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power of exercising great mastery over his mind i
to an indifferent observer be would appear rather
colJ, reserved, and not easily acted upon in any
way; but when bis feelings ouce burst their bar
rier, it was with a violence proportioned to the re
straint he had thrown over them.
At half-past seven, the carriage drove up to the
door, and Alonzo immediately descended to it.—
“I am glad to see yo«are quite ready, ’ said Mr.
Mordaunt, as he entered ; the door closed ; and
they drove off.
“You have seen Donna Isabella?’' inquired A
lonzo.
“Yes I have,” was the laconic reply, with evi
dently a wish of saying no more. After a consid
erable pause, Mr.' Mordaunt asked whether he
still kept his purpose.
Certainly,” said Alohzo firmly— and no lurther
conversation passed.
Half an hour brought them to their destina
tion : with a throbbing heart, Alonzo descended
from the carriage. They were shown in the grand
sala, brilliantly lighted. Here were assembled
SenhorJosefaud SeuhoraTheresa, the Marquess,
and the Abbess with an attendant nun; the old la
» dy had not left her convent for many years, but oa
this occasion she was determined to be present.
Alonzo saluted Senhor Josef and liis sister, w ith
gravity, but perfect and sincere kindness ; he kiss
ed the hand of his aunt; then turning to his fa
ther begged to know where ho might find Donna
..Isabella.
“She waits for you in her garden-room,” replied
the Marquess. Alonzo bowed and left the sola.
He struggled successfully to continue the same
appearance of composure, as he passed along the
corridor which led to the garden room : the door
was ajar ; he entered and closed it.
The room was only lighted by a single Grecian
lamp suspended from the centre; the latticed
doors leading to the garden were thrown open,
and the moon-beams quivered brightly on the rich
festoons of flowers and foliage that twinkled a
round them. • Leaning on the harp near the fur
thest door, stood a lady magnificently dressed as a
bride : one hand hung listlessly a- tier side, injtlie
other were gathered the folds of her veil in w hich
her face was buried. Alonzo advanced, and tho’
somewhat prepared for a favorable alteration, he
was struck with astonishment at the exquisitely
true and graceful form that stood before him.—
-'•Donna Isabella, I believe;" —no reply and no
cliango -cf- position. lie approached a little near
er and ventured to -take the unoccupied hand,
whose slight and delecate fingers were covered
with uems, but on the arm was only a slight brace
let, aud that was of pink tapez. “Donna Isabella,
w I venture to claim a few minute’s private eonver
versation with you on a subject that deeply com.
cents the happiness of us both : permit me to lead
you to a seat.” lie paused—the emotion that
visibly pervaded her w hole frame rouvinccd him
that at least he was not addressing a statue. Sud
denly she raised her head, clasped her hands, and
sunk on her knees at his feet. Alonzo recoiled, as
though a supernatural appearance had presented
itself, while with a tone th.d thrilled through heart
and brain, she exclaimed— j (
“ Alonzo, can you forgive me ?”—-It was Viola !
“Can you forgive me for all the deception 1
have practised, and caused others to practise ?
May the prize I strove for—my husband’s heart—
plead my excuse! I know it will.”
f While she spoke Alonzo, in some degree re
covered himself. He raised up the beautiful sup l
pliant, and folding her in silence to his breast, kiss
ed her with pure, intense and devoted affection.—
He could not speak ; he thought Dot afid eared not
how it had been brought about; he ouly knew
and felt That his wife was in his arms, and that
that u-ife was Viola f
The party in the drawing-room, to whom the
dueutia was added, were in an agony of impatient
expectation. The Marquess at length led the
way, and they all crept along the passage ; “May
we come in ?”
“Come in," said Alonzo—the first word he had
spoken since the denouncement.
• Their entrance dispersed, in a great measure,
the consecrated feelings of Alonzo, and he be
came attentive to learn the mechanism by which
his present happiness was effected, it appeared
that the prepossession Isabella had conceived fur
her husband at the altar had produced h striking
change on her, as love did on Cymon. 11l health,
the absence of the usual means of education at
St. Paul’s, the ignorance and weak indulgence of
those with whom she resided, had allowed weeds
to spring up and -choke the rich treasures of her
mind. However, she accompanied *he Marquess
from St. Paul’s, and was placed by him -under the
charge of the Abbess, where, in three years, her
improvement in health, beauty and mental at
attainments astonished all those who observed it.
