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THE AMERICUS WEEKLY TIMES-RECORDER. FRIDAY. IULY 31. 1908.
THE TIMES ftECOBDER
• daily and weekly
The Americas Recorder, Established
1:79.
'The Americas Times, Established 1990
Consolidated April, 1891.
Entered at the postolllce at Amen-
.ymis as second-class mail matter.
THOMAS GAMBLE. JR.,
Editor and Manager.
C. W. CORNFORTH.
Associate Editor and Assistant
Manager.
J. W. FURLOW, City Editor.
TV’. L. DCPREE,
Assistant Business Dept.
Editorial Room Telephone 99.
The Tlmes-Recorder Is the
Oiilcial Organ of the City of Americas.
Official Organ of Sumter County.
Official Organ of Webster County.
Offic al Organ of Railroad Commis
sion of Georgia for 3rd Congres
sional district.
Official Organ U. S. Court, Southern
District of Georgia.
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THE TIMES-RECORDER,
Americus, Ga
The governor's message was “re
ceived with silence." Was It “silent
contempt ?’’
The Atlanta Constitution sighs that
“we will soon have another epidemic
of the straw ballot."
John Temple Graves doubtless real
izes what a valuable adjunct to thf
lecture business a presidential nom!
nation Is.
SHOULD FINISH UP ITS lYOItK
Americas* On., July 31st, 1908.
The convict whipper's inhumanity to
man makes the whole state mourn.
The Columbus Ledger says that
Gov, Smith's recent message was but
a reiteration of his campaign argu
ments.
The legislature soon dies but It
will live long in the memory of Geor
gia. It has been one of the most
remarkable in Us work the state has
ever had.
Gov. Smith, It is intimated, may-
veto the Holder hill. He will demand
positive assurances that the lease
system is to stop at the expiration
of three years. Public sentiment wil
doubtless see to that.
Weaver, who was rotten egged in
Georgia while touring-the state as
the populist candidate for president,
is a staunch Bryan man. If Weaver
forget his malodorous reception
some DemeTnts might forget some
other little tilings.
"if Watson only waits a few
years longer the "Solid South' will be
a memory" says the stalwart Repub
lican Press. The South will probab
ly- stay- solid until the North agrees
with it to disfranchise the negroes
and the Press can judge for Itself
when that day is likely to come.
Atlanta is calling for a city direc
tory- to be issued by the municipality.
The last campaign showed that the
present edition contained a world of
errors. In fact, Gov. Smith’s cam
paign manager was able to show .by It
that there was no Joe Brown club
at all, a proposition which subse
quent events proved to be sadly off
color.
The legislature has established a date when the lease system shall
end. It lias provided that counties shall have the first claim on convicts for
works of a public nature, and that only those not wanted by the counties
shall be leased, It has provided for the separation of the races, and„other-
wise taken a great step toward a final satisfactory solution of the convict
problem It has had to grapple with conditions as they exist, conditions
that sentimentalists shut their eyes to and refuse to see. There is no
doubt in our minds that the legislature as a body has just as much humane
feelinc In its make up as tile most ardent advocates of the Immediate aboli
tion of the ex-siting method of handling the convicts, but the legislature
is a responsible body while the agitators are irresponsible. The legislature
must provide ways and means for the carrying on of the state government,
It must grapple with conditions as it finds them, not as It might wish them
to he and It has got tc work out a solution that is practicable in character
and capable of execution. We cannot join in a senseless condemnation of
legislators who refuse to immediately abolish the convict lease system when
thev are tied hand and toot by financial considerations that they cannot
apparently overcome. We feel that the mass of the members of the Assem
bly of Georgia are kind hearted, pure minded, patriotic men, and that they
have voted for what they- deem to he the best Interests of all concerned at
this time.
We do fees though, that the legislature should not stop at this point.
The Investigation under way shows that there has been ill treatment of
convicts. Whether those guilty can he reached and adequately punished we
do not know. If they can be, justice should he meted out to them unspar
ingly. Justice does not need to be tempered with mercy when It is being
applied to the man or men who have abused authority vested in them to
the extent ot brutally treating prisoners confided to their care.
But oue thing is certain. Steps should be taken that will more effec
tually prevent a repetition of such crimes against humanity in the future,
and the punishment provided for those who abuse their official power should
lie such as to effectually deter offenses of this character hereafter. Con
victs must be worked, they must be guarded, they must be required to be
obedient, hut they must not be whipped to death, or reduced to a state
of physical helplessness as a result of violent abuses dealt out to them
while serving the state.
