Newspaper Page Text
mil al u m Georgia, even if aided by a proclamation
orn force bill.
Sir, it bas been asked, why should Georgia in
sist upon the execution of this treaty ? 1 reply,
because the treaty lias been made, has been ratifi
ed under the forms prescribed by the constitu
tion; because it is the supreme law of
the land, and the State has been duly notified
that the compact of 1802 had been at last fulfilled,
and the Indian title extinguished for the beuetit
oi the State, after thirty-six years’ delay.
Air. Chairman, I desire that this whole subject
should be distinctly understood; for should this
untimely interposition oi the President produce
a conflict between this Government and the State
authorties, the difficulty will not be of Georgia’s
seeking, nor will she. in the least, be responsible
for the consequences. By the legislation ol Geor
gia the Indian rights of occupancy were extended
until the 25th of May, 1838, by which time,
under the treaty, the Indians were to be removed.
The Legislature ofGeorgia according to the trea
ty. ha<l disposed of the lands in the occupancy of
the Indians ; grants had issued to the citizens, and
possession by law to be taken after the 25th of
M iy, 1838; on that day the title became complete
and absolute in the grantee. The Legislature
of Georgia is not in session, and if that body were,
the title being absolute in fee, the whole interest
vested in the grantee, under the laws of Georgia ;
the right to interfere with the private property of
the grantees is beyond the reach of constitution
al legislation : so the Legislature ofGeorgia could
da nothing and the Governor, lam most, certain,
K'/ 'ini console that boil]/. Hence it is that the
State cannot interfere with the matter, and the
President, or the Secretary of War, if they had
known or recollected the legislation ofGeorgia
under the treaty, would lirtva seen the legal iin
j.n.-ticabi'hy of the State interfering, if the rights
the citizens were to be respected, and laws and
constitution are to be regarded.
5; has been urged in this debate that Geor
gia slwuld !* • compelled to await anew treaty Is
avy e.f.irt ini'ring to abrogate th> treaty of 1835 ?
wk> has declared that treaty void? No consti
tutions! authority, T am sure. Perhaps tries**
".ultima•’» who speak without reference to any
earortjl.ir object save a desire to keep. themselves
.• instantly in the public eye, and have been so
'i rrorr I by the notoriety of their attacks, tliev can
eiosuitn 'to declare the will of the people; that
ithey .spr-tij but to command, and command but to
l'o’ \ed: and therefore the treaty is void.
Mch gentlemen must excuse me if I disregard
l if e vaia and empty mandates.
| i ii” g‘•jileman from Virginia (Mr. Wish) has
til ;is ‘>te is a state-right man (by faith 1 presume,
fi'-iv not by his works.) and as such, he would
r ; t the execution of the treaty, and that he would
' •' ar u : against Georgia to prevent her ear
ring out its terms. Why Mr. Chairman, what
;. aisfortua i it is that the gentleman {a State
‘s nan) should nave been wrought into such
« k 'lh: to ra.:t tumnest against a .State : one so war
in'»s temperament ought to be more cool
■m ; dol berate. But this champion of State rights,
tins new-light of that political faith would “take
up his ar as,’’ami. disregarding all the restraints
ntdiscretion and decorum, and with the tone, port,
if! s)?r,ring of the god of war, exclaims “1 would
castigate the .State of G“orgia, if she attempted to
lalirce any provisions of the treaty.” Sir, I shall
not snficnnysclf tn forget where 1 am, but I shall
;i!o rem':Mab n r that lam the representative of a
P ’p’e who will regard such language as it deserves
t i lie regarded ; such language towards a member
this Hons? would he iriparliatnentarv and in
-1 •oro;;;, an !, towards a State oft his confederacy,
i'Ptag’-tli >r unwarraritahle and uncalled for, and
' i' l '! v unjustifiable. Asa representative ofGeor
'!l' Ish ill not eompromit her dignity in hurling
e■: any (le.uune e to such hr.ignage, but will only
f,v ! r 't Georgia, in her sovereign character, would
i at deprecate so much an attempt to castigate her,
■ whom oevor ma le, as she does this incessant
i disrespect, and insult, by gentlemen who arc
I mterlv ignorant and nuniformed on the subject
PV‘ ,,( ' h th? j :, Go.npt to enlighten others.