The two' years she passed in England, under
jthe most judicious care, had brought her to that
point of perfection to which she had now arrived.
Aloueb liad not the slightest recollection of any
—of her features except her eyes, which on the day
of their union had that large size and troubled
Expression which usually attends ill health, die
could now account for the startling recollection
that had passed over him one evening at the chess
board; the look she then gave and that with which
ehe hbd impressed him on her leaving the oratory,
were the same.
“And you, my grave and worthy tutor,” said
Alonzo, addressing Mr. Mordaunt, “did you join
in this powerful league against me ?”
“I confess,” replied Mr. Mordaunt, “that I was
in the service of the enemy ; so much so, that on
the evening you first met Donna Viola, and were
introduced to her at the opera, I knew beforehand
that such a meeting and such an introduction
would fake place, i take this opportunity, how
ever of hinting, that you may thank your impetu
osity that the discovery was not prematurely ad
* vanned onboard of the Lisbon packet; for Donna
Viola, terrified at your vehemence, would have
revealed the whole truth, could she but have pre
vailed upon you to stay and bear it.”
“Alas! for my vehemence,” exclaimed Alonzo;
and trying to collect his puzzled thoughts, he turn
ed to the Abbess : “And you too, my dear aunt—
, you too, ray Lady Abbess! it is well you have the
power of absolving yourself for all those little fibs
you tqld.me the other day.”
“'May our Lady grant me absolution,” replied
the good Abbess devoutly, “for whatever stain of
sin I may have contracted by playing a part in this
masque!” ‘
“Supper!—Supper!” cried out the Marquess,
as he marshalled them the way Alonzo seized his
\ io!a (for thus he ever after named her, as if he
dreaded that some magical delusion would again
snatch her from his sight)—and never did a set
of happier creatures meet than those which now
encircle the sumptuous banquet, prepared in hon
or of this Brazilian Wedding.
SPEECH OF
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, OF GEORGIA,
On the Bill making appropriation for the supprrs
tinn and prevention of Indian hostilities, fur the
year 1838, and to carry into execu’ion the Treaty
, made with the Cherokee Indians in 1835; and to
provide for their Removal, fyc. ; and in vindica
tion of the policy of Georgia towards the Chero
kees. Delivered in the House of Representatives,
tM Committee of the 1l hole, May 31, 1838.
( Concluded.)
Mr. Chairman, I ask of gentlemen who have so
frequently,expressed themselves unkindly, if they
are not convinced of the injustice of their censure ?
In 1808, the Cherokeesin Georgia were anxious
for a treaty ; the Government, perhaps, was too
much involved in foriegn difficulties arm embar
goes to attend to such matters : we did not pro
test at that time—no, sir, not even remonstrate.
Georgia saw the position of the nation, and patii
oiically awaited a more favorable condition of the
country ; she indulged her debtor. War, in the
mean time, was declared, and all its evils, and
perils, and sacrifices freely encountered, ami by
no State more freely than by Georgia. Peace
was restored ; unusual prosperity sprung up; the
Government was basking in a glorious sunshine;
and Georgia, who had contributed her share in
the struggle, and severely earned her proportion
of the fame, asked onec more, in 1816, that the
compact of 1802 should be executed. Her re
quest was responded to, aiul-she saw, as she sup
posed, an end of this exciting controversy. But,
unfortunately, she was mistaken ; soon she heard
of local jealousies given birth began to aspire;
individual jealousy commenced taking root;
“trifles light as air” soon increased the flame into
a blaze : the end of all this has been an injury to
the entire South- We then heard of the duty
the Government owed to itself to prepare for the
payment of tr«e public debt incurred by the war ;
it was a patriotic object, and a praiseworthy sug
gestion, and should have -been done, but not at
the expense of the faith of the Genera! Govern
ment to Georgia. To disencumber the Govern
ment of her debt, taxes had been increased by the
tariff of 1816 ; lands were obtained lor the pur
pose of sale, so that the proceeds might go into
the treasury of Ihe Union. The treaty of 4817
obtained lands for Georgia; for which the-(General
Government had to expend, not rfr.eioc whence the
modifications of the treaty of 1817 by the one
made at Washington city, 1819, by which Geor
gia lost her rights, and the rich and fertile lands
of Tennessee and Alabama were obtained, sold,
and the proceeds applied, in payment of the pub
lic and other debts of this Government. To all
this, in 1816. Georgia remonstrated and submitted
—injustice increasing, as it always does, by sub
mission to it. The spirit of the State, under the
auspicies of the fearless, able, and honest Troup,
threw her a step beyond this glorious remedy of
remonstrance—upon (he self-protecting and con
servative.remedy of State interposition—call it by
What name you please —tone better than nullifi
cation.
