Newspaper Page Text
Extract from J\Jv. Couittr’s dtlio
rrcd at lhr Celebration of Jefferson's Bit th Day,
■in Pennsylvania, on l!,c Villi List.
The notion of protection, as distinct from
revenue, in my opinion, never ente.-mi into the
conceptions of the I tinners oi tiro Constitution;
and w ould not have been endured by the peo
ple, who were then fresh from the contests of
liberty. Why should the industry of one class
of men claim or need protection, by law, more
than that of their neighbors/ They are equal
by the Constitution, and by the principles of na
ture, and the law which makes a distinction,
and confers a privlege upon any one class is un
just, against the first principles of a free gov
ernment. In reducing the duties to the reve
nue standard, or the wants of the government,
it appeared to me that no injustice was done to
any class, or section of the community; and
that by doing so, the discontents of the country
would be appeased. Government was institu
ted for the benefit of all the people, and it ap
peared just and proper to attend to the wants
and complaints, and oppressions of all
The people of South Carolina are singled out
as an exception, in the imnds of many*—they
are my country men and yours—bound to me
by the recollection of the fields of Camden and
the Eutow Springs—by many a gallant fight j
and name, in the camp of liberty, and my j
country, and yours. I wished to allay even
their discontents, not by the blood of my own
country m< n, Spilled out on its soil, but by the j
nobler sacrifice of justice and conciliation.
The modification of the Tariff laws received the
assent of the whole South—was accepted as a
peace-offering, to restore trauquility to the coun
try. W hen, therefore, the cup of concord was
in our hands, when we w ere burnishing anew*
the links of the Union, I did not wish to pre
sent the bayonet to Southern bosoms and say,
this cup of peace and union, which you now ac
cept, restores harmony, tranquility and peace—
—make* us countrymen, indeed—brethren in
affection and principle,out cecau.-e you dared to
throw up your caps ant, alk of liberty, this bay
onet is presented to show that we are your mas
ters. I wished to make no idle parade of the
terror* oi the Constitution; but to unfold its
pow er of union and peace by means of mutual
reason, forbearance and jusiice, and thus win
for it the affections of all th© people—its surest
guaranty and support.
I, therefore, voted against the Enforcement
Bill. It was altogether unneessary. The set
tlement of the Tarifl question, had more effec
tually allayed all opposition, than a hundred
thousand bayonets could have done. Its pas
sage could only irritate the South, without do
ing any good to the North. Instead of strength
ening, it only weakened the administration. It
migut procure for it the support of Mr. Webster
and Mr. Everett, as tile Irish Enforcement Bill
has procured for the Whig Ministry, in Eng
land, the cordial support of Lord Wellington,
and, Sir Robert Peel. But a coalition between
Whigs and Tories is always fatal to liberty, as
the English and Irish will now learn anew.”
c have this day assembled to do honour to
a man whose memory is adorned by that noble
glory, which accompanies the names of illustri
ous men, who by securing happiness and peace I
to their fellow beings, have erected the most du-1
rabie monuments to their own lame. Ills,, —a;
ha,'.con vouched as authority fqr this latv. Ij
wis i to rescue it from that reproach.
In tin close of the year 1808, the embargo
*a\\ had been violated in the .Eastern states, by
armed men, without colour oflegal process. A
ship would be loaded and equipt for sea, and
when she was stopped by the custom house offi
cers, uuiess her owners would give bond, that
she would not go to any other port, except one i
belonging to the United States, a lawless armed
force rescued her, and she sailed where she
pleased. To remedy this forcible suppression
of the law, Congress, early in January 1809,
passed an Act, supplementary to the embargo,
authorizing the president to employ the Milifia,
and the land and the naval force, to assist the
custom h >use officers, in detaining vessels, un
til they complied with the embargo laws. As
soon as this law wus passed, the Lcgiislature of
Massachusetts resolved, that it was unconsti
tutional, and not obligatory within her limits;
and transmitting a memorial to Congress on the
subject, she informed them, that if the law was
not repealed, she would be compelled to resist
it by force. Mr. Jefferson rather than brin
the l nited States, into conflict with a State, re”
commended the repeal, not only of this law, but
oi the embargo itself. And the very same
Congress, in six weeks, (the law was passed
about middle of January, and repealed early in
March,) repealed the same law, which they had
passed, for no other reason, than that one of the
Sovereign States of the Confederacy, had de
clared that she would resist it by force. I leave
it to your candour and sense,'to say, whether
this is not a precedent directly against the law
ot last session, and whether it does not array
the whole of Mr. Jefferson’s authority, and that
of the Congiess of 1809, against the measure.