i .’f gentleman spot'? of threats uttered by one
e tit; !eprcscu*Atives of Georgia. At that time
'-ih tb-. only member who had spoken freely of
ote Pi'g 0 ,gent’s njessasc, and lam sure T used
••Liner thy language qfrqeqqce nor violence, n#r
8 it my wont to da so, either in leference to States
ar individuals; nor do 1 seek the notoriety conse
quent upon such a course : nor shall I indulge in
Lml accusations and denunciations of those
nigh in power, merely for personal gratification;
In irshall I ever indict a wound ou those who are not
>i> a position to defend or justify.
hut we are told the treaty was obtained by fraud.
1 this be true, why have tip attempts been made
,M annul it, by those gentlemen making the alle-
C ■ inn, botqre Il,e proper tribunal ? Sir, no treaty
• ever been obtained for a fuller and more ade
quate consideration; on the same terms the oiti
o ’. s ®* an y State in this *Jnion would exchange
tfiirlands. One gentleman has said the Senate
ifHei regarded it as a treaty. This is aqqtherof
,“°' ,e ,o ‘' tmd extraordinary assertions, suited to
• 1 * ls . fes n^som( t, and involves serious charges ag
“ -y toe Satiate : it places two thirds of that body
n the gams category with the Key. Mr. Scher-
r imn, whose character has boeq drawn on this
n ' KU u ao ' nrs none of the brigliteif. Sir, these
‘ n tepeated allegations and accusations " ill on
.;ntT rvc ,0 the publip pQufide.nce in their
rn!! Inr"1 nr " Anally be q protection to mis
, • in corruption. The gentleman from Vir
sav^tl* 5 'T* ? [ l f f 'nate ratified the treaty to
frvn .| K ' the wolves —the Cherokees
tr '' lf, orgians. llow much of justice and
II v i 1 18r ® ,s * n making such a charge I have ful
q. r !!* n ' adverting to the whole course of
A ' - tawar ds the Indians within her borders,
tliot- he l * e^ or,l!n or propriety of such language,
"•iHoi b e > of Rer.tleman and myself are so
different that we are not likely to agree on
tiotin mat f ei i S untl * there is a total change in all my
■on» ns ?, “ e courtesy due to this House from
Lori q ,erto a ? otllPr * amJ. above all, to a sov
|p ar ‘ ta J. e °f this Union. Ferocious as the com
|noon1 >n r'n* 16 S er *denian would represent the
|f or ,,|vp 0f '’ eor '’ia, they are not yet enough so to
Ibiri' °; ne representatives for paying
I ft;’ ? r niusuc h language and epithets.
|j V 1 ’ a,n by birth and education a Georgian.
lj, D ‘ n °b therefore, indulge in any eulogy on
BI J ,P c °Plc, nor shall T permit the scorn t feel for
of 1 ru . e assaults to throw me beyond, that line
and self-respect which, I trust, shall
p ,J-' s m ark theconduct of a Georgian; but, in
l, p ,] 7 f c °olness and composure, l will say to the
'vn from Virginia, “words sometimes
d et p t nu ’ rc than swords,” and that it would not
CVf Jp ,rnrn his influence usefulness to watch
tetri 115 OWTI lamb-Wee disposition, and in future to
Ij 0 .'J’hether it would not be equally pleasaut
I others 11 un , ncce ssary violence to the feelings of
That gentleman lias said that already he “snuf
fed the difficulties, the shedding of blood, in
Georgia.” “that the spoilers should be spoiled,”
\\ bat does such language mean ? Such language
from members of Congress,within the hearing of
the Cherokees, is incendiary and well calculated
to inflame them info hostility, under the belief
that this Government will sustain them in resisting
the treaty.
Sir, 1 have said it was Ross’duty to have re
turned home to his people, and have aided in their
removal, as lie was advised by the Secretary of
War, General Scott, and other friends of peace,
harmony, and humanity ; but, said the gentleman
from Virginia, “if he had, he would have been
snatched up and hung, like another Tassels, on a
tree, by another Georgia guard.” it is difficult, Mr.