Since the year 1810, we have been continually
told that no treaty could be obtained on peacea
ble and reasonable terms. And why, sir? Be
cause the treaty of that year indicated to the In
dians a willingness on the part of the Govern
ment that their location should be permanent;
that the compnot should not be enforced , but,
above all, anew influence and a moral power had
arisen ambngst the Clierokees, which began then,
and has ever since governed that tribe; white
men, many of them foreigners, who had taken
Indian wives, were numerous, and by their alli
ances soon had great influence. Their children
grew up! many half-breeds, one-fourth and eighth
Indians, were well educated; parents, who through
their intelligence and cunning had become rich,
and were able to-educate their children. This
class grew into a complete aristocracy ; having
all the wealth, the intelligence, and/energy, im
pclled'by the great rifling motives of human action
avarice and ambition, soon took the entire control
of the tribe. No people on earth exhibited dis
tinctions in society more completely aristocratic.
Finally, these mixed men became the mind of
the tribe—completely despotic. The annuities
due the people by this Government, and the whole
of their financies, seen became an object of sys
tematic and legalized plunder. To give this sys
tem a patriotic coloring, a republican form of Gov
ernment must be instituted. In 1823 these white
met), half-breeds, fyc., actually farmed a written
constitution, very much inspirit like the cousii
. furtions of the States. They had legislative, ex
. ecutivc, and judicial departments. The mem
bers of council, their chief executive, and their va
rious circuits, judges, clerks, sheriffs, Arc., were
filled—with whom, sir ? Your Rosses, Gunters,
Taylors, Hickses, Martins, Fields, Bushy heads,
Arc.; men of sense and cunning, who received
salaries just in proportion to the annuities and
other receipts. There were but few of your
Sleeping Rabbits, Going Snakes, and Standing
Turkey's, whoie bloods, who held-office or receiv
ed salaries. No, sir, such know nothing of the
frauds in governmental appropriations, and the
ether arts of the white man. They know noth
ing of the annuities or of their disposition ; like
all other full-blooded Indians; they are igDoraat.
This governmenff went into operation as inde
pendent and sovereign, exercising civil and crim
inal jurisdiction.
The question here presented is important, and
involves directly ami vitally the doctrine of State
rights. Had Georgia the right to extend her ju
risdiction over the Cherokees, and abolish this
independent and sovereign government of theirs ?
Most clearly ; “for, by the Revolution, the duties
as well as the powers of government devolved on
the people of the State. It is admitted that a
mong the latter were comprehended the transcen
dent powers of Parliament, as well as those of the
executive department.” 4 Wheaton, 451, case of
Dartmouth College vs. Woodward, In the case
of Buckner vs. Findley. 2 Peters, 591, the same
principle, it is decided, applies to the States ; “for
though they form a confederated government, vet
the several States retain their individual sorerei un
ties, and, with respect to their municipal regula
tions, are to-each other foreign.
“Thcso powers of government [in the language*
of Judge Baldwin] which thus devolved on Geor
gia by the Revolution, over her whole territory,
are unimpaired by any surrender of her territorial
jurisdiction, hv the old confederation or the new
constitution, as there was in both an express sa
ving, as well as by the tenth article of the amend
ments.
“But if any passed to the United States by ei
ther, they were retroceded by the convention of
1802. Her jurisdiction over the territory in ques
tiofl is as supreme as that of Congress over what
THE GEORGIA MIRROR.
the nation hasacquired by cession from the States
or treaties with foreign Powers, combining the
rights of the State and General Government.
U uhirthcr loui.devies there can be no other nation ,
community, or sovereign power, which this depart
ment can judicially recognize as a foreign state,
capable of demanding or claiming our interposi
tion, so as to enable them to exercise a jurisdiction
incompatible with a sovereignly in Georgia, which
has been recognized by the constitution and every
department of this Government acting under it.”
“Indian sovereignty cannot be aroused from its
Jong slumber, and awakened into action by our
fiat. 1 find no acknowledement of it by the legis
lative or executive power.” The right of the
State being established, it then becomes a ques
tion of expediency, depending entirely on the le
gislative will of Georgia, whether the Cherokee
government should be abolished, and the laws of
the State extended over the Indians.
