Newspaper Page Text
•round him, residing in the community o'
your adversaries, sharing their bo inly, an"
partaking daily of their hospitality possiby
cal'-d to oflice fr*nn party considetatiou- -
r- Mil l fail to be infl leiw-ed. by the same ,-r
gem Us. motive*, i*id in-ei lives, nnit If
|:.ifO iiiihw-t-d -he Executive of two States
to tele- *c a tin-i you? A* well n icht
r c h it,» u’.fiui im ( i.ar fatity in a juroi
s leittii • 'i ih- family ul ihe hm ie fl '
Under su ’t a si ie et thins:*. onr lights
would be ie ■uic tiiaii at present.
Tin r-' iso*ll- «»itie* n ..sum, h,»oever, w hieh
wiinme is puni on t. The constant fe i
«:e ,ev ot iiiii >v -lein is to weaken the ineiii-
Drs of the Union. hy an aeeninnlalion ot
/mwer hi Iho Government nl the l nil'll.—
Tins is dune habitually by t e;>< aird -inplic.’-
lioiis mi the part ul the Sri'es. In li.is Gov
4-iumeiil. f,n aid, pecuniary or political, to
do that which, for wai t of iiuviii*. energy
oi moral courage, they feel iue.mii’ieieril 'o
i f ieif.u iii. i ids ;s g: :w ing into as\ stem, and
he ineii ilenU which utjl.iiii under fi. are
ai y undermining and supplanting the plain
'uteui of orr Constitution. The ell -cl in
the present instance is to cherish a s.-nse of
weakness;' to rely on oth -n, «vhe:i reliance
siinti Id be o*i in sell ts ; io loregn duty to
our rhikits ; and piece iheni an I o;ir high
est interests m the keeping ul those who are
nofunly indepeii’lenl ol us, h it are at ali
timer >ie| eudc.it on tho-e we have to con
tend with. Jl is clearsy perceived that a
hope fur justice, under such circumstan
ces, is -‘against hope.”
Bui suppose ill:; the Judge should de
cide adverse to the demand, wna: as your
remedy ? Being au arbiitr <d your own
choosing, you c m say nothing. Suppose
Congress lieing appealed 10, shall ta.,e a
difleieul view ol your riglus and interest,
from that you present, wl.at complaint can
you then make ! In any view 1 can take,
weakness is the result.
lint risking a decision against us, sup
pose it to bo m !a\\>r of the demand in the
case before its, would not Maine find an
tinomy in the history of GeorgL, in the
Tassels, the iMis-ionaty, and other cases, for
disregarding tne mandaic oi tlje Circuit
Judge! What tlieu would G.-orgia do?
Tlie answer, 1 confess, m iv be made by as
king what can she-now do? Hut th r ques
tion is not fully met, -ince it is clear she
might u nv attempt, with prospect ol success,
what sue would certainly fail in, under the
proposi ti amendment.
To supply, by inli rcnce, implies, ion, ;>e
cessily and propriety, the delect ol powers
reposed or Withheld from the Federal (Jov
eru.ncut hy the ti atn-rs of me Ciuisli ution,
is tlfe’'Settled purpose oi a pervading influ
ence here." To aid this, every precedent,
horvev r erroneously founded, or incauti
ously adopted, is referred u» as an expoun
der of the supreme law. And it is even
now true, that the practice of this Govern
ment is substituted for its Constitution.
N;«v, a more dangerous rule still is setting
up'herc. by which [instead of ihe rule fix
,ed by the Constitution.] to judge the im
portant interests involved in this controversy
A rule, peculiar to no country; no where
adopted: written in no book of laws; but
coming from above, is said to he of obliga
tion superior to all laws. Does it not be
come us, whu can hope or expect no good
to come from an evil precedent: who con
tend for right and justice for th ir own sake ;
who cannot laii to sutler by every depart
ure: and who have no security save in tin:
, ’ ’ r “•■onar.iuce
ot acquieseuce in the assinipton ol a pow
er by Congress to decide dir’ctly-or indi
rectly, questions which lie at the foundation
of the civil rights that exist in our domes
tic institutions ! If we are nol prepared to
enter on i policy that yields tiicni up, we
must promptly close the door against such
attempts.
Another consideration has wtighi here.
It is t his : In 1337. the Legislature of Geor
gia declared in this very ease, In anticipa
tion, that by this open violatioit,of the com
pact on thepirt of Maine ‘ s ln is leleascd
from the obligations of that compact \ audit
has become her right and her duly to pro
vide protection for her people in her oicu
U'mj . Jn this 1 think she wts fully sus
tained.
The course nowreenmi.iendrd is a reced
ing from that of 1337, being an appr nl to the
Federal Government to protec our people
by toe judgement ol its court, -vliich as I
have said, may or may not rotund with
what our people might hold *o be right.
To adopt this recession from the rue j round
taken in 1837, I cannot be insti nmentat.
Such sir, are irty views of t tie iuterrsts of
our State, and such the course • have felt it
my duty to adopt, togeti er w!h some of
the reasons that have governed me. With
great respect, they are submitted. Ton
will no doubt fee! it due to the Legislature
-and the people, to give speedy publicity to
this. 1 studi be pleased if you will do so
the more at tills time, in order ti at the earli
est opportunity may become available for
the correction, jy the people, of any error
1 may have made, la the end tlnu their mer
est* may be fully, truly and w *ely repre
sented here.