% Much good has come, or will come, from the agitation that has been
on for the past fortnight. The flood light that has been turned on shows
that there was much that needed to be uncovered. There is no doubt
exaggeration, but even allowing for this there is sufficient evidence to prove
that the state lias been derelict in its duty to its prisoners, and that meas
ures must he provided that will save Georgia from any- further humiliation
of this sort hereafter. And three years hence we may all.breathe a sigh
of relief to know- that the lease system is a thing of the past. And even
then it will be necessary for argus-eyed outsiders, in all likelihood, to he
continually on the watch to see that grave abuses do not creep into the
administration of convict affairs, even though they are worked on state
farms.
Supreme Court. If the Justices of the highest tribunal of the land were
weaklings in Intellectual or moral calibre the president's vehement promm-
ciamentoes would doubtless seriously interfere with the likelihood of the
accused receiving justice at their hands. As it is, the country is to be
congratulated that the Supreme Court is hardly apt to be carried off it 3
feet in an endeavor to satisfy the president, and the case will undoubtedly
be heard on its merits and decided accordingly and without regard to the
wishes and views of Roosevelt.
AVhen the leaders of the confederation of miners in the West were oa
'trial it was Roosevelt who denounced them as murderers and practically
urged their condemnation and execution. This and the other Incidents that
readily recall themselves to the public mind show how dangerous It i 3 a t
times to have a man of impetuous temperament at the head of national
a Hairs, a man who Is not willing to even let the courts alone, but must
continually be dipping into their affairs and trying to regulate their proce
dure and their sentences. If this Interference were allowed to go unrebuked
tor a few yearn all liberty would be In danger and no man who had offended the
president would have any guarantee of justice being meted out to him in
the courts. Public opinion should call a halt.
“FRIED CHICKEN ON THE LAWN.”
TAFT INDICTS HIS OWN PARTY.
#
If the word “my” or ‘I" was substituted wherever the words "Presi
dent Roosevelt’ occur In the Taft speech of acceptance the world would
promptly decent it as another contribution from the pen of the President,
not couched in quite as strong language as he sometimes uses, but still
sufficiently bearing the ear marks of his workmanship to justify one In
labeling It as another emanation from his brain.
Taft's speech “is a blind, subservient adoption ot the'policies enunciated
by Roosevelt, an abject submission to the mastership of Roosevelt, a
.complete acknowledgement of Indebtedness to Roosevelt, and the expression
-at an absolute Intention to be guided by Roosevelt in the event ot his elec
tion as Roosevelt’s successor In the presidency.
As is always the ease, everything Is claimed for the party lie repre
sents. To it alone the country is Indebted for all progressive legislation
of the past, to every thing that has been done to curb the encroachments of
predatory wealth or to restrain corporate greed within reasonable limits.
The public is accustomed to this sort of thing, to the presentation of the
-credit side of the ledger and the complacent ignoring of the debit side. But
fortunately the public Is being educated to turning the page over and seeing
for itself what is on the other side. By the time Democracy's leaders get
through with Taft’s speech of acceptance the voters of the land will realize
that there is another side to the story and one that Is more apt to bring
blushes of shame to the cheeks of honest Republicans than to awaken huzzas
.of praise for the party record.
Taft claims that to Roosevelt the country (s under everlasting obliga
tions for saving “the country from the dangers of plutocratic government
toward which we were fast tending." In these few words there is an
acknowledgment of the weakness of Republicanism In the past that the
candidate probably overlooked when he wrote them. Or perhaps he was
-even willing to acknowledge to still further enhance the reputation of the
jnan who nominated him for President. When the public analyzes this
.candid statement It will realize that it the country was "fpst tending
toward a plutocratic form of government," It was-the Republican party
alone that was responsible for It.-Democracy has stood as a solid rock
against just such a danger. It has had a president but eight years since
1860. And during those eight out of forty-eight years it was only In partial
control ot the government. To the extent of its power It stood uncomprom
isingly against corruption and extravagance such as has always marked
Republicanism, It stood uncompromisingly against the High tariff that has
been the "mother of trusts and combines,” it stood for the equal punish
ment of the powerful and the poor, which Roosevelt labels as his own pe
culiar discovery. It stood for the restraining of wealth within proper limits,
it stood for the Monroe doctrine. It stood for, and began, the modern navy
that Is now the pride of the country. Under Republican control the navy
had been a festering and corrupt sore, with millions wasted on favorite
ship builders who contributed largely to the campaign funds. Protected
industries handed in large checks for the privilege of writing the tariff
schedules. Wealth became more and more arrogant in the political life
*of the land. Truly the-country was, as Taft so surprisingly acknowledges
-"last tending toward a plutocratic form of government.” But Taft slgnallly
Tails to put the responsibility where it belongs for this condition of affairs
«n the party ‘hat had the power to check It and refused, on the party
that preferred liberal contributions at election time to concrete justice to
the .mass of the people, on the party for which he Is now the nominal spokes-
•>n. the Republican party that ignores its own past record and pretends
to pose as the party of reform.
