hero from all
parts of the coast, and as soon as the news reach
es foreign parts, the worst of their population will
emigrate hither. I pity any decent white man
who may live in this regiou six month: hence.”
A DAMrztJ.-^'Ve are told that Messrs. Savago
& Hawkins, gold assayer*. <fcc., at J2S IVillimn
street, havo received a lump of what was suppos
ed to be California gold, weighing twenty ounces
Trqy-weisht, to beaes-iyed. It was not uffected
by acids, but in tho refining pot evaporated. -It
proved to bo eulphuret of iron. Tho owner af
the article purchased it at San Francisco,
.ring.the thing done as it should he, by men competent he paid seven dollars per ounce for it in merchun-
to the task, who carry weight with tho country at I A* 8e .—Jf. F. Eocning Post.
large. Per Contra.—Mr. Ten Eyck, late commission
er at tho Sandwich Islands, whose place Mr.
the Goveruu
boun elected
JUcimctt, ul’ 1.
Colo
Rclolian of Texae has
:-l Geu. James Arlington
Li< meuunt Culm.cl, both
1.1 tm-u.-iriul t.» Congress
l i.iii.go Hotel, J33 Fulton j
BALTIMORB, February 5.
Cotton.—The sides of Cotton m New York for j P°* e -subsequently avowed in bis disgraceful apol-
ihe week ending on Friday, were ninety-one bun- : [l S elic letter to the Pbiladelphia.Norlb American,
died-ami -fifty bales. On Saturday n hotter do- ■ a weukcr and more wisby-washy effusion upon so
tnaod sprung up, aud prices improved a shade on important an issue than is the portion of his sub-
prevnms quotations. ' stitnte not copied almost verbatim from Calhoun.
In Baltimore, dining the week ending on Satur- : 4 never before saw from the pen of one aspiring
day, tho sale* Hiuouutcd. to thirteen hundred bales. . to the pc-ition and fame of a statesman. I had
Prices uniform. i been led to expect u different style-of paper from
Clnv Ins been elected to the Senate by thc Lo- | him. Tbe fuct that it was voted for by more or
:.n- ef Ke’iUirliy.
lr-« democrat* Is pro“f of the earnest desire of I
It is fan to perceive how Taylorism mctamorphiscs
a mm's character. Hero we have ptrson Embreo, of
Indiana, famous as he has been for a long life time for
aspiring only to raise the tune in meeting, oomingont
ss large as life Aud -twice as natural, as a manager of
one of thc ten dollar ballsto bo given in honor of thc
inauguration of Taylor. The parson will look charm-
ing indeed in glazed pumps, kids and whole rosettes,
willhe not! Tbas'Taylorism affects parson Embrec.
C. B. Smith and Richard W. Thompson, two of the
most high-minded and liberal gentlemen in Congress,
who catne from the same State, are effected different
ly. As I have already written you, Caleb wants tbe
post,of Postmaster General, while Dick aspires to be
Minister to Kioor Mexico. Now, it is not to ho ex
pected, as these gentlemen know well, that Indiana
can furnish more than one officer so distinguished a
pest ss either cf three gcztlcmen aim tc fill, mere ce
ct ever
presented fbr j|ur consideration. We allude to
tbe conflict hei eenthe two great sections uf the
Union, gxowingiutof n difference of feeling anil
opinion in refenticc to the relation existing be
tween the two see.-, the European and African,
which inhabit tl: smtbern section, nnd the acts nf
aggression and ticriachment to which it has led.
The conflict onusenced not long after the nc-
knowledgemeoj of our independence, and has
gradually incresed intil it has arrayed the great
body of the Noth Egaiust tbe South on this most
vita! subject. Ii thj progress of this coufl ct, ag
gression has folfywej aggression, and encroach
ment encroacliireut, uutil they have reached a
point when a rejard for your peace ami safety will
uot permit us tc remain longer silent. The ob
ject of this addnssii to give yon a clear, correct,
but brief accouit of the whole series of aggress
ions and encroaihmeats on your rights, with
statement of the daigers to which they exposo
yoo. Oor objec in making it is not to cause ex-
citeirteut, but to pul you in full possession of all
the facts and crcunstnnces necessary to a fall
and just conccptbnol a deep-seated disease, which
threatens greuidanger to you and tho whole body
politic. \Ve acton tbeimpression, that in a pop
ular government like -nrs, a trae conception of-
tbc actual character aid state of n disease is in
dispensable to eflectiig a core.