C-orgia delayed the exercise of this power;
she felt unwilling to do any act which might change
the habits of the lndiaus, or limit them in their pur
suits; she determined to forbear as long as the
Cherokee people werecapableof self-government,
according to their habits and customs. Many
years ago llie authorities of Georgia saw the ap
proaching difficulties—lhe evils that were accu
mulating. That country, notwithstanding your
intercourse laws, became the home of white men;
foreigners from every part of Europe, sti igglers
from all parts of the UnioD, gathered there. They
saw a good prospect for iufluenceand speculation.
These men became connected with the Indians.
The father of John Ross was a Scotchman by
birth, married a Cherokee, settled himself among
them; enjoyed all the rights of the tribe, accumu
lated property within the limits of Georgia, with
out discharging a single duty to the State as a
citizen, and denying ail allegiance and obedience
to her, as many others did. The consequence
was, large families of half-breeds grew lip ietelli
ccr.t and well educated men. Such men as Ross,
Vann, Martin, Gunter, Rogers, and hundreds of
others, may be considered, from their complexion,
white men, not Indians. They claim to be In
dians, yvithjt-he intelligence and color of white
men. ThiA class ofthe Cherokee people have be
come very wealthy—and how ? By the advan
tages,which education and intelligence give over
ignorance, .combined with the advantage of living
without taxation of any kind. The proceeds of
labor, the annuities, and the means generally of
the tribe, found their way into the pockets of
these men. These white men, who owed no al
legiance and paid tie taxes to the United States
or Georgia, discharged not a single civil duty,
fought no battles, and were in fact exempt from
rail legal responsibility, on the soil which of right
belonged to the State. They had become “squat
ters” ou the best lands, and had large plantations,
with large numbers of slaves and full-blooded In
dians cultivating them, because they had married
Indians, half-blooded, with a fourth or an eighth ;
and their children’s.children, almost purely white;
continuing tJie same schemes These are the
“Cherokees” who have interfered to prevent the
removal of the “Indiatin,” who have been anxious
(when these half-breeds and whites did not op
pose) since the year 1868, to go west of the Mis
sissippi. These men—lndians in nothing but the
name, not so in color or in character—would not
willingly treat with the United States unless they
derived all the advantages, as they now have all
the power; and for the‘last twenty-five years,
whenever a treaty hnsbeen effected, it has been
through the influence of these men, who made
the treaty, so tUiat they might be profited by it.
These are facts known to every Georgian and
Tennessean near the Indian territory ; hence it
is that any treaty giving all the heads of Indian
families equal benefits and proportions of the
money paid, will be opposed by such men as have
ruled that unfortunate people for many years.
If the five millions had been given to “the gov
ernment” of the notion, which is John Ross and
his friends, instead of the common Indians, Arc.,
there would have been but little dissatisfaction.
It has been urged that rt was not only beyond
the constitutional authority, but inexpedient, for
the State to extend her civil and criminal juris
diction ever the Cherokees, and thereby abolish
their organization. This is an extraordinary
mistake for gentlemen of intelligence to make,
when it is notorious that the old States of the
Union, and nearly every new State, has done
same; and for violations of the laws thus expen
ded, Indians have been hung, confined ",n (he
penitentiaries, and punished otherwise hy many
of the States cf this Union. R u t still it is never
theless wrong, in the opiD ; ou of certain gentle
men, for Georgia to do ko.
This independent\ndian government, exerci
sing all the powers, and franchises of an indepen
dent sovereignty, enacted laws which a sovereign
power alone had a right to enforce ; all this, too,
in the midst of a state—one of the States of the
Union which aided in the formation of this
General Government, aud whose sole and com
plete sovereignty, within her chartered limits,
was undoubted and unquestionable. Sir, I ask
what State has submitted, or would submit, to
such assumptions of power and jurisdiction over
hej territory ? None, sir
But this is not all; our citizens were murdered
within this Cherokee jurisdiction—the traveller,
innocent and unsuspecting, waylaid and assassi
nated—robbed of his property —insulted and as
saulted by Indians nnd white men, claiming to be
citizens of the sovereign State of Cherokee-, and
the only redress that could be invoked, was from
a. pretended independent sovereignty, independent
Os Georgia, but within her limits. At the time
this new State was formed, the gentleman from
Massachusetts-(Mr, Adams) was the President
of the United States. In his message to Con
gress in 1828, whilst speaking of our Indian rela
tions, and especially of their pretentions to sove
reignty within the States, he says : “We have
unexpectedly found them (the Indians) claiming
to be independent of ours, and rivals of sovereignty
within the territories of the members of this Un
ion. This state of things requires that a remedy
should be provided—a remedy, which, it may se
cure to the members of our confederation their
righ/s of sovereignty and soil," Arc.