Chairman, to speak in obedience to the prompt
ings of a just indignation, at such a reckless as
sault upon the constitutional authorities of the
State, without violating the rules of the House,
and the decorum of debate. Wheu has Georgia
or her people thus acted ?—Sir, I scorn the
slanderous imputation. Tt is an imputation that
carries whh it its own antidote, and 1 pronounce
the whole insinuation unfounded—a groundless
and unjustifiable attack upon the honor and char
acter of the people of Georgia. What, sir .'John
Ross not safe in Georgia ? Why, sir, was he not
born atid reared in that State ?—Such allusions
I reprobate and contemn. I trust the people of
Georgia cannot be harmed by such outrages up
on their character—a people, whose past history is
marked by no act of violence justifying such an
imputation. That part of Georgia known as the
Cherokee region, lias been settled by a popu
lation equal to any portion of the Union for hon
esty and patriotism; inferior to re* new country in
intelligence and morality ; and, for humanity,
kindness, generosity, and hospitality, equal to
any people on earth. Sir, they are pure and
unsophisticated in their intercourse with the world,
but bold and resolute, firm and unyielding, in
maintaining their rights, and brave and quick in
defence of their character; and would no doubt,
feel more irclired to resent the insult offered to
themselves, in reference to Ross, than to injure
him.
Mr. Chairman: T a:n certain vmt have been as
tonished, as well as others in this body, at the
tantalizing and insulting references to Georgia.
It has been said that the Chereokee Indians, if
the General Government will not interfere, are
willing to fight it out with the Georgians. Are
these things said to excite the Indians to blood
shed. or to urge Geotgia into rashness ? Hidthe
member using this language desire to insult the
people of Georgia, through their representatives,
or did he expect to excite me into passion and
indiscretion ? There are hounds to the liberties
and freedom of debate, beyond which person
alities necessarily lbihnv ; at that point T hope not
to arrive, but, should it come, the honor aful char
acter of my native State shall not be tarnished in
my person.
Sir, not content with holding Georgia answer
able for all the anticipated Cherokee difficulties,
she must be charged as accessary to the Florida
war. Is it not beyond endurance ? Is it not
amazing to hear it? Can it he from mistake?
Sir, Georgia had no more to do with causes of
that war than the State of Kentucky. I repel this
accusation, and demand the ground ot the allc-*
gatinn.
Mr. Harlan rose and said : la the remarks made
by tne yesterday, on the subject of the causes of
the Florida war, and the State of Georgia in con
nection with it, I did not mean to say that Georgia
had any direct agency in the causes of that
war. When speaking of the policy of the late
administration for the removal of the Indian tribes
west of the Missiesppi river, l expressed the opin
ion that the Florida war was one of that policy;
that the anxiety of Georgia to have the Indian
title to thou lands within her boundaries extin
guished superinduced the passage of the act of
providing for the reipoyql of the Indian
tribes ; ami that that bill eyas parried in this House
bv a majority less than lhe number of represen
tatives from the State of Georgia.
Mr. Dawson : Then, sir, there is no ground for
such a cl arge ; and the apology for making it is,
that the representatives of Georgia voted for the
net of 1830. providing for the iemo.\al of the In
dian tribes west ot the Mississippi. V by, sir,
upon the same principle, every State in the Un
ion mav have contributed to the Florida \*<ir.
No further reply to such an argument can be ex
pected.
Much lias been said by the gentleman from
Pliiladelphi •. Iris excitement was too great for
the subject before him ; his feelings led him iuto
the use of language which, so far as language was
concerned, I considered but so lar as
the intent was involved,. inoffensive, lie worked
himself into such wrath that lie was driven into
the exclamation, “I am mad, sir, I am mad !” k- ; et
him cool, sir* restore his temper; suffer his pas
sion to subside; speak with deliberation, under
the control of his reasons, and then, sir, 1 will
weigh his arguments, and if necessary, reply to
them. But, sir 1 am much exhausted: and I
would do injustice to myself and the committee
to reply to the. ravings of an enthusiast—one who
admits that he is mt/ti.
I am convinced, sir, that much more ought to
he said by me on this subject; but I shall desist.