We have made it nJoint aJdress, becauso wo
believe that die roagiiude of the subject required
that it should nssumj the. most impressive and
solemn form.
Not to go further luck, the difference of opin
ion mid feeling in refefenceto the relation between
the two races, discloed itself iu tho Convention
that framed the constlotion, and constituted one
of the greatest difficulties in forming it. After
many efforts, it'wasjvercome by a compromise,
which provided in tbe first place, that Represen
tatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned
among the Stales according to their respective
uombers; aud that, it ascertaining the number of
each, five slave shall be estimated us three. In
the next, that slives escaping into States where
slavery does nov exist, shall not be discharged
from servitude, lut shall be delivered on claim of
the party to whom their labor or service is due.
In the third place, that Congress shall pot prohibit
the importationbi" slaves before the year 1808.
but a tax uot exceeding teu dollars may be impos
ed ou each imputed. And finally, that no capi
tation or direct &k shall be laid, but in proportion
to-federal numhirs; and that no amendment of
the constitution prior to 1808, shall effect this
I-rovioion. nor tint relating to the importation of
slaves
.So satisfactory'were these provisions, that the
second, relative to the delivering up of fugitive
slaves was adopeJ unanimously; and all tbe rest
except the thirl, relative to the importation of
slaves until 1804, with almost equal unanimity,
They recognise be existence of slavery, and make
a specific proviiam for its protection where it was
supposed to bo the most exposed. They go fur
ther, and ipcorpirate it, as an important element,
in determining lie relative weight of the several
states ip tbe goierumcut of tbe Union, anil the
respective burdm they should bear io laying cap
itation and direct taxes. It was well understood
at the timo, thit without them the Constitution
would uot have been adopted by the Southern
States, aud of coarse that they constituted ele
ments so essential to the system that it never
would have exeted without them. The Northern
States, knowing ail this, ratified tbe Constitution,
thereby pledging tbeir faith, in tbe most solemn
manner, sacredly to observe them. How that
faith has been kept, and that pledge redeemed,
we shall uext proceed to show,
With few exceptions of no great importance
the South had so cause to complain prior to the
year 1819—a year, it is to l>e feared, destined to
murk a train of event:, bringing with it many,
and great, and fatal disasters, on the couutry and
its institntiniuy With it commenced the agitating
bebatj on the question of tbo admission of Mis
souri into the Union, We shall pass by for the
present this question, aud others of the same kind,
directly growing out of it, and shall proceed to
consider :he effects of that spirit of discord, which
it roused up bel ween the two sections. It first
disclosed itself in the North, by hostility to that
portion of the constitution which proviues for the
delivering npof fugitive slaves. In its progress
it led to the adoption of hostile acts, intended to
render it of nuu-effect, pud with so much success
tbat it may be regarded now as practically ex
ponged from die Constitution. How this has beeu
effected will be next explained.
After a careful examination, truth constrains os
to say, that it ho* feeeir by a clear anil puipabit-
iuvasiou of tbe constitution. It is inqiossible tor
any provision tn be more free from ambiguity or
doubt. It is iu the following words; -*No person
held io service, or labor, ia one State, under the
laws thereof, escaping to another State, shall, iu
consequence of auy law or regulation therein, be
disrhurged from such service nr labor, but shall b.-
delivered up on claim of the party to wboui such
service or labor may be due.” All is clear. There
is not an uncertain or equivocal word to be found
in the whole provision. Whut .shall not be done,
and what shall be doue, are fully aud exjilici(ly
set forth. The former provides that the' fugitive
slave shall not be discharged from his servitude
by any law or regulation of the State wherein he
is found: and the latter, that be shall be delivered
up on claim of his owner.