1 have the honor to he
Your mast obedient se vant
MARK A. OUTER.
March Mi, 18-10.
T*. S. \ ntir Excellency wi'l perceive
tint this communication bears date -'oth
January. This is n»y apology for not send
ing it before now; it was wril'en under a
suggestion that each of the deleg, tes should
prepare a reply to be submitted n the as
sembled delegates, from which an answer
common to ali, might lie presented. This
has bden defer.ed from time to time, until,
by circumstances beyond my control, it e
comesmyduty to forward this.
.VI. A. C.
CIRCULAR OF MARK A. COOPER
TO Ills CONSTITUENTS.
I’kllow CtTtZKNs*:—Three months of a
long session have elapsed. In the absence
ofanv special) call to communicate with
V'Htf irwouid be iny .jdeasuie o write -
The existence of anxiety on your
part to .n-aririyn me, adds to the checilol
liess and alacrity which I feet.
You have most uniformiiy heon depend
:i!:t OM.o'-ir I- -p:p, . -or iiPormaTion.-^-
This is spine:im>'s ' ry ui'chti be relied
on,- Ii ,i-. fi iwe.ver. v.-rv oijfen ;.u n eeitairt
guile, bee iuse they arena] aik;. - possessed
oi tuj I e’.s that le.nl l,i correct n, mioii* ; or. ,
Jieicg posK. ssed o's ijl' Hi. do not fully give 1
-l.ie U> you, lo either' case you ai • de- '
pSod nil dn an e'dircrinf erp-essjon f, v.mr
'opinion This, though entitled to tl.i r. |
titno.v <i*ieii> their station, hods occ,.v.iud- I
iy to error-
JJy your |)e‘rmi«sion, I give yon snch in- !
tel'igenee of what 1 iiave done ii-re in ,m :
eU-tri to re.vi s -nr y , as, being app'icd in i
Inc rut s0; have ■; veriied you. mm lead
t > » ‘;oy- -i jmlg'ni t ou the u t tuude of j
uiy conduct, ,
T e pobtiv;.!vi -vs ? came here to repres
ent, vi r ihc-i i-. i» and in 18J3 by me
,H lie R-ghis party- Ry education, n.abit, ;
and r.o „ | „wf,| t o represent
UUr. j i.cxn h- a v c inisrcpieseuti ,1 j
tliein. Unt’l a change passes over me. I
n*nr shall. When that shall occur, you
-h ill be advised without delay. Asa neces
sarv consequence ofthose views, 1 brought
wit', me opposition to the chartering ol a
bank by tins Government. Consistently
«ilh the same. 1 came avowedly to support
i s.-j i r i'i.in «f the Goveriinient and the
hanks, -ind the es'.ablishm ot of ~u Indeprn
d.-u' Treamirv. As to men and office, I did
uni fail to advise you, in answer to those who
had a light lo inquire, that I should deci
- dedtv support Mr. Van lJoren m prefer
• ence to General Harrison. On ll.e same
prinrioh-s I have ever been opiai-ed to a
nrotfi t;ve taritf. a Government debt, ami in
, ,en.al improvement*. This ojiposiiion
i gl ow out of your views of a -.triet eonstroc
| Hon o! th ■ Constitution, coupled Willi th"
I id«*a ofa Goveruincnt ol limited delegated
powers.
Another leading mi asure. soggesti-d from
a veiv respectable snuii-e before Congress
convene I. 1 »v.,s opposed in for similar
<: ius<-, —tlie ass.itttpliou by this (ii vciiiiueul
i oft he vast debtoued by tile several States.
. Tins, Ia n |iersuaded, you will soou find to
; lie one ol absoibing inlertof.
The members ol Congress were found,
I on my ainv.il in-re, w.ili few exceptions, to
: lie divided, nominally, into Democrats and
Whi gs. The Deiiioerats, as a paity. pro
tess, and, when not too inconvenient,
jmii tise the political opinions here set forth
as adopted lor myself, A few nl' their paj
iv, however* I hi lieve are known to have
been uniformity Fedeiali U.
The wliigs have no principle or rule in
common that I have discovered, except ad
vocacy of a bank and opposition to tile Sub
ft.isuiy. '1 Ins parly is a coalition of ail
ilie opponents tu the present Administration,
professedly having rciereii'e to no given
principles of action save that just named.—
11 -uce there are found in it Federalists and
Republicans. The Federal jfitluenccs,
however, predominate, and ilierelt*rc char
acterize (hep nty. I think lam not mista
ken ms tying that ihtir triumph, which is
seem and m the election of U.irnson, fixes
on tlie country a policy founded on a liber
al consiructoh ol [powers, that give latitude
to this Government to assume powers not
and -leg tied and dangerous to its existence.
The soul and spirit of this party are tlie
bank iuleiest and the tariff. Should the
chartering of a bank he hopeless, which can
only be by the election of Mr. Van Riireu
or one thinking as he does on that point,
the next most available policy with that par
ity will be the assumption of a debt of two
hundred millions, to prop the sinking
credit of tlie States. They are even now
looking to it.
The course idapied for myself was, uot
to commit you to either party here hut in
reference to measures test each one bv your
rub s, and decide accordingly. In reference
to me i, to choose those whose opinions
would in jst likely lead into your policy.