The appropriations, to subserve the cause of hu
manity bv preventing and suppressing Indian hos
tilities, and for the purpose of aiding in the exe
cution of the Cherokee treaty, 1 have no doubt
will be made. If 1 shall have vindicated my na
tive State from unjust imputations, (as I trust!
have,) it will be to me one ot the most
acts of my life.
Steam Apparatus. —The Act of Congress,
authorising the appointment of persons to test
the usefulness of inventions t(i improve and render
safe the boilers ofsteam engines against explosion,
is in the following words:
Be it enacted!))/ the Senate and House of-Rep
resentatives of the. United. States of America, in
Congress assembled, That the President of the
United States be, and he hereby is, authorised to
appoint three persons one of whom at least shall
be a man of experience and practical knowledge
in the construction and use of the steam engine
and the others, by reason of their attainments and
science, shall be competent judges of the useful-
I ness of any invention designed to detect thecaus
j es of explosion in the boilers; which said persons
! shall jointly examine any inventions made lor the
I purpose of detecting the cause and preventing the j
! explosion of boilers, thnt shall be presented tor .
j their consideration ; and, if any one or more ol ]
; such inventions or discoveries justify, in their |
judgment, Ihe experiment, and the inventor de
sires that his invention shall be subjected to the
test, then the said persons may proceed and order
I such preparations to be made, and such expert*
THE GEORGIA MIRROR
mentsto be tried, as, in their judgement, may be
necessary to determine the ghatacter and useful
ness of any such invention^
Skc. 2. And be it further enacted , That the
said board shall give notice of the time and place
of their meeting to examine such inventions, and
shall direct the preparations to be made, and the
experiments to be tried, at such place as they
shall deem most suitable and convenient lor tho
purpose; and shall make full reports of their do
ings to Congress at their next session,
Skc. 3. And be it further enacted, That to carry
into effect the foregoing objects, there be, and
hereby is, appropriated, out of any money in the
r l reasury, not otherwise appropriated, the sum of
six thousand dollars ; and so much thereof as
shall be necessary for the above purpose shall be
subject to the order of the said board, and to de
fray such expenses as shall be incurred by their
direction, including the sum of three hundred
dollars to each, for his personal services and ex
penses : Provided, however, That theiraccounfs
shall be settled at the Treasury, in the same man
ner as those of other public agents.
FLORENCE, GA.
Saturday, August 4, 1838.
g* ■■■" ' 1 11 ■■ 1 " 1 IJSL >
State nights Ticket.
The following gentlemen have been nominated
by the State Rights Party of this county, as can
didates for the next Legislature:
SENATE.
Eovcrd ISrynn.
HOUSE OF RERESENTAEIVES.
John We»t.
State Jlighfs Ticket
FOR CONGRESS.
J. O. ALFORD, of Trpup.
K. .F. BLACK, of Scriven.
W. T. COLQUITT, of Muscogee.
M. A. COOPER, of Hail.
W. C. DAWSON, of Greene.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
T. B. KING, of Glynn.
E. A. NKSBIT, of Bibb.
L. WARREN, of Sumter.
The SrPEHion Court for Stewart county will
commence on Monday next. Much business is
said to be on hand—several criminal cases will be
pending.
John Branch, one of Gen. Jackson’s first Cab
inet officers, and who was one of the first to ex
pose the President in relation to tho petty-coat
causes which led to a dissolution of that Cabinet,
has been nominated by the Van Buren part)- of
North Carolina, as a candidate for Governor of that
State, and has accepted the nomination. Gov.
Dudley, the present incumbent, is the candidate
of the State Rights party.
We have inserted the communication from our
respected correspondent, “A Nullified,’* and
are gratified to know that any remarks of ours
should meet his commendation; our pleasure
would he greatly enhanced, could we be assured
that our views on all the exciting topics of the
day met his hearty response. Wc know him well
and have known him long, and should extremely
regret any train of concurring circumstances that
would place us on opposite grounds- We have
hreasted the enemy together in so many hard
fought battles, that an association of kindly feel
ing is connected with the very names of our old
friends.
Wc cannot help thinking, however, that our
correspondent, “A Nullifier,” has drawn a hasty
conclusion from lffs premises. It does not neces
sarily and logically follow, that all who are oppos
ed to a Sub-Treasury are in favor of Henry Clay
and a National Bank. We have already declared
our opposition to Mr-Clay hecaqse wc think he
holds doctrines antipodes to the State Rights par
ty—we have been, and still are, opposed to Mr.