We do not deem it uecessnry to undertake to
refute the sophistry and subterfuges by which so
plain a provision of the Constitution has beeu eva
ded, and in effect, annulled. It constitutes an
essential part of tbe constitutional compact, and i f
course the supreme law of the land. As such ilis
binding on all .the Federal aud State Governments
the States aud the individual* cooipusiug them.—
The sacred obligation ofcompact, and the solemn
injunction of the supreme law, which legislators
aud judges, both Federal and State, nre bound by
osth lo support, all unite to enforce its fulfilment,
according to its plniu meuaiug aud true intent.—
What that, meaning aud intent are, there was no
diversity of opiuion about iir the betterdays of the
Republic, prior to 1819. Congress, State Legisla
tures, State and Federal Judges. Mugisraits, and
People, all spontaneously placed the same inter
pretation on it. During that period none interpo
sed impediments in the way of tbe owner seeking
to recover his fugitive slave.; nor did any deny
his right to have every proper facility to enforce
bis claim to have bimdelivered np. It was theu
nearly as easy to recover one Grand in a Northern
Stale, as one found iu a neighboring Sonthern
State. But thishas passed away, and the provis
ion is .defunct, except perhaps iu two States.* v
When we take into consideration the importance
and .clearness of tills provision, the evasion bv which
it in'* beeu set aside mav fairly be regarded as one
of the most fatal .blows ever received bv the Sonth
and -the Union This cannot be more concisely
and correctly stated, than it has been by two
learned Judges of the Supremo Court of the Uni
ted States. In one of his di&isioiist Judge Story
said.: “Historically, it is .well known that iheob-
ject nf this clause was to secure to tbe citizens of
the slavehuldiug States the complete right and ti
tle of ownership in their slaves, as property, in
every State of the .Union,- into which they might
escape, from the State wherein they were held in
servitude.” "The full recoguitiou of this right and
title was indispensable to the security of this spe
cies of properly, in ait the sluveboid.ingStates, and
indeed, whs so vital to the preservation of their
interests nnd institutions, that it.cannot be doubted
that it constituted a fundamental article without
the adoption of which the Union would not have
beeu formed. Its true design was to guard agaiust
the doctrines and principle* prevalent in the non-
slavehotdiug States, by preventing them from in
termeddling with, or restricting, orabolishing, the
rights of the owners of slaves.”
Again; “The clause .was therefore of the last
importance to the safety and security of the South
ern States, and could not be surrendered by them
without endangering Iheir whole property in
slaves. The clause was accordingly adopted iu
tbe Constitution by the-unanimous consent of the 1
framers of it—a proof at once of its intrinsic aud
practical necessity.”
Again: “Tho clans- manifestly contemplates
the existence ot a positive unqualified right ou .the
lart of the owner -of the slave, which uo State
aw or regulation can in any way regulate, control
qualify, or restrain."
Ihe opinion of tho other learned judges was
not less emphatic as to the importance of this pro
vision and the unquestionable right of the South
under it. Judge Baldwin, in charging the jury,
suid :t “If there are any rights of property which
can he enforced, if one citizen have any rights of
laid, and rest, on the right of property in fin.
The whole structure must fall by disturbing .P
corner-stone." ° “ 9
These are grave and solemn and admonito
wonts,from n high source. They confirm aj| tj
which the Smith has ever contended, as t 0 i?
clearness, importance, nnd fundamental ekarJi
of this provision,.and the disastrous consequent
which would inevitably follow from ill viofetj 03 M
But in spite of these solemn warnings,. ;h 0 rj 0 P
tion then commenced, and which they were inten.'
ded to rebuke, has been fully and perfectly oonsn"
mated. The citizens of tbe Sonth, in tbej r lt ‘
tempt to recover their slaves, now meet, instep
aid and co-opt return, resistance in every f ortt ‘
resistance from hostile acts of legislation, tntendt/
to baffle and defeat their clniins by ill sorts of d *
Prices, and by fnterposingevery description of
pediment; resistance from judges and maguirxt*,'
and finally, when all those fail, from mobs,
posed of w hites and blocks, which, by threals o-
Force, rescue tbe fugitive slave from the
of his rightful owner. The attempt to recovers
slave, in most of fheNorthern States, cannot now
be made without the hazard of insult, heavy
mary loss, imprisonment, and even of. fife itself,^.
Already bss a worthy citizen of Maryland* lost ^
life in making an attempt to enforce his claim to,
fugitive slave under this provision.
enjoined'to be done. Of this form of Vaflatiss
there is a striking instance connected with i^'
provision under consideration. Wo allude to
cret combinations which aro believed to exiit i,
most of tho Northern States, whose object is to
entice, decoy, entrap, enveigle, and seduce slaves
to escape from their owners, and to pass them *- s
oretly and rapidly, by means organized for the
purpose, into Canada, where they will be beyond
the reach of the provision. That to entice a slave,
by whatever artifice, to abscond from his owner
into a non-slavebolding State, with the intention
to place him beyond the reach of tbe provitioo,
or prevent his recovery, by concealment or olfc.
erwise, is as completely repugnant So it, as in
open violation would be, is too clear to admit of
doubt or to require illustration. And yet, ss rt.
pugnaut as these combinations are to the true in.
tent of tbe provision, it is believed that, with the
above exception,, not one of tbe States, within
whose limits they, exist, hns adopted any measure
to suppress them, or to punish those by whose
agency the object for which they were formed u
carried into execution. On the contrary, they
havo looked on, and witnessed with indifference,
if not with secret approbation, a great number of
slaves enticed from tbeir owners, and placed be
yond the possibility of recovery, to the greijt tn.
noyaucc nnd bsavy pecuniary loss of the bord .r-
ing Sonthern States.