In doing this 1 have not had the least dif
ficulty. nor have l felt the slightest hesita
tion in aay case, li 1 exhibit a sironger
coincidence with one party than the other,
it is because it professes and acts more in
accordance wi li the rules that I brought
here with me. My settled purpose is to
ask lor you, nor for those who represent
you, nothing but a faithful administration
of this Government as its framers designed
it. Toat heintr promised, to sustain the par
ty who would do if, or most nearly pefurm
the task.
1 lies.. ~ r»e>V 10 you, VV.nl ""U
froiji mo, having expressed them while a
candidate before you. On the principles of
the message of he President, 1 could not
differ from the Administration. lamat a
loss to know how any State Rights man
can object to the measures recommen
ded.
O.rr opposition to Mr. Van Burcn began
with his predecessor, anil is priinirilv asso
ciated with he ‘‘Proclamaiion ami Force
Bill.” Prior to that recognised as a
Republican hy William 11. Crawford, and
received your support. On the annuncia
tion of those measures, tlie mass of the
present Whig party, perceiving therein a
rule of construction always contended for
hy tin: Federalists, concurred with and ap
plauded him. There we separated from
him and Mr. Van But'en. Triie cause of our
separation from, formed the ground of their
co operation with him.
Since that time, tlie principles involved
ill that 1 ititiide of construction have been
piot'cssediy and practically repudiated by
the Democrats, but adhered to hy the
Whigs. It would seem strange it' die
causes that seperatrd ui from Mr. Van
Boren should not keep us apart from the
Whigs. Nor ought it to bethouglitstrange
to agree with the Democrats in their adop
tion of our policy.
The first act worthy of notice arose on
the New Jersey election. The demonstra
tion was apparently in favor of the Whigs.
The Democrats being in this instance un
willing to forego the aequsition of strength,
were tempted to what we thought a depar
ture. The Whigs, by consequence, were
left to sustain State rights.
Tlie next was the Speaker’s election.
Mr. Beil, of Tennessee, was the Wnig can
didate. lie is the jnr mlier who introduced
the Force Bill. John W. Joins, Esq., of
Virginia, was the candidate of the Demo
crats. My colleague, Mr. Dawson, was
proposed ns the candidate of the Whigs.
Another colleague desired to know of us.
whether, in tlie event Mr. Dawson
could be nominated by the Whigs, he would
he supported by me. For myself, 1 distinct
ly replied, lie could not, for tins reason :
It w mid unequivocally commit those we
represent to the Wiiig party, aud place
them in a false position. 1 believe we
ought to ask nothing of either party, 1 had
a willingness to do Mr. Dawson a'personal
kindness if possible, without violation of
duty to yon, tbe motives for which he will
understand, i therefore told him and our
w hole delegation that lie out not to be the
'•A big candidate . that, it commuted to the
W higs already, lie tvonld not better bis
condition poetically by coiiiiiiitiing us; by
remaining we blight relieve
him. It was determined that he should not
ruu- Under these circumstances, 1 there
upon, lor the sake of harmony, agreed to
nnitu tvii lt my Colleagues to vote for and
to elect Mr. Dawson it we could. Aocor
diugly t voted for him. I’erceiviug he
could not be elected, (aud on this point 1
speak lrom knowledge to be .replied on
winch tny colleaguedid not possess,) l
turned my at. non to ML Lewis, of Ala
bama, an early friend and classmate, a
Nubilier. a Sun tieasnrec, ami a Georgian.
1 vol I tor him as long rs he had any pros
pect. Finally, pc celling tiiat ihe Deuio
crais were not disposed to vote for a Sub
!reason S atc-Kighls man and that the
Whigs an<l ill ■ .State Rights men could
unite on Mr. Hunter, 1 agreed with Mr.
Wi-', of Virginia to vote for Air. Hunter,
it iv s o I a Win., but, like myself, was
uiov.-d lrom both parlies.
’J ue next subject that called us out, was
ihe U»si ii3- ion on receiving abolition peti
tions. The manner in which i represented
you on that sui ject is before you. The
course winch tlie re*|»ective parties took on
this subject of absorbim; interest, is before
you. The advantage which one party pre
sents to you above the other, is this : The
Democrats disavow (ami to some extent
maintain it in practice) that latitude of
construction, wlneo. kmn* adopted by the
mass of the Wings, will eventually tonify
the abolitionists with wha»e*er power they
desire. The greatest number of what are
called abolitionist* here, aie of the Whigs.
Ou the subject ol (he petition*, nearly all
that are offered are presented here by Whigs
The Democrats have the credit of resisting
aud rejecting them, at the only time of their
(ejection, since, lrom <he uou slaveholdiug
Si..!*-.-, but one Whig, and twenty-seven
Democrats, voted with u*. The nomina
tion of General llarrisou, whether he be an
abolitionist nr not, was addressed to those
people, and so’tiny understand it : ilis suc
cess is their promotion. I
Another iiiinortaut matter before us, is
one intimately connected w.tii this subject.
The res .jutions of your Legislature on
llie Maine controversy. In regard to these
1 had irmii ihe first but ouc opinion. It
was in me an obvious one, and wuhoiit de
lay was c amnuuicated to my colleagues.