Yes, sir, these are the views of Mr. Adams on
this subject. He says “this state of things re
quires a remedy." What political power could
apply the remedy ? Who had the right of abol
ishing this: Cherokee independent sovereignty
within the limits of Georgia? Why, the State of
Georgia, which alone had the right of sovereign
ty and supreme jurisdiction, nnd which was co
extensive withher chartered limits; and she did
so. :
Mr. Chairman, there were other causes de
manding of Georgia the extension of her laws—
additional circumstances which urged the adop
tion of that measure. She was cut off, by the
territory in the occupancy of the Cherokecs,
entirely from Tennessee, and paits of the States
ol North Carolina and Alabama ; so that between
Tennessee and Georgia there was a distance
through the Indian settlement of about one hun
dred and twenty-five miles. The jnsther, whose
residence was in Georgia, who,desired to visit her
daughter who resided in Tennessee, could not
enjoy that happiness, in consequence of appre
hensions of being outraged iu her feelings, it not
endangered in her person, in passing through the
Indian territory, by the Indians or the proflgate
whites who had taken refuge there. Facilities
for intercourse between the States were not per
mitted ; no roads of any kind could be constructed;
no bridges erected ; no work of any kind carried
on by the State to facilitate commercial or other
intercourse. Georgia, thus deprived ot the di
rect trade from the West,droves of horses, mules,
and hogs, going to Georgia for sale, were com
pelled to travel a great distance out of a direct
route, to avoid the Indian country, and procure
grain for their stock ; and the same causes impe
ded the transportation of merchandise from onr
Atlantic cities. All this operated severely on the
Georgians, who purchased from the Western
tradesman his stock; for the consumer had to
pay the increased expenses or the circuitous
route to market. All this because the Chero
kees claimed the unrestricted right to the coun
try. But, in addition, the gold miiies were dis
covered in that section of Georgia. What was
the consequence ? Why, sir, from every section
of the United States, anil from all parts of Eu
rope too, people began to gather there; a more
heterogeneous population were never congrega
ted anywhere; almost every nation and every
tongue were seen and heard ; they were subject
to no law that could be executed under the cir
cumstaces then existing ; hence outrages were
constantly committed there in violation both ol
the laws of God and man. The country not be
ing organized, that region was overrun with dis
solute foreigners aud others, who had taken pos
session ofthe gold region without the semblage
of authority, and outraged all the rights of tiie
State. These intruders tore up the laud in search
of gold, to an alarming extent, and exercised all
the rights of absolute owners, so far as the use of
the soil was involved —committed every trespass,
and were frequently on the eve of civil commo
tion among themselves. The laws of Georgia
could not then be fully executed, because there
were not citizens settled within the country to aid
in their execution.
In this state of filings the General Government
attempted the execution ofthe “intercourse law,"
and sent a military force into the country, under
the command of a Federal officer. And, sir,
what was the result ? A ridiculous farce. Such
were the numbers and power of these individuals,
that they were not easily alarmed; they had
strength enough to defy the Federal tones: but
they did not desire to fight, but preferred laughing
at yon. Some were arrested because they had
violated the intercouse law, hut were discharged by
habeas corpus, on the ground that the State of
Georgia had jurisdiction over her territorial limits,
and the General Government no authority with
in them. The State finally sent into the coun
try a guard—a power neither military nor civil,
but partaking of both. That, too, failed of suc
cess.
Let me ask, was a sovereign State to permit
such disorganization?—a State which in nil her
relations, in the language of our own Troup,
(whose “political character and principles are ad
mired by his friends, nnd respected by bis ene
mies,”) “has evinced a sincere desire to harm or,,
ize with the Union ; to maintain peace and p rfn
quility with the Indians, until longer forbe arance
would cease to be a virtue: in fact, to i«md our
selves, as we have always done, hc?r; > sti ,j
to the support of every wise and adinin
istraton of the General Govern. meat. Let it be
remembered that Georgia ha , a deep stake in the
prompt decision of the question. Os all
the old States, Georgta, is the only one whoso py-
Jitical organization i;, incomplete; her civil poll
tv is deranged ; V.w military force cannot be redu
ced to systemic erdey and subordination; the
extent ol h :. r actual resources cannot be counted ;
tho great, work of internal improvement is suspen
rind : and all because Georgia is not in possession
of her vacant territory—a territory waste and prof
itless to tho Indians, profitless to llie United States;
but in possession of the rightful owner, a resource
of strength, of revenue, and of union,” This was
the language of that Statesman and patriot, Geo.