When we take into consideration tfcegreatim-
potlance of this provision, tha absence of all nn,
certainty as to its true meaning and intent, tha
many guards by which it is s rrounded to protect
and enforce it, and then reflect how completely
tbe object for which it-was inserted in the Con
stitution is defeated by these twofold infraction!,
we doubt, taking nil together, whether a tjior#
flagrant breach of faith is to be found on record.
We know the language wo havo used is strong,
bat it is uot leu true than strong.
There remaius to be noticed another class nf
aggressive acts of a kind red-character, bnt which
instead of striking at an express and epecific pro-
vision of the Constitution, aims directly at d e .
straying the relatiou between tho two races at the
South, by means subversive in tbeir tendency of
one of the ends for which the Constitution wn
established. We refer to the systematic agitation
of the qnestion by the Abolitionists, which, om-
mencing in 1835, is still continued in all possible
forms. Their pvowod intention is to bring abont
a Btate of things tint will force emancipation ni
the South- To unite the North in fixed hostility
to slavery in tbe South, and to excite discontent
among tbe slaves with their condition, are among
the means employed to effect it. With a view tn
bring about the former, every means are resorted
to in order to render the Sooth, nnd the relation
between the two races there, odibus add hateful
to the North. For this purpose, societies ami
newspaper*are everywhere established, debr.tini
clubs opened, lecturers employed, pamphlets and
o'her publication*, pictures and petitions tn Con
gress resorted to, and directed to that single poin',
regardless of truth or decency; while the circula
tion of incendiary publication* in the South, the
ugitutiou of the subject of abolition in Congress
and 'he employment of emissaru-a are relied on
to excite discontent among the slave*. This agi’-.
ation, and the use of these means, hare been con
tinned with more or less activity fnr fifteen yean,
not wi hout doing much towards effecting the ol-
ject intended. We regard both object and mean*
to be aggressive and dangerous to the lights of the
South, and subversive, ns stilted, of one nf the
ends for which the Constitution was established.
Slavery is a domestfo institution, ft belongs to ihe
States, each foritself, to decide whether it shall be
established or not; and if it be established, whetb-
.er it should he abolished or not. Such being the
cle^r and,unquestionable right of the States, it fob
lows necessarily that it would be a’ flagrant act of
aggreaaion on n State destructive of :U rights, and
e ibvnraive of its independence.forlhe Federal Gov
ernment, or ene or more States, or their people,
to undertake to force on it the emancipation of it»
slaves. But it is a sound maxim in politics, as well
ns law unit morals, that oo one haa a right to dn
that indirectly which he cannot do directly; and
it may be added, with eqmd truth, to aid, or abet,
or countenance another iu doing it,- And yet the
Abolitionists of the North, openly avowing their
intention, and resorting to tbe most efficient means
for the purpose, have been attempting to bring
about a state qf thiugs to force the Southern Stat. *
to emancipate their sieves,, without any act on the
part of any Northern State to arrest or suppress
the means by which they propose to accomplish it,
They have been permitted to pursue tbeir object, •
and to use whatever means they please, if with
out aid or cnBiitennnee, also without resistance or
disapprobation. What gives a deeper shade to
the whole affliir, is the Cict, tbat one of tbe means
to effect their object, that cf exciting discontent
among our slaves, tends directly to subvert wbst
its preamble declare* to be one of the cuds fo?
which the Constitution was ordained and cstitbr
fished: “to ensure domestic tranquility;’’ nnd that
in the only way in which domestic tranquility is
likely ever to be disturbed in the South. Certaiu
It is, that an agitation so systematic, having such
an object in view, aud sought to be carried into
execution by such means, would, between inde
pendent nations, constitute jnst cause of remote
?trance by tbe party against which the aggression
was directed, and, if not heeded, git appeal Ut
arms for redress. Such being the case where an
aggression of the kind takes place among inde
pendent nations, how much more aggravated mast
it be between confederated States, where tha
Union preclude* an appeal to arms, while it af
fords a medium through which it can operate with
vastly increased force and effect? That it would
be perverted to such a use. never entered into the
imagination of the generation which formed and
adopted the Constitution, and, if it had been sup
posed it woald, it is certain tbat the South would ]
have adopted it.