You have, m my reply to the Governor,
same of the ressou* for reiusing to pre
sent them here, a., requested by the Legis
lature.
Another act, second to none in importance,
is the motion to repeal the laws appointing
a salary foi Camplum. For this you have
some of the grounds stated on a motion to
reconsider his'election. Those grounds
would suffice for me ; but there are others.
Nothing is clearer than that wlieu no con
nexion i* ordered, none should exist, how
ever remote, between tue clergy and Cou
' gre-s. They are tue efficient agents
thoughout Christendom, lor accomplishing
the objects of abolition, m the fuce-uf your
cousiniiiioti. They are the propagators
ami supporters ul tne “sublime rnle of ac
tion, from God, which has authori
ty overruling the constitution, thereby sub
verting alt ci-vil rights. They too are the
expounders ol this rule. The connecting
link is formed fiom this to England and
11;ily. The authority of the Pope has al
ready been appealed to; his Bull has gone
forth, and eveil in the-e United States, is
flourished at your domestic institutions iu
menace, especially at Mississippi at.d Louis
ana. Under such circuui-dances, it would
be faithless in me not to disarm our oppo
nents id every weapon. 1 mean the oppo
nents of our Union, the Republic. I con
sider wiiat is going on, lobe a war upon the
Union, tlie main conspirators against which
a're now, where they have been, beyond die
Atlantic. They are accomplishing now in
another, but more effective way, tile objects
of the Hartford Convention. And you,
fellow ciii/.ens, are called onto defend your
institutions, or to prepare to relieve your
selves of the evil. This is no recent opiniou.
If you are what you have been, you will de
fend them.
After this came the election of printer,
about which so much shameless deuounci
ation lias been blindly resorted to. li is me
least ol the several important matters
brought before us. To publish its laivs is
the duty of Congress. This is done by the
press. I could not avoid using some press
for this purpose; nor could l, without a
violation of duty, refuse to have the work
done. Two presses only wvr- competent
to do the work; the Globe and the Inte'ii
wlien the Madisonian, tfie *senvaVi'vo
press, being elected had to faun it out,
tinder an arrangement by which it pocketed
many thousand dollars a* a bonus, and the
luteliigenc did the work. I was reduced
to the necessity to choose between those two
presses, or of refusing to publish the laws
and journals.
I had always been politically opposed to
both. In principle, at all times irore op
posed to he Intelligencer than the Globe,
since, the editor of the Globe has always
professed to be a Republican, while the In
telligencer has nuiformily been the organ of
the Federalists. This was, and is, more de
cidedly opposed to your views, than the
Globe. It is emphatically the organ oftbe
United States Bank, and opposed to the
Sub-treasury. The Globe, outlie contraiy,
is actively opposed to a United States Bank,
and to tire othei leading Federal measures
resulting from the doctrine of imp'ied pow
ers—such, for ii,stance, as Inteni.d Improve
ments. Protective Tariff, and the assump
tion of State ‘Debts-'-aud it zealously sus-
LiiUs tlie Sttb-tresUfy policy.
Finding myself under obligations to vote
between these two, tue only consist vote was
to elect between the two, that press which
could be expected to advocate the leading
measures of tliis Congress, and oppose the
spleuded schemes of extravagant exrendi
tlire resulting from the views of those who
reject the idea of a strict construction of the
Constitution. lii casting this vote, no o
tlier principle was involved Ilian those avow
ed by me when before you as a candidate ;
identically tlie same as that involved in the
choice ofMr Van Uureu over Mr. Harri
son. lam persuaded that no one who ap
proves my choice between Mr Van Buren
an I Mr. Harrison, with a knowledge of the
facts, objects, an I considerations that de
termined me to choose Blair <St Rives, w ill
Condemn this. My prejudices against them
were always as strong as any man’s ought
to be. They were not my men, not de
sirable to me; but decidedly the best I could
do here for your interest.
My opposition to the Intelligencer is en
tirely political, and of the kind, as strong
as can well be. It is of much longer stan
ding than that of the Globe. It began in
the days of Troup and the Treaty. This
opposition is cotemporaneous with tue lust
inspiration from Troup that led me to com
prehend the elevated conceptions of hi*
pure republicanism. From that period to
the present. 1 have seldom seen the pa
per, and have read it less frequent than a
ny leading paper, save the Glebe. Unplea
sant as it is to recount the grounds of ob
jections, 1 am under a necessity to ?lo it,
beginning with their early opposition to
your policy. I feel myself called to do tlrht
by the editorials in several leading papers
of the Biates Rights party, wh<>, without
charity enough to surmise a good intent
oil my part, haring no perception of the
important considerations that have fixed
uie iu a rigid adherence lo the principles
abbve referred to, have hastily, unwitting
ly, and without just cause, attempted to di
rect the finger <d denunciation at a portion
of your delegation,
Y on know how much onr press is given
to think they exercise a control over yonr
opinions. In that present instance, they
Have determined to bring Mr. Biack and
myself under its blast by the application to
us of terms equally unwarrantable and far
more unkind than any which the Globe, in
the height of its abuse, ever used against n
ny of us. if the Globe, or any press in
Georgia politically opposed to me, had used
Ihe same language against us, for myself il
would have been set down as a result to be
expected, and would have passed unnoticed:
but, coming from my own friends professed
ly, they are supposed to possess undoubt
ed credit when pronouncing against those
they act with. This explains the reason
why, under uiy proper signature, 1 am dri
ven to appear in some sort a witness iu tny
own case. That truth, as it comes from
me, may not be dispa,aged by tue represen
tation* of tiiose who denounce us, be it re
membered that tlie paper* which have
uiad<‘the attack in this case. are. or will
prove to be, the direct or indirect supporters
of a United States Bank; tiiat the only op
pressive weight 1 have had to carry, wheth
er a* a candidate before you or iu the dis
charge of duty here, have been 'thrown ou
me from tiiat influence ; for, while some
of my colleagues m o.hcr respects similari
ly situated, dllii riug in this, iiave been re
lieved ol ihtseat'acks from any State Rights
press in Georgia, 1 liave beeu assailed be
fore and since coming here. Tins you
iu iy«say results from my position. So it
does. 1 came here ny your direction a Slate
Rights man, opposed to the bank, to advo
cate the Sub-treasury. Since here, every
act I have performed, and every word 1 have
uttered, ho* had liutouly the intent, but the
effect to maintain these political views.