M. Troup.
Sir, until Georgia exercised her jurisdiction,
nnd abolished this Cherokee sqverignty, she could
nat proceed in the great work of internal improve
ment. To gratify the hypocritical sanctity of
designing politicians, and the mistaken zeal of re
ligious fanaticism, or the selfish designs of John
Ross, must Georgia suspend the great work of
uniting by rail road the. Western waters with the
Atlantic, and thereby opening a great highway
for Western production and Western trade direct
to onr.seaports of the South ?
To remedy all these evils, and secure peace
and subordination, what could the State do?
Just what she has done, sir, and nothing else
extend her laws over the country; exercise her
criminal and civil jurisdiction : and this she did
in 1829, but to go into operation in June, 1830;
which law was necessary to the protection of the
Indians, the soil'in their occupancy, the charac
ter and rights of the State.
But it has been said that Georgia extended not
only her laws over the country, hut also took pos
session oi the soil. Yes, sir, die did; reserving
the occupancy of the Indians to a very ample ex
tent, greater than any other State; and I invite a
comparison. If others have been kind, we have
been kinderg. if they were liberal, \ve have been
more sq.
How could the civil authority of the State be
enforced, unless the country was organ!-ad into
counties, and officers residing in them to carry
out and execute those laws? It was the only
course, better than a military government to pre
serve the peace of the country. Hence the for
mation ol counties their organization and settle
ment by a population intelligent and obedient to
the law—men of character and'respectability, I
submit to the country the legislation of Georgia,
nnd ask an honest comparison with the legislation
ol any other State. Geoigia has truly subserved
the course of humanity and justice in the steps
she has taken to protect' herself, the Indians, and
her citizens.
I have often had cause of excitement, if not
resentment, on this subject. I feel it due to the
State I represent, and to myself, in all senceiity
and truth, aiul in a spirit very different from vain
boasting, to say to such gentlemen as have deter
mined to go against this bill, and the appropria
tions in it intended to carry into execution the
Cherokee treaty, and to sustain a military foice in 1
tlie Cherokee country, to prevent hostilities, and I
to protect the lives of our citizens, that if they
are now unwilling to do so, and are riot satisfied
in her course, and that you intend (to maintain
Ross and his party against the treaty, and leave
that State to protect herself', say so. And if this
be your object, for one, l will say, withdraw your
Federal troops, recall your legions, declare that
this government will uot fulfil the compact of
1802, notwithstanding her long deferred obliga
tions. Let these things be done, and, my life on
it sir, Georgia will carryout tire treaty, and assert
all her rights under the compact of 1802. Then
sir, let the gentleman from Virginia come at the
head of an army, “to castigate the State;” I prom
ise him ttiat he will be met the first foot print that
he makes on the soil of Georgia; end I shall be
greatly mistaken A he does not find it much easier
and more pleasqut to talk here in these walls ot
castigating a State, than to do it. Georgia has
not asked you to throw your protection around
her; she asked you to carry out your treaty, hon
estly to fulfil your compact, to remove the Indians
to send a force to do it, and prevent them from
committing depredations on our citizens. That
State understands her rights, and can protect her
citizens. But she desires to rid herself of tho
Indians in her borders without the shedding of
blood. In parting with neighbors, she desires to do
it in peace ; and it' she does uot, it will he the fault
of this Government. But gentlemen cn this floor
who reside more than a thousand miles off, and
many of whom can scarcely tell how their neigh
bors five miles from them manage their domestics
or children, boldly and unhesitatingly pronounce
judgment on the people of Georgia aud claim to
direct their legislation and their conduct, and to
judge of the propriety of their measures. This
is not a question to be used for party purposes
the rights of Georgia aud the lives of her people
are not to be weighed by electioneering balances
such considerations deserve and will receive the
contempt of every honest man. All the tenden
cies of the discussion, as conducted by gentlemen
in opposition to these appropriations, are to inflame
the Indians; and if Ross aud his associates, who
are now in the gallery, were not sensible men, war
and bloodshed would be the inevitable conse
quence. It is well that the common Indian,
whose nature is- revengeful, has not heard this de
bate ; nothing could be better calculated to in
flame him- It is a subject that, if discussed,
should be done with calmness and with a view to
the peace and salcty of our citizens, and the In
dians.