Van Buren for the same cause; and for the life of
us, we cannot sec that any measure recommend
ed by the Administration is of q character to claim
affinity with the State Rights party. We have
honestly warred against Executive influence, be?
lievingit to be equally coyrMpting to him that pos
sessed it, as well as those over whom it was cxer
cised; and that it was well calculated to root, up
our free institutions, the boast and honor of our
country, and leave us nothing but the shadow of
an empty name. Whether that influence was
sought to be exercised in the arbitrary seizure of
the public purse, the pqblipatipnand enforcenipnt
of the specie circular, or in the offensive features
of a Sub Treasury, endorsed by whomsoever they
might be, wc have felt it a duty we owe the coun
try and one from which wc may not shrink, ho
nestly to oppose it and place the people on their
guard.
Take away the offensive features of the Sub-
Treasury bill—show us satisfactorily that it cur
tails and shuts out effectually, Executive influ
ence, will equalize the exchanges, and is to be em
ployed solely for the purpose of collecting and
disbursing tho public revenue, then we care no t
what you call it—who recommends and endorses
jt---our support, such as it is, shall be cheerfully
given—Our Country is our motto, and the Consti
tution our watch word.
We are more than glad to learn that “A Nulli
i her will vote for the whole ticket, although he
j knows that two of the gentleman are opposed to
| the Sub-Treasury, orr pleasure would be abun
dantly increased if all who think with him would
exercise the same liberality and discretion, for it
would be, at least to us, conclusive evidence that
they did not cocsidci the Sub-TreaSury qui
non in the articles of their creed, and would serve
to establish what we have said before, that the
Sub-Treasury is one thing and State Rights ano
ther.
There never was, perhaps, a subject which agi
tated any country, on which there was such a di
versity of sentiment and views, as now exist in re
lation to the best method of keeping and disburs
ing the public money. We will not pretend that
it is a matter of small concern, let us come to its
examination caltnly and dispassionately. The
coarse we now strikeout, is to tell on the future
welfare and prosperity of our country to other
generations, but let us remember in this discus
sion that friends aro never bound closer to our bo
soms by invectives and proscription, and that ene
mies themselves, cannot be kicked into an agree
ment.
Murh forbearance should therefore be exercis
ed, for we do hope and believe that a man may be
an advocate of the Sub-Treasury without being a
Van Buren man ; we also believe and know that a
man may be an Anti-Sub Treasury man without
being either a Clay man or a National Bank man.
We arc aware of our “responsible station,” and
shall endeavor to discharge its high duties with an
honesty of purpose that shall never falter nor
quail, regardless alike to smiles and frowns when
they stand opposed to our country’s welfare, and
as God is our Judge we will lead no matt astray
knowingly; if we do err it shall be ignorantly not
wickedly—of the head, not of the heart.
Our opposition to the Sub-Treasury has been
produced, not by a childish desire to war with a
“political opponent,” merely tube in opposition;
we hope that higher, nobler principles actuate and
guide us in our political course ; we will take spe
cial care, also, that our principles be not sacrific
ed for any party that shall dare to walk over the
Constitution of our country. But we can most
h aartily adopt the sentiments in the concluding
paragraph of A Nullifier: “We then are still con
tending for the Constitution, wc would not de
prive the General Government of the exercise of
any power so granted, but w r e must, for life and
death, fight against the assumption of any doubt
ful power. When that qnestion is fully presented
I know that you and myself will be together con
tending for all tho Rights of the States and against
any unconstitutional law.”
We hare for some time, viewed with regret, the
Jim Crow eonrse which has been pursued by the
People’s Press, (Augusta.) The Editor of that
paper was formerly a State Rights man, and as
much opposed to Martin Van Buren as it was pos
sible for man to be, but in his zeal for the Sub-
Treasury lie has suffered himself to be enrolled
upon the Van Buren list, and freely answers to
his name in their ranks.
llow the Editor can reconcile his present course
with the past wc are unable to conjecture—and
how he can link his destiny with a party he has
opposed with so much apparent earnestness and
zeal, not only while he *vas concerned in the pub
lication, some few years ago in Milledgeville, of
the “Times and State Rights Advocate,” but even
since he has been the editor of the People's Press,
we are equally at a loss.