My vote, for printer, alleged to be an ex
ception, 1 will prove lo be the proper choice
under the cireu nisi antes.
What is the National Intelligencer, and
what are the objects an., ends ot its labors ?
My tecollcciioiis go back in these mailers
no further thau the lite war with Great
Britain. That auu Niles's Register were
ihe only medium of political intelligence
at tny father’s fiicaidc. I knew nothing of
politics, and cared but was ol tiiat age,
when the thrilling sensations produced by
the recital of the suiieri..gs ol a bleeding
ami injured country, would involuntarily
spring me from my sest as my lather would
nightly read the news. This pleasure 1
enjoyed, but mainly lrom the latter paper,
until 1 entered upon life. Education and
association made me a Jeffersonian repub
lican aud a Irieud ot i'roup. Up lo 16J3,
1 acted ou these rules, without perceiving
their import or justice. Fortunately for
me and lor Georgia, liie most remarkable
man of ihe age, and one of the lew patriots
belonging to it, was then guiding the destin
ies of our State—George M. Troup.
lie was engaged in a contioversy with
this Government, involving our rights of
sovereignty, iu attending to his corres
pondence, the must v.*.!u.,ble in our annals,
1 pciceived the rules, and traced the land
marks; since which time 1 never have tor
gotten or lost sight of them.
During its progress, as i fancied tlie sigh;
of bayonets a id noise ol soldiery, ihe same
feelings that thrilled at tlie news liom tlie
war, in the days of boy hood, roused to in
dignation liie feelings of a man. From that
day to this, politically. I iiave had but one
ambition: that his oeen to see the country
rallied in support ol the republican doc
trines, aud ill: politicians of the day practi
cally carrying them out.
At this period, who hut the Federal snl
ministraiiou of this Government, with Air.
Adams at its head, w ere the oppesirs of
Governor Troup. Ga.es and Seaton were
itsorg-ju and suppoites; aud with all their
kind tee-lings lor our great men, could ne>t
sustain the principles ol Governor Tro- p.
From that day forward they have been and
stilt are the decided supporters of the- p it
icy you oppose and opposed to tint you
maintain. heir press is devoted to the
establishment of a United States Batik; and
if tiiat which lias been olten asserted aud
libl com i-airii tea, ne troc, n mis u>, -,eais
beet), and still is, mortgaged to th-.t nank
for ii ore than it ran pay. Such is the
bank’s interest in it that it effects ihe in
surance on it. Although this may not con
trol the opinions of ihe eduu s, it is perfect
ly certain that it is in the power ot the bank
to sell it out whenever ii lingli advocate a
policy opposed to its intei vats. To subject
the prilling to such casualty would cer
tainly be unwise. They are supporters of
the tariff; of intern.i improvements, and
other I I'itudin iriau doctrines; which, in
the hands of the federalists, would sooner
or later overwhelm your inte o.,ts. Bursu
ing the interest oi liieuunn, th-y are the >r
gan iiereol Harrison's friends, and lima by
indirectly aui the abolitionists; tlo v have
been at ad times as widely op; osed io vour
views as any paper here; that they have pre
seived greater regard to courtesy, is ad
mitted.
In 1832, the darkest period of your his
tory. when Nullification seemed but an
other name tor ‘‘treason;’’ iu the mission
ary case, where its principles were strictly
involved, tlie Intelligencer held that ‘-the
Supreme Court might release the mission
aiise, issue process, and execute its own
judgment;” that it would seem “quite evi
dent tiiat ail the agents of Georgia who are
concerned in retaining t..e missionaries in
j jail are trespassers, and must ..nswer one
day for the false imprisonment.” At this
time tiiis seemed to cut against our domes
tic adversaries, they being in power, but it
was a vital thrust, through them, at your
faith.
The Globe, on that occasion, held 11 .-at
the President was not bound to execute the
unconstitutional judgment of the Court a
gainst Georgia This the lutcili c eocer de
nounced as a heresy, notwithstanding the
Globe vindicated it by citing the case nl
Mr. Jefferson’s refusal to execute the alien
and sedition laws. The same principles
were advocated by that press in the Tassel's
• case.