Wo now return to tho qnestion of the admission fl
of Missouri into tbe Union, aud shall ’proceed to
give a brief sketch of the occurrences connected
with it, and the consequences to which it has di
rectly led Jn the Utter part of 1819. the then ter
ritory of Missouri applied to Congress, iu the usuol
form, fur leave to form a State Constitution and
government, iu order to be admitted into lb*
Union. A bill was reported for the purpose, with
the usual provisions in such cases. Amendments
were offered, having for their object to make it a
condition of her admission, tb*t Iter Constitution
should have n provision to prohibit slavery. This
brought on the agitating debate, which with the
effects that followed, has done so much to alienito
the South and North, and eudanuer our political
institutions. Those who objected to tho amend
ments, rested their opposition on life high grounds
of the right of arlf-governnicnt. They claimed
vhicb i
violuble under the protec-
Eames, of the Union, ha* recently been appointed j property v
to supply, writes homo that be has visited the Cal- . ,,0 “ ° f ,lle 8u P rt 'm° I “"''of the State, and the Un-
iforma gold mines, nnd that £100.000 were taken : Jon they are those which have f>eeu set at nought
in a few days out of a place three hundred yards j - some ut the.--o defendant*. As tho owner of
square.—N. Y. Earning Post. I P n, P* r V» " htch he had a perfect right to possess
1 protect, and take away—as it citizen of a sis-
ter State, entitled to' all the privileges and
immunities of citizens of any other States
Mr. Johnsou stands before you on ground which
- i.i j. ■ ,. " , „ . . i cannot be taken from under him—it is the
gold diggers- (who, it seems, equal FalslafTs-regL j ianle ground on which tho Govern- -
that a territory, having reached the period when it
is proper for it to form a Constitution one! Govern
ment for itself, becomt?s fully vested with all tho
rights of self-government; and tbat even tho condi
tion imposed on it by the Federal Constitution, re?
lates not to tho formation of its Constitution and
Government, but its admission into the Union.—*
For that purpose, it provides ns n condition, tha£
tho tbo Government must be Republican.
They claitne^ that Congress has no right to add
to this condition, and that to assume it would be
tantaipnunt to tbo assumption of tho right to me* 0
its entire Constitution and Government;—aa no
limitation could be imposed, ;i» to tho extent of tho
right, if it be admitted that it exists nt oil. Thoso
who supported trie omauidmeDt denied the*®
grounds, and claimed the right of Congress to io>
California Gold furnishes tho common coin of i
conversation nowadays. Among tho current nn* |
ecdotesof tho day, wo have heard one of a young
gentleniHti, who, after a long residence among the j
ment forlack of Huen,) bad only one article iqffc
that had any pretensions to the name of *»hirt, and !
this.he hired oat ut tbe rase qf five dollars an eve
ning, for weddings nnd other festivities.
We are told, nlso, that the fortunate discoverer!
of a very largo lump cf gold, finding it too henvy '
for immediate transportation, carefully painted it'
of a dull copper color, to deceive other adventur
ers. until ho should have time to carry it otf,
[.Veto York Exprcs;. 4
_ . . . itself is |
based. If the defendants can be justified, we
have no longer law or government.” Again, after
referring moro particularly to the provision for
delivering up fugitive slaves, he said : “Thus you
see, that tile foundations of the government are
Indiana
tThe case of I
sylvaniiL,
j ry.o c sue of J
) Illinois.
if Trigg vs. the Commonwealth of Penn
pose, at discretion, what .conditions it pleased-**
Iu this ngitntiug debate tho two sections stood
raved against each ot her—the South in favor of the
bill without amendment, and tho North opposed tp,
it withoutit. The debate and agitatioq continued
untif the session was well advanced; b,yt jt be-,
enme apparent, towards its close, that the peopl®
of Missouri were fixed aud resolved in their appo
sition to ibe proposed condition, nnd tbut they
w*>ald certainly reject it, and adopt n Constitution
without i^, should the bill pji*s with the' condition.
Such being tho case, it required no great effort of
mind to perceive, that Missouri, once in possession,
ot a Constitution and Government, not simply W
paper, but with legislators elected, and officers ap
pointed, to carry them into etlect, the grave ques
lions would be presented, whether she was of right
a State or Territory; and, if the latter, whether
Congress bad the riidit, aud, if the right, tbe pow-
Kc
-stewj -Vk.-y’ui i
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