We do not Vjislt to be undcrstoqckas expressing
our regret that the Editor should be in favor ot
the Sub-Treasury—but we do regret that he did
not curb his feelings on this subject, and not have
suffered them to runaway with his better judge
ment and pursue a course which identifies him in
every respect with Van Buren and his friends.
But the Editor may deny being a Van Buren
man, qndin fact, if wc recollect right, he has de
nied it; he may not be, hut we cannot see why,
when he makes the Sub-Treasury a consideration
of paramount importance, and denounces and
proscribes his former friends because they differ
from him on that subject—when he links himself
wjth the Van Buren party, and as Editor of a pub
lic press, chimes in with every song of praise to
which the Globe and every Van Buren press in
the country tune their keys. If the Editor is
not a Van Buren man, however, we should like to
know if he would supp.prt a State Right’s man for
isle Presidency, if that man was opposed to the
Sub-Treasury ? What ticket does he intend to
give his support at the next Congressional elec
tion—the State Rights or Van Buren ? Will he
vote with his former friends or his late opponents?
Jf he intends to support the State Rights ticket,
his course as Editpr will not agree with that vote,
for he has labored qs hard as any man to bring
about a disunion in the ranks which will if that
disunion continues, ot course, seriously injure
the ticket. If he supports the Van Buren ticket,
he must be a Van Buren man—belonging to the Van
Buren party —with the collar around his neck and
the name of his mqster inscribed upon it— and all
his professions and protestations will not convince
the people to the contrary.
FOR THE GR.ORGIA MIRROR.
Macon , July 23, 1838.
Messrs. Editors—l have just read, with much
gratification, you editorial. The attempt you
have made to convince consistent State Rights
men of the utter inconsistency, and the utter ruin
of all the Richts of the States, by the support of
Clay for the Presidency, is deserriug of all com
mendation. What! can a Nullifier support the
father of the Protective System, who declared last
winter, openly in the Senate, that if any other
person than Gen Jackson had been President, he
would, himself, have presented the rope around
our necks * Can a State Rights man go for the
man, who above all others, iroes farthest towards
increasing the power of the Federal Government,
whose latitudinarian doctrines swallow up all the
reserved rights of the States? Spirit of Jefferson
forbid it. „ .
Sirs, I cannot agree with you, tne nans
question is one of minor importance—it is one of
deep and absorbing interest. The State Rights
party have ever believed it totally unconstitutional ,
and by no means necessary. Witness the vote of
Georgia instructing her Representatives to vote a
gaint any recharter, and it passed her Legislature
by an almost unanimous vote. It was the ques
tion that carried Jefferson into power, and has been
the hinge upon which parlies have turned. I
have just seen a letter from Gov. Troup, he is
now, as he ever has been, totally opposed to any
National Bank, so are every one of our candidates
for Congress; such is the opinion of nearly every
distinguished man of our party. And by wtiom
are we now sought to be proscribed? O, shame,
tell it not! —by those who, but yesterday, conten
ded even unto Nullification against an unconstitu
tional law, who today, are the first to pass a law
they, themselves, have believed to be unconstitu
tional. I am disposed to vote the entire State
Rights ticket for Congress, yet you have done
some injustice in supposing but one of them be
lieved in an entire separation of the Government
from all Banks. It is the opinion of all the ticket
except two, anil those two professed to be oppos
ed to a National Bank inany event. It is the opin
ion of tliat veteran and consistent statesman, Gov.
Troup, anti I may add also of nearly every dis
tinguished man of ourpartv. Sirs v yo»rs is a re
sponsible station. Let us beware, lest by our op
position to one political opponeut, we may not on
ly forget our principles, but fall into the support of
our deadliest foes—Let t s adhere closely to prin
ciples regardless of men. Is it possible that men,
wha have gone through the firery ordeal of the
Proclamation and Force Bill, will now prove re
creant and go over to a National Bank and Ilenrv
Clay ? Will those men who were ready to. stand
by the rights of the States, now extol their great
est opponents, and traduce their greatest friends 1
I know you will not . The South mu,st be consistent .