The Globe denounced the Nullifiers, and
j so did she other their doctrines, and in this
supported Jackson and the Force Bill.—
i Si ,co 1837, the Globe and tlie Demoerat
j ic party as such, have puttorth and advo-'
j cated doctrines at variance w ith the k’orce
j Bill, and consonant with ours. And the
l very measure, tlie Sub-treasury, which is
j the great cause of my otJeuding, was sug
gested by Coudy Raguet, a State Rights
man, whom you'remember as editor ol the
Examiner, and proposed and supported fiist
in 1834 by our State Rights delegation
here. It is now the leading measure of
the Globe aud the Administration.
The Globe has uniformly opposed a
bank, the tarifT, internal improvements, and
tlie late move to assume tlie two hundred
millions of State debts. It opposes them on
the grounds which you do.
In private life, so far as 1 know, the edi
tor of the Globe stands unimpeaclied. He
is temperate, free fiom dissi lation, and in
dustrious. He is a southern man in his
birth and education, and whatever he may
liave heretofore said or doue, as an editor,
he is now proposing and supporting many
of your leading features of policy, and op
posing those which you have opposed, lie
is. furthermore, a native American. What
ISute Rights man, whose prepossessions are
not strongly for a bank, and against a Sub
treasury, could hesitate to take the Globe, |
.as an alternative, rather thau the Intelligen
cer ?
If any of you still doubt the consistency
of my course here, that doubt shall now be
removed, by turning your attention for a
moment to our past history, and pointing to i
the rule and object that have iuvaiiably gov- j
erned me. 1
In the nomination of Judge White of
Tennessee some years ago as yonr candid
ate for President, a tendency was maniles
ted to sacrifice principles for uieu, and merge
in the Federal ranks. Governor Troup was
iheu our noiuiuee. On that occasion the
principles ol the party were formally sur
reiideied ; Governor I’roup's name infor
mally ami unceremoniously token down. It
was substituted l>y an advocate ot the Pro
clamation and Furce Bdi; one who, with
all his oppoeiliou to Jacksotiisill, professed
Jacksouisiu. Here wo* the beginning ol
errors. The object was to gi t numbers.
It was done at the sacrifice oi principle.—
The slow but certain progress of truth was
too lardy. We now leei the evil effects.—
I, with many oilier, opposed (hi*. We per
ceived in it w lull 1 iiove abundant prnnt of
lecenily, that Ihe centralizing influence of
jeanies here was planning to amalgamate
you with the Wliigs. ou mere teelings of
opposition. Your editors uuited in the ef
lort, aud at one time called you liie Whig
patty of Georgia, but afterward sty led you
tue Ami-V.m Buren party. In May. 1-37,
in tne cnnventioo tiiat nominated Mr. Gil
mer, a very Jecided attempt was made to
formally reoigamze your parly and change
its name,to eiect a platform to tread with
w higs upon. Those otyou who were there
will remember the preamble and resolu
tions lhat were read lor that purpose ; that
1 opposed it, aud on what ground. You
will remember what was done with the ef
fort. Ii tailed, aud your party name was
saved.
Thi-> tendency, being checked in form has
been manliest in our action, until y our op
ponents at home are seen io plant themselves
on youi own grounu, as you recede, and
claim with exultation that they are the Suite
men, This they always did, but
ct-it only with more propriety, now that they
occupy your ground, than when yuu stood
firmly on it.
I liave steadily * resisted this, whenever
called io act or speak, up to the vote lor
printer. On that occasion, preferring to
represent your principles, rather thau your
feelings and prejudices ol opposition , re
gardless o! those principles, I was governed
by lIk: same rule.
Y uu are now able, feUow-eitiz-ms, to de
cide whether 1 have made your political
faith liitj uniform rule of my conduct, ami,
consequently, have tiujy represented you;
or tv her uer, according to the unsparing cal
umny ot your editors, l have beeu gmiiy ot
ii ‘•moral prostitution, regardless of political
considerations.” or have solu my birthright
for “a mess of pottage.”
I’Lere is, fellow-citizens, a controversy a
moiig you ; you ddler one lrom another.
I have the misfortune to differ from some
of you, >wn!e some of my cm -
leagues difler from myself aud) oil
ers. i hesuiuol Ibis difference is the Bank.
It stirs you. it n oves Harrison, and it is
the spirit ot the Whigs. Its success would
lie secured by t e Iriumphk of the Whigs.
I’heir dyliasiy wilt be established in ii,uni
son's election. \\ ith them (lie Federal
rule of action gains the ascendency. B>
their rules of construe!ion, the oeposers o’l
yum institutions iiave a law above tlie con
stitution, that wilt sweep them li.,e stiii-v
Lelbre me wmd.
Tlie same system of policy that Ins in
duced me to act here, ou every occasion as
1 hu>c, will slid govern me as long as I re
main. No interest siiall suej-ve me; no ap
prehension deter me; no stratagem, wi.hin
my power io detect, shall circumvent me.
'***””• ~0a1J,.,l ulu,
have not ihe patience to examine my views,
to set me down lor “imprat ticalde,” that
being ihe least laborious method ol dispos
ing oi a rouble-;,me argument. 1 impi
fairness will at once relieve me ot tint! impu -
tatimi, or acquit me of die opposite one,
implitu in ihe allegation of a desertion oi
your principles.
i he same rules that have governed me in
chousing a primer, ii.unl gov ea u in cho ce ol
Bi exult nl, and will lead tu a decided pref
i-ience ol lire incumbent over Ins
opponent. Y oui interest is opposed to ei
ttu r a direct m indirect support ol Harrison
i his i Uave to.d you before. Having «<!-
dhiuuai evidence now, and more sa isfactory,
1 repeat it here.
il is repealed lor this additional r-asnn.