Ihe Cmuuuition ot the U. States, and the
Acts of Congress made in pursuance thereof,
are the supreme law of the land, and the Judges,
in every State, are bound thereby. Os this there
can be no dispute. But the laws must be ex
pounded and enforced, in the mode which the
Constitution authorizes one of the great de
fects of the old confederation was, that there
existed no power in the General Government, to
operate upon individuals, in the states ; and,
therefore, when a state did not choose to obey,
and enforce an act of Congress, it remained a
<ieaJ letter; unless Congress resorted to milita
ry coertioa upon the State. By the present
Constitution, the United States Government is
enabled to operate upon individuals, ofthe states,
and enfor e its laws upon them, through the
Judiciary ofthe U. States, and the civil mams- !
rt-aev. ‘Pnt between the United States and a!
, at!tlie rnat,er rests precisely where it did un- !
der the Articles of Confederation. The Con- •
stitution - iakes no umpire. The Supreme Court :
disclaims jurisdiction of political ques- 1
UPMS. J fiev must, therefore, be settled either I
by the law of force, which would be war, in fact
and form, or by the law ot compromise and mu
tual conciliation. In a contest of force the cit
izen of the recusant state, could not be punish-’
ed for treason; because the State had the facul
ty of sovereignty, to compel his obedience, and
because,by the Constitution ofthe United States,
every person must he tried for an offence, in the
state where it was committed.
Ido not belong to the school of sophists. I
would not involve my country in civil war, to
maintain a theory, whether of the high church,
or the low church in jiolitics. 1 admire prac
tical republicanism. We must all admit, how
ever, that the states have certain reserved rights
with which Congress cannot, or ought not to
interfere. The State Legislatures, in passing
laws for the benefit of their respective states, all
proceed upon the rights reserved to the states,
and the people ofthe states, when they assem
ble in Convention to alter or amend their Con
stitutions, proceed upon the lights reserved to
the states. But if the doctrine of Mr. Webster,
in supporting the enforcing bill is correct—that
Congress is the sole judge ofthe reserved rights
of the states, except in controversies which as
sume a judicial character—then the State Le
gislatures, proceed under favour, and subject to
the discretion of Congress, and the people of
the states themselves, cannot form a state eon
. stitution, without its being subject to the super*
j vision of Congress. Asa citizen ofthe state of
! Pennslylvania, I do not admire the notion of a
member of Congress from Passainaquoddv, or
the BayonScra, regulating my municipal rights,
and Cuntroilingthe distribution of what little prop
erty I have. They arc not my representatives
for that purpose. But, Gentlemen, it was on
such assumptions as these, that the enforcing
bill was predicated. 1 have not time, indeed, I
have little inclination to examine its features.
I never looked upon it, nut with abhorrence.
The first section, instead of providing means
for the execution of the revenue laws, does
effectually, and in terms, entirely suspend them
in anv collection district, which the Pesident
may choose to designate, and substitutes in their
stead, anew rule, which consist* whoily ol the
will, the sic rolo, of the collei tor of the Port,
sole Judge, umpire, and autocrat, backed by the
military and naval power of the country, as his
orators and executioners.
The third section provides that any.pcrson,
who under color of the revenue laws shall com
mit any offence, murder not excepted, shall not
be tried in the State Courts, but in the United
States Court, fur an offence 1 suppose, against
the United States. The United States Courts
have no common law power, they, therefore,
cannot punish under the principles of the com
mon law.—There is no act of Congress defining
the crime or declaring the punishment of mur
der. This provision ofthe law is no other than
a general pardon for aii offences committed un
der color of its enactments. These, however,
are only the small vices of the law. I will only
allude to that feature of it which authorizes the
military of the United States, to shoot down and
murder unoffending citizens, on their own na
tive soil, for obedience to their own native laws,
and this at the command and disen tion of some
deputy collector of customs!
j Gentlemen, I believe the law ot 1795 to be
! amply adaquate to the exigency of the times,
| with merely some judicial provisions relating to
the removal of causes, irom the Stat to the
■ United States’ Courts, and an extension of the
writ of Habeas Ccrpua. 1 was thoroughly con
vinced, too, £:.* fW law which the wi*: ™ of
our fathers had left us, was founueJ C. n llle rl! ™
principle, that the militia should come in aid,
and to support and sustain the civil magistracy,
in the execution of the known and declared laws
of the land. I could not in my conscience, and
therefore did not, vote tor the Enforcement Bill.