The Republican party has been an unwilling prisoner at the chariot
wheel of Roosevelt. Given Its own way it would prefer the old regime and
would speedily return to it. The educational efforts of Bryan, centering
.pnhlit attention and public thought on the evils of the day, forced Roose
ielt, a practical anil acute-minded politician, to forward steps. The party-
leaders hung like a dead weight upon his efforts. Had it not been for the
moral support of Bryan and other Democratic leaders outside of congress,
and the active and potential support of Democratic leaders and votes in
-Congress, Roosevelt’s efforts would have come to naught, ucteated by his
own party. That Is the cold truth of the situation, and the country ought
to know It.
Gross extravagance still marks the Republican party. Under Roose
velt the expenditures have enormously increased without substantial benefit
to the country. All that can he claimed for the party is that Roosevelt,
reading aright tho signs of the times, encouraged and assisted by Democratic
support, forced through some reform measures that have been advocated by
Democracy for years and was defeated by his own party in his endeavors to
secure other legislation along this line*. Without Democratic support his
administration would have been, In many of these respects, a signal failure,
an abortive effort. And hid it not been for Democratic agitation, for
Democratic work, for Democratic Insistence, the country would still be,
'Vbat Taft says it has been, ‘‘tending toward a plutocratic form of govern-
.ment.”
Taft Indicted hU own party In those few words. The indictment will
«ome home to plague him. It was a concrete expression of an appalling
condition that Republicans alone stood responsible for.
We were at first inclined to scoff at the idea that Bryan could break
into the solid phalanx of the black wing of the Republican party. It seem
ed almost as incredible as the claims that the Republicans might carry
„ome of the Southern states. Election after election the negro voters have
lined up beneath the banner of Lincoln, as the campaign orators always
call it when addressing colored brothers, and it has seemed Jo us that
something more than the Brownsville incident would be necessary to draw
ihem away from their old affiliations.
But recent events have shaken our faith in the constancy of the Afro-
Americans. There are undoubted signs of wavering on their part, a wav
ering that may yet develop Into a stampede and land them, hag and baggage
in the Democratic camp. Bryan is finding the way to their hearts, he is
showing a sympathetic appreciation of the first principles of their nature
lie is getting closer to the negro vote than could at first have been deemed
possible. The Democratic candlate is demonstrating that he is a diplomat
of the first water and that to him all things are possible. Indiana, Ohio, and
Illinois may vet be rescued from republicanism by the aid ot their thou
sands of negro voters who are objects of so much tender solicitude
election time.
Republican candidates have often given the glad hand to the negro
voters and assured them of tjieir undying affection and interest. Repub
lican leaders have even met the negroes In conference and discussed party
affairs just as though they were ordinary white folks. But no Republican
leader has ever risen to the height that Bryan has reached by one sublime
net of political genius.
Telegrams from Lincoln tell that a few days ago the great lawn at Fair-
view ’’ the Bryan homeplace, was thronged with negroes, who were address
ed by “The Peerless One.” While the flood of oratory was encompass
Ing the visitors and beguiling them from the error of their past ways, i
gentle aroma sidle over the grounds that put every negro on the tiptoe of
expectation, and gave a zest to the occasion that even the wonderful elo
quence of the Nebraskan could not furnish. There was no mistaking the
bouquet that filled the air. The delicious fragrance once enjoyed can
never be mistaken. Negro eyes began to glisten, negro mouths began
water. Expectation reached flood tide, and expectation was not disappoint
ed. Out from the kitchen came great waiters, filled to overflowing with ex
I.uisitely browned chicken. It was done to a brown, it had been handled
by masters In the art of frying, it was crisp and tender, it was a crowning
and convincing argument, It was a fact and not a theory, It was an indis
putable evidence of personal Interest that could not be mistaken or contra-
verted. No wonder the black fiosts hurrahed for Bryan and promised him
every state In the Union.