I never wii!, knowingly, misrepresent tm
mimesis oi the | e pie who send me lime.
And yet i will act o- no opinion which i
cannot make my own. The remedy for
this is at hand. It Ido not truly represent
you, select one whose opinions, differing
lrom miue, may accord with your own.
And iu the absence of any imputation on
my integrity, 1 simu'd not only be con'eni/
but iiave cause to rejoice that yon will have
done your duty. But if tne State Right*
party is what it lias been. 1 have not mis
represented its policy, it it is difl'erent, I
am unfit to be its representative. For say
ing this much < f myself, let the apology be
that tt was in sell-defence, and iu commen
dation of your policy. That 1 have said
but little of my colleagues, who agree, with
me, and are similarly, situated, lesults lrom
the tact tiiat they prefer to speak lor them
selves. We have oo further concert than
agreement ui sentiment brings about. Their
objects and wishes are such as are here ex
pressed, and their views and reasons are
clear and, to iny mind, conclusive.
This matter, which entirely belongs to
you, 1 submit into the hands of those whose
it is, aud respectfully bid you adieu.
MARK A. GOOBER.
LETTER FROM THE HON.EDWARD
J. BLACK TO GOV. McDONALD.
Washington, February 17, 1840. I
House of Repisematives.
To His Excllency, Charles J. McDonald,
Governor of the State of Georgia.
Sir—l have been toi some time in re
ceipt of your communication, covering tbe
preamble and resolutions relative to our c m
troversy with Maine, introduced into the
last legislature by Mr. Jenkins, and ulti
mately passed by tiiat body: in lieu of the
more decided am! appropriate measures pro
posed to the Satiate by the Hon. A. J. Law
son, of Burke, and to the Honse of Repre
sentatives, by George W. Crawford, Esq.,
es Richmond.
1 should not have suffered so much time
to elapse before I adiltessed your Excellen
cy upon the grave and important subject
submitted by these resolutions to my con»
sideratiou, but that I hoped something
might transpire from the authorities of
Maine, which would relieve tne from the
necessity of speaking plainly on a subject
on which it was evident, my views and o
pinions would come indirect collision with
those of others, who had heretofore been re
cognised as advocates of Stare Right's, at
least, as they were connected with this ab
sorbing question. Aly expectation has not
been realized ; Maine still is erect in her
adverse potitiou, and 1 am forced to perfoim
what l conceive to be a duty imperative up
on me in my representative capacity, to re
turn to your Excellencj the resolutions
you enclosed, and with them my reasons for
declining to present them to congress.
How then stands the case ? Sometime
in May, 1837, Daniel Bhiibrcok and Edward
Kelleran itizens of Maine, the former, mas
ter, and the latter, mate of the schooner Bos
ton, trading in Savannah, while in ihaj
port feloniously : uveigl*d iron James Sngur*
and Henry Sagurs, citizens of Georgia
their negro slave, Atticus, whom thsy cinu’-
destinely conveyed into the State ot Maim
and thus illegally deprived tlie owner* 0 f
their property . Ou the 16th day of May
I’liilbrook and Kelleran were charged Lv
Janies Sagurs, on liis oath, in the eon in v
ol Chatham, with Lav ng, ‘ on or about the
4tn of May last, leloniouslyjinveigled, stolen
taken, and carried away without tbe
limits of the Stale ol Georgia,” tlm s | av «
Atticus ; “that the said Daniel Philbrook
and Edward Kelleran, have been guihy
deponent is iutormed, and believes of a fel
ony undei the laws of this State,” **Tliat
since the commission of said felony, the
said Philbrook aud Kelleran have fled fiom
this State, and are, as lie believes, at tlu.s
time, within i lie limiis of the State, ol Maine
111 till* Unite' States.” Dn the same u : ,y,
the Magistrate, before whom this oath was
made, issued his warrant to arrest these men
and the officer charged With ihe execution
thereof returned, that they were not to | Je
found in the county of Chatham. Corres
pondence then took place between Ilis Ex
cellency. William Schley, at that time
Governor ol Georgia, and ilis Excelled v,
Robert J Dunlap, Governor of Maine, in
which the latter demanded of the former
that the said Philln'nok and Kelleran should
be delivered up to Georgia as Itigiiiie* lrom
ju’tice, being charged ol feloniously inveig
ling, stealing, taking, aud carrying away tbe
slave Aui-us ; and wuh the demand a duly
-•Hitheniicated copy of tlie affidavit warrant
■•ml 'he return tin r.'on w is forwarded tu the
Executive of Maine. Outlie 16rh ol Au
gust tin-rent e;, Gov. Dunlap, in Inrinal cuu.-
iiititiicaiion to the' Executive of Georgia,
declined to comply uiiii tlie demand made
on t.iin.