It seems to me, that the application of Military
force against one of the sovereign members of
this Union, can only be justified, as the last
melancholy effort, for the maintenance of the
Union, after all other means have been tried and
exausted. Take for instance the state of South
Carolina, covered with popular odium as she is.
Suppose her to be conquered and subdued, as
she probably would be, in a contest with the
Union.—Her fields desolated, her towns in ru
ins, her women in mourning, and the land filled
with new covered graves of her sons. Let us
imagine an assemblage of the twenty four sis
ters, and that she, one oi the old thirteen, should
appear with her hair disshevellcd, and her gar
ments torn by mercenary soldiers—the blood of
her children upon her cheek and upon her hands,
and the tear of subdued affection in her eye.—
Think you that she could be an equal and an
associate for the others in their pride ! No, the
tie of union and of affection would be destroyed
forever.
“ For never can tme reconcilement grow,
Where wounds of deadly hate have pierc’d so deep.”
She might be a conquered province, but never
a conquered State.
A mighty conjuror has made his appearance
m l\ ew New 1 ork and is astonishing the good
society of that city with his marvellous feats ;
the following is among them :
“ A cage, containing some half a dozen small
birds, alive and hopping, was exhibited to the
spectators; it was then placed on a tabic, and
tired at with a pistol cearged with fine shot—
every bird fell dead. A cooking apparattus
was then produced—a fire placed under it, and
the dead birds thrown into the seething pan;
whan they were as believed sufficiently cooked,
the cover was removed, ar.d behold, instead of
a fricasee, and apparently to the utter amaze
ment of the cook, flew forth from the boiling
mess, to different parts of the Saloon again live
and full leathered, the flock of little birds. M.
hauberfs powers of ventriloquism, and of as
suming various characters, by a change of fea
tures, are truly astonishing, and add much to the
entertainment of bis exhibition.
Banking —Banks are of three kinds, banks
of deposit, hanks of discount, and banks of cir
culation. When an individual provides him
self with a secure plaee for keeping, and gives
notice that he will take charge of people’s mo
lt iy, it is called a bank of deposit. The banker
per, which is culled a bairn bill. When the
banker owns monies himself, and offers to lend
them for a certain amount of interest which he
deducts front the depositor’s cash, is a bank of
discount. In this country, three different kinds
of banks are united ; out banks are banks both
of deposit, diseouut, and circulation.
Tlye firs)., bank was established at Venice,
about 950 ago. A number of individuals,
when fltey enftstened under the banners of the
Cross, before they started for the Holy Land,
looked about for some seenre place to deposit
their treasures ; and as Venice was then a rich
and prosperous city they placed them there: this
was a bank of deposit. The second bank was
established at Amsterdam 220 years ago; and
was also a bank of deposit. The third and
most important Bank that there was ever fram
ed is the Bank of England, which was estab
lished about the year i 683, which was the peri
od when the British national debt commenced,
and the Government, for the purpose of raising
money, granted certain privileges, and among
others, that of Banking. The bank of England
had at one time in circulation j£24,000,000. It
is rather difficult to realize what an amonnt this
is. If it were brought into American dollars,
and they were placed so that the edges would
touch, they would occupy a plain containing
253 square miles'. If they were piled one
above another, the column (allowing $lO to an
inch) would be 168 miles high', if they were
i placed in teams, and drawn by oxen (allowing 1
ton’s weight to each pair of oxen) it would
, take all Boston Common for the oxen to stand
upon!
The British Debt at present amounts to $785,
000,000. The whole number of inhabitants on
! the earth, according to the most accurate cal
i dilation, is 737,000,000. Consequently, if the
’ British debt was equally assessed, upon every
I inhabitant of the earth, they would each be re
quired to pay £l, Is. 3d!— William Sullivan's
Lecture before the Boston .Mechanics ’ Inslita
lion.