We trust a photographer was on hand. The picture may become
historic one. Who knows but that in the near future, alongside of the
pathetic picture of Lincoln entering Richmond with negroes kissing
hand and saluting him as deliverer, there may hang on every cabin wall
another equally as picturesque and instructive labeled “Fried Chicken on
the Lawn." Who knows but what the November election has been already
won by this masterpiece of political generalship and genial good will.
Between the millstones of Brownsville and fried chicken Taft's political
ambitions nmy he ground Into smltherenes.
TEDDY BUTTS IN AGAIN.
It seems to us that President Roosevelt has an unfortunate tendency
to criticize the judiciary and endeavor to enforce his views to the extent
of dominating the bench. Several times be has apparently felt called upon
to protest against judicial acts and decisions. In the matter of Injunctions
he made statements that wire afterwards shown to be absolutely without
foundation. If confidence in the federal judiciary has been shaken Roose
velt has been a great factor in bringing this condition about.
Until the administration of Roosevelt no president had felt called upon
to endeavor to dictate to the judiciary and regulate' the sentences imposed
bv them. Roosevelt has established a precedent in this respect that, it is
to be hoped, his suctfpisors will probably not imitate. Only a few weeks
ago he was insisting that a man found guilty of violating the pure food law—
a technical violation, at that—should he sentenced to jnil and not fined
Before the Judge could announce his decision the president was ventilating
his views In the newspapers and Instructing the district attorney to insist
on a jail punishment. The judge fined the prisoner, and thinking men
generally commended him for Ills refusal to be dictated to in so important
a matter. Vvca In England under the Stuarts judges were found who refused
to be controlled by the crown and who followed the dictates of their own con-
leienees and judgment rather than the behests of the kins. Fortunately foi
this country the mass of our federal judges are probably men of strong
principle and not time serving sycophants, so we need hardly fear
presidential interference of this sort will be meekly acquiesced in.
The recent reversal of Judge Landis by the Court of ‘Appeals seem
have especially Irritated the mighty one in the White House. Perhaps
he feared the iiolitical effect on the campaign of his residuary legatee,
noon aa the decision was announced Roosevelt is found rushing Into print
with the bold declaration tjiat there is no doubt of the guilt of the accused
and that the severest punishment that„can be accorded would be none
severe, at the same time stating that the case would be appealed to
GEORGIA’S VOTE FOR BRYAN.
In the last primary election, the state election In which Candidates
mith and Brown contested for the gubernatorial nomination, nearly 200,000
professedly Democratic, voters cast their ballots for these two candidates.
Over 200,000 votes in all were cast, but allowing that 10,000 to 15,000 ol
these were really populistic in their political adherence It is still apparent
that a vast army of democrats are qualified to vote not only In the October
election, but In the November national election as well. Never before in
the history of the state has there been such a vast number ot white voters.
In 1901 tile total vote cast for presidential candidates in Georgia was
8,198, and in 1900 it aggregated 122,7l5. This year there is seemingly no
reason'why the total vote should not be between 225,000 and 250,000, there
einfe probably 75,005 negroes qualified to vote in addition to the more than
00,000 whites. The total vote for 1908 could easily be twice what it was
n 1900 when Bryan made his second race for the presidency.
In 1990 Bryan polled 81.700 votes against 35,035 lor McKinley, 5,980
oteo being polled for other candidates. In 1904 Parker’s vote was 83,472,
Roosevelt’s 24,902,'Watson’s 22,635, with SS2 for other candidates. Parker’s
larger vote than Bryan’s was doubtless due to his receiving the support
of business man who would not support Bryan owing to lack of faith iu the
principles espoused .by the Nebraskan, especially as to the cui rencj ques-
lion. There being no issue as to free silver this year it is not improbable
that many of tills class will support Bryan.
Watson’s" canvass for votes may result In his increasing his total over
what he received in 1904. But a vast number of the old Pops have gone
back into the ranks ot Democracy and will not consent to leave it again,
merely to compliment their former leader. To offset this defection from
is former strength he may seduce a sufficient number of dissatisfied demo-
rats. It s hardly likely, though, that he will receive more than 23,000
lc 30,000 votea.
Is there any reason why as large a vote should not be polled in Novem
ber as In the last primary? None if the work is done to that end. But
even allowing that the certainty that Bryan will carry the state by a sub
stantial majority leads to the absence of ninny voters from the polling
places on election day there Is every reason to believe that of the 170,000
white votes leP, after allowing-Watson a total of 30,000, in the neighborhood
of 140,000 should be got out for Bryan. The defection of business men and
other ordinary Democrats who are opposed to the candidate will probably
not aggregate 7,000 all told. Allowing for all of this it is difficult to see
hv Bryan should not poll a vote greatly in excess of that given to him in
1900 and why his plurality should not at least be equal to that accorded to
Parker in 1904. viz: 59,469.