Matters rested in this position until De
cember 1837, when tiie Legislature of
Georgia prompted hy (hat hign feeling of
patrotism, which had ever characterized the
>iaie when liie riglns ol her humblest eh
z"ii-.-.vire infringed, adopted resolutions
declaring the refusal ol i!i<; Executive of
AI me, to suirender Phi'biook and Kcilerau
dangerous lo tlie lights of the people of
Georgia, direct'y and clearly iu violation of
tlie j lain letter ot the Constitution of the
Uui<ed States ; That the 3tate of Georgia
became a party to the federal compact, no
less for me belter protection ot her own, man
ihe co iii in on rights and inu-re-is ol ail
tun when these ends are d-neated, she is ic
leased lrom iLiu obligations of th u com, act
and it becomes herr.ghl and tier duly to pro
vide protecion tor her people iu her own
way—That when a-> 1 idicauent should be
found against Philbrook and Keller,in, the
Execu ivc he requested to renew the de
mand lor their arie.-t, Nc. Accordingly, on
ilie7.li ol February , 18 8 an liuhcin jui
w'..s found by a Grant Jury olCh.itiia u
County, charging Piinbrook and Kedeia i
with larceny iu felouiousiy inveigle.g, steal
ing, tdiing and c.uiying away llies.arc Al
liens. (Jn the 27i1l ol Apiii ini owing, t it.
error Gdiner, then m ihe Execu.ne cuan
o! Georgia, mads a final uciii md nt pursu
ance oil instruct.mis 11oiii the Legix,.uma
upon Governor Kent, s .cccs or ol Gi v r<.< r
Dunlap, accompany m g me same wuli „n
authenticated copy oitiie iiidiciiin-iii found,
and the tacts and t n cuii.stauci sou winch it
w' os lias and. Gevcriioi Kent refused on tlie
u->,n -lum, lr.'tß, to comply will, diis rei -
orated deni md, and tiecimeu to arrest tn-se
Inaitives from justice. •
The Resolutions ol the Georgia Legisla
litre above referred to, had btcu laid oefi re
the Legislature of .Maine, dunbiless v, i:lt iLu
pacific and pat'iilic purpose of picsenliug
lo that St ate, aool hei and last opj orUn iiy
of ie(r;< v ng her character by leiiacmglitr
s eps ; ill it opportunity was no accepted,
ami tlie Legislature o. Maine, aware oi ail
th** circumstances, de< lined to legislatco i
.he subject, ia felling it exclusively to too
action of tits Executive.
This then is subs! autially the state oftl e
•case don n io the period ol .he adoption of
"ie resolution you enclosed, and nlainlv
stavd, reads thus: Two citizens es Al.due
it* to Georgia, telouiously steal :lie iiropei
iy of two of the la'ter Slate, and with ilic
stolen piopeny in their possession, fly from
.iu-lice, aud take refuge within the limits
of their own State. The Executive of
Georgia demand* tfietn lrom tne State of
AEiiue, and tlie Execu ive of that State
backed by tlie Legislature, refuses to deliver
them up. To remedy these grievances, the
Legislating resolve that the act of Congress
of 1"93, inadequate to effect the purpose
for which it was enacted, that it ought to
be amended so as to authorize the denu.nd
to be made on the Circuit Judge having ju
risdiction in the State wherein such fugitives
may be louud ; and to require said Judge,
upon demand made, to issue his warrant to
the United St; tes Marshal, req- i ing hin. to
arrest and deliver up iln- fugitives claimed in
the wariant, to the person antnorized to re
ceive Inin, anti I mi,[requested.ls om of the
Representatives iu Congre.s of the State of
Georgia, to endeavor to procure such an i.-
mcinlmeni of the .Statute in question, as in
my judgement, will behest calculated to
ell'ect the desir and object. If the 2d Sec. of
the 4th Art. ot the Constitution of the U
nited States was entirely stricken out of that
Instrument—it the whole frame and policy
of our political structure could be radically
changed from a coi federation of Sovereign
Stales for snec.lie purposes, to a great con
solidated Government, the splendor and
durability of n Inch demand upc ihe nnlim .
ited submission of all its parts to one central
power :~»-aud if with this radii a) change
of onr Institutions, 1 and the political prin
ciples 1 have cherished from my youth up
wards, could be thoroughly, totally and
miraculously ckadged also, then, aud not
until then, might 1 lie free to make it a ques
tion of expediency, whether I could submit
a matter invo'ving the vital question of sla
very, to the ultimate and aholute jurisdiction
of Congress ;»-to a hotly wherein never un
til lately, even the meagre majority of 6
could be found unwilling to disturb the re
lation of master snd slave, not because that
Cajority favoured the domestic Institutions
of the South, but because they felt that tlieif
hands were tied up by the strong cords ot
the Constitution. Sir, cv°n if the Con
stitutions warranted this legislation, could
we hope to succeed in appealing to such .
men as John Quincy Adams, Francis Gran*
eer, L< v_v Lincoln, and William Slade?
Judging of the future from the past, could
we rationally expect cien for a moment,
that these men who are powerful and in
fluential leaders of cither party ii.'ihe House
of Representatives, woul I omit th* opportu
nity so aptly presented by our submission
of the rights and interests of slavesholder*
to their decision, to strike a deadly blow at
our domestic Institutions, which would re
sult in legalizing theft, in protecting fugi
tive thieves, in liberating the slave, in dis
troyingthis Union, and in desolating our
fair and happy country ! What fond hal
lucination coaid have influenced the au