If she goes in fora National Bank all is lost, for
the same power will again create a high Tariff'and
expend the money of the Government on favored
sectiqns.
Sirs, to a strict constructionist-—a State Rights
man—it would seem sufficient that no special
power to incorporate such an institution is numer
ated in the Constitution, but proof, if stronger can
be given, of its being wholly unconstitutional.—
The fact of such a power having been sought to
be given in the Convention which formed the Con
stitution, and absolutely refused by an overwhelm
ing vote, is proof conclusive that Congress pos
sesses, no such power. And the additional fact
that its chief supporters, Webstei, Clay and Ad
ams, all claim the power from three different clau
ses of the Constitution, ought, of itself to be an
insurmountable difficulty- It has ever been the
wise policy of our party never to vote for any
measure of doubtful power. It will be borne in
mind also, that Clay Sf Cos. make the Tariff and
Internal Improvement by the General Govern
ment, constitutional upon the same clauses and ar
guments they make the Bank.
Sirs, if the Bank was Constitutional, I agree
with Gov . Troup, that it would be wholly inexpe
dient to the South. It would sit like an ixcubus,,
upon every attempt upon exportation and impor
tation, ana placed in New York and Philadelphia
would be just so much bonus in favoring that sec
tion against the South. Our greatest objection to
any National Bank is the immediate political influ
ence of the money power—the unity politically,
between the Banks and the Government—the va
ried and powerful inffuetice a Bank would exert
over the destinies of the country : It would sup
port any President who was identified with the
Bank in any means he might dictate.
Sirs, the State Rights party disapproved of the
removal of the deposites, not that they were in
favor of the Bank, but that they thought the Con
stitution gave no power to the President to re
move them. The record of the past will show
they have ever been opposed to that institution. —
So long as the Constitution remains unchanged,
we must continue to do so. I ant for proscribing
no one, but it really comes with a bad grace fVonr
those who are f\uLttfi.ers, and who have‘heretofore
been contending for the assumption -of power.—
A separation of tho. Government from all influence
of money and Banks is undeniably
so admitted to be by friends and foes.
Wc then are still contending for the Constitu
tion, we would not deprive the General Govern
ment of the exercise of any power so granted,
but we must, fo* life and death, fight against the
assumption of any doubtful power. When that
question is fully presented, I know that you and
myself will be together, contending for all the
rights of the States, and against any unconstitu
tional law. A. NULLII' IER.
INDIAN MURDERS.
Wc understand that an express arrived in town
yesterday evening, bringing information to the
Governor that a party of Seminole Indians had
appeared in Ware county, and committed many
attrocites, murdering several families. The par
ticulars we have not learned ; but hear that twelve
or fourteen persons have fallen victims to their
barbarity. —Federal Union. .
_ NEW g TORE< ~
THE subscribers would respectfully inform the
inhabitants of Florence, Stewart county and
the adjoining country, that they have refitted tho
store formerly occupied by Mr. J. M. Miller, and
more recently by Wni. Stafford, Lsq. on Centro
street, where they are now opening
A NEW AND SPLENDID ASSORTMENT OF
nit i* Goons,
HATS, BOOTS. SHOES, & BROGANS.
Ladies and Missrt Bonnets,
Hard and Hollow Ware,
WAGON AND CART BOXES, Ac. Ac-
The above stock has just been selected from the
New York and Bostpn markets.
ALSO, A LARGE STOCK OF
GROCERIES , Viz.
BACON —H(|IV!S, SIDES AND SHOULDERS,
Flour , hard. Sugar # Coffee ,
BRANDY, RUM, WHISKEY,
WINKS AND CORDIALS.
All of which they offer for sale on the most rea
sonable terms.
ANDREWS A BLMIS.
Florence, August 1 Iff n ,. YTC
N B. We are daily expecting iAIINia,
OILS and WINDOW GLASS, and a large as
sortment of BOOKS-and STATIONARY, ME
DICINES, BAGGING and ROPE, Ac:
pay yOljr TAXES. - 7
TIIE citizens of Florence are notified that
their Taxes are now due, and are requested,
(in order that our town may be improved,)
come forward and plank up the Rino. .
£ug. 4 J.P. HARVEY,Cafleoto*