There will be considerable “guff" indulged in during the next three
months by sensational writers, particularly on the Atlanta papers, but the
erage voter lias sense enough to size up the situation in Georgia for
himself and know to an absolute certainty that neither Watson nor Taft
has the ghost of n chance of carrying Georgia or coming within many,
many thousands of votes of doing so. 'While we may not admire much ol
the record of me Democratic candidate, and regret that some one else is
-lot leading the ticket, there is no reason why the party should not rally
to his support and effectually dispel any lingering Ideas that Georgia con
templates any . liange of political base. As long as the Republican party
stands for gross extravagance, for a tariff that makes living expenses as
to be almost beyond the reach of an average workingman, and as long as
it eoodles the negroes and encourages them in false Ideas for their support
n the close Northern states, just that long will Georgia cling to the faith
6f the fathers and remain one of the sisterhood of “Solid Southern States.”
WILL BRYAN CARRY INDIANA?
that,
to
Indiana Is now claimed by conservative men to be really a doubtful
state, and with a fair show for the Democrats to carry It for Bryan and
Kern. f
If this is so It will mean another political revolution In what was once
almost as rock ribbed a Democratic stronghold as Georgia.
Time was when Indiana could almost be as safely put down in the Dem
ocratic column as Maryland and Kentucky. But, like those states, it driltea
away from the old mcorings, and for a time seemed to be safely anchorea
In the Republican fleet. In 1888 it went Republican by 2,348. Four years
later Cleveland carried It by 7,125. Then carte Bryan’s first race anil In
diana went over to McKinley to the tune of 18,181. Bryan’s second race
Increased the Republican majority there to 26,479. Poor Judge Parser
had the humiliation of seeing this adverse majority Increased to the earn'
mous total of 93,944. Roosevelt’s overwhelming personal popularity
doubtless responsible for this, and not so much the opposition to Democra
tic policies.
It is somewhat hard to believe that Bryan can overcome this treme.-
dous Republican majority this year, but his friends point to the fact that ■
the second race he made, when McKinley was popular throughout tne
lion and had the prestige 'of the Spanlsh-Amerlcan war' to back him,
change of 14,000 votes would have given Bryan tho state. Byran. m '
claim, was far more popuiar than Parker, and is' today as popular as e
before with the Hoosiers. yi.
The real basis of the Democratic hopes appear to be that the K*P ‘
cans are badly split up over contests for state offices and several tac ^
have their knives out for each other, Kern Is expected to do good- , ,
in bringing the state in the Bryan camp. As the Nqw York Herald s si
correspondent sees it, conditions in the West are about as follows.
Two states that were carried by Roosevelt In 1904, are placed ^ _
ourely democratic column. These are Indiana and Missouri, hl (ul
tucky Is conceded to the democrats. Wisconsin is placed in the « o3
column because LaFollette dominates Wisconsin and Bryan la run
the LaFollette platform, repudiated by the Chicago Convention. co i-
All the other States in the Middle West are placed in the reimhll'’™ ,, y
umn. These are Illinois, Iowa, Michigan and Minnesota, but it is caB .
possible that there should be great concern over Illinois before , ln
palgn Is six weeks older and the middle of September may see it I
the doubtful column. „„ An-
This Is duo to several things. One Is the Standard Oil decision- ovef
ether Is the terrific fight raging in the republican party in Governor
nominations. The contest rages In every section, not only ove the
and United States Senator, but over all the minor offices, it ,j, pre-
opponent of Governor Deenen, Is nominated for Governor it i
dieted that he will bo defeated at the polls. brougM
The democrats are quick to take advantage of this and na scc ond
forward Adial E. Stevenson, who-was Vice President in Cl[evenin gteve n-
administration, as a
son will be the democratic
greatly in Illinois.
evenson, »uu lvaa l ive nraiu™. - gtevc“
candidate for Governor. It Is probable that BrJ - a n
nocratic candidate and that he wUl strengt
itly in Illinois. ,,„„„rtnin to caus e
But the outlook In the Middle West Is sufficiently un JL w hole terri*
serious thought on the part of the republican ™ an f;? er f’ 7 rollege, count'
tory, with Ohio left out, supplies 111 votes in the Electoral uous repu bH-
ing Illinois as republican, which may not be the case late . Roose vclt
cans stand to get sixty-five of these votes, or forty-six less
and Fairbanks had in the eame territoYy In 1904.