But wliat were those laws which Georgia ex
tended over the Indians? They were tlm same
which operated upon her own citizens; for crime,
the punishment the same for the same offence; m
their contracts they are cautiously protected--
wisely so.
To close this review, 1 invite genthnnon castor
west, north or south oi Georgia, to, point to a sin
gle case where nil Indian has been subjected to
cruelty or arbitrary punish :u' On the centu
ry, they have been protest ad, protected by the
hitv, and by a kind and generous people, and none,
are more so than citizens of tfee Cherokee
counties. Soma i,[ the present generation may
condemn, hut th;-rime will cum-when the policy
and com)tuff oi Georgia and lmr people will be
appreciated by all; and whenever that time ar
rives. , da not doubt that the unanimous opinion
ot all unprejudiced minds will be, that in the ne
cejsary exercise of her constitutional powers tho
policy of the State has been characterized by a
foi i .earing h Hid uess and enlightened humanity »o
--t '-'.ards « powerless rctuuuut of a» unfortunate
race,
Mr. Chairmen, I will tuny turn my attention for
a short time to sonic of the gentlemen who have
-preceded me in this debate. I take no pleasure,
sir, in the discussion of matters having little or
no, connexion with- subject under considera
tion, nor should 1 now do so, but an impe
rious sense of duty. In answer to some remarks
I made a few days siuce, on the President’s mes
sage and the propositions from the War De
partment, in relation to the Cherokee treaty much
hrtS been said during this debate.
W hen that message was communicated and
read to us, I spoke freely. 1 knew that it would
be productive of no good, but in all probability
would lead to bloodshed—at least to confusion
aud delay in the execution of the treaty. And
I told the House, if the Government undertook to
postpone the citizens of Georgia in taking pos
session of their lands, that a conflict between the
State Government and the General Government
would inevitably ensue ; for 1 knew the Govern
ment of Georgia would execute the laws of that
State at every hazard, and that the interposition
was unexpected ta me, and would be so to the
people of Georgia, whose Governor had been no
tified that tho treaty should be executed- I also
rtnted that the friends of humanity—tho real, uot
j the canting hypocrites—had labored day aftevday
to induce John Ross and his Cherokee delega
tion to return to his people and advise flierji to
re move peacebly ; that it was his duty to do so:
and I told him myself, that every misfortune that
should fall on tlm Cherokee people, unless he
did return, would be justly chargeable to him,
for at a word he could remove them in peace and
harmony; that by so doing he would subserve
the cause of Immunity and prove to the world the
sincerity of his regard for his people ; that by such
conduct lie might save the lives pfinnocent women
and children, the lives ofthe unlettered and igno
rant among his own people, for the white Indian
would avoid danger. Sir, it is due to that gal
lant and patriotic officer. General Scott, whose
services have been required in the execution of
this treaty, to sav, that the night before he left
this city he urged Rcss to go with him to the Cher
okee country —told him it was his duty to do so.
I was present and united in the advice. Ross re-
fused, and since that period I considered the de
termination of Boss fixed, not to go; and that no
thing further would be heard from Boss except
through General Scott. Both General Scott and
myself held this language to Boss not on account
ot any dilfieutieshe could interpose in the execution
of the treaty but exclusively from feelings of hu
manity for the pooy ignorant and misguided crea
turcs who had been misled by his counsels. Gen
tlemen have expressed great gratification at this
sudden interposition of the President, and have
congratulated the country that Mr. Van Bur®
would stay the execution of the Cherokee treaty;
that the hcnlji should rot be executed. This lan
guage is bold, peremptory, and dictatorial, and evi
dently means that this House would sustain the
President in this course, and that Georgia should
submit. PeVmit me to say, sir to this body, Be
not deceived ; that state obeys the exercise of all
constitutional power, she will not submit to the en
forcement of that which is unconstitutional. I
trust the day lias passed when a sovereign State
can be awed or deterred from any quarter in the
maintenance of constitutional risths. Let no
one act under the belief that these me&anees