4 . xjbj VV ’’lt* It *1 A : El.
Ai’RUllA, GEORGIA, JUNE 4, 1833.
Owing to: the title temporary absence, and recent re (
turn of the Editor, our triends will please excuse tlie want
of Editorial matter in this day’s paper,we will endeavor to
ivr a part of our many objections to the proposed amend
ment of the constitution, and the course teken by the del
egates in convention, in our next.
H'e learn from a source that is undoubted, that some
person in Athens, whose name shall be exposed as soon
as ascertaineiiTTias been base enough to assert to a gen
tleman travelling to this aeclion of count) y, that the
‘.Vostcm Herald was suspended, for went of patronage.
Not knowing the individual who has thus at'empted, by
downright (icing, to injure us in our business, we cannot
say what were the motives which prompted this wil
ful slander. This paper has been in opperation only
about two months, and has thus far been as li'erally pa
as could have been expected upon the part of
rts proprietors.
Judge Hooper.—Tor the information of those having bu
siness with the Judge of this Circuit, he has lately remov
ed to Cass county, and settled near the Altatoona mines.
—■lgOß:
Fourth of July Arrangements. —Agreeably to previous
notice, a respectable number of the citizens ofthis county,
met at the Church in tins place, on Saturday evening last,
(or the purpose of making arrangements to ccleb-ute the
approaching Anniversary of American Independence;
when upon motion of H. HOLT, Mr. JASON H.
WILSON, was called tothc Chair,and JOHN N. ROSE,
Esq. appointed Syvfery. The Chairman appointed the
following Cojjimitteea/to wit: A Committee to select an
Orator of theday, and Reader of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. A Committee of Arrangements, and a Com
mittee to prepare Tosts.
The Committee to select and orator and reader, have
made choice ofISAAC R. WALKER, Esq. Orator of
the Day, and Maj. HINES HOLT, Reader of the De
claration of Independence. Bolh of the gentlemen have
accepted. .
—:2©e.—
The Farmers Bank of Chattahoochee. —There has re
cently been a branch of lliis institution established at
Clarkesvilie, Habersham county; Col. Samuel A. Wales,
President, and Paul Rossignol, Esq. Cashier.
We are apprised that the recent failures of banks in
Georgia, will liavea tendency to retard the progress of
any new efforts to add to tile number of banking institu
tions, already in operation in this Stale. Vet from our
knowledge of the very fairstanding of the Farmers Bank
of Chattahoochee, and our inti natc acquaintance with
tile Gentleman at the head of the institution, as well as
our unlimited confidence in the impartial management of
the officers at die Branch at Clarkesvilie, we do hope that
an enlightened and generous public, will not visit the
sins of others, upon the heads of the gentlemen concerned j
in this business. Believing as we do, in the utility of’
such an establishment, in this section of the state, we are
glad to see it advancing under the direction of men,whose
competency to discharge the several duties assigned
them, is unquestionable, and whose integrity and hones
ty, is above the suspicion of any one who knows them.
—:2K2K:—
FOR THE WESTERN HERALD.
■Mr. Editor: —The Convention having just 1
closed its session, it is now for the people to
take the proceedings of that body under consi
deration, and determine whether they will ratify i
its proceedings or not. There is at all times
safety in (he decision of the people, when the
subject is fairly brought before them, and they
have sufficient lime to deliberate upon the mat
ter presented for their consideration. It is .
therefore not only a matter of right, but is abso- -
lutely a duty incumbent upon each and every
citizen, to discuss in a cool and calm manner,
any, and every subject which is presented to the j
people for their decision. Investigation devel
opes truth, and upon truth we alone can rcly,
when a subject is referred to the judgment ot
the people. I propose, therefore, to present a
plain and simple statement ot facts which have
a direct bearing upon the subject now presented
for their consideration.
It is a fact well known to every old citizen of
this State, that for the last twenty-five years, a
; large majority of our citizens have complained
jof the great inequality of Representation in our
State Legislature. When our Constitution was
adopted, it gave to each county, without regard
to population, one senator and one representa—
i tive; and each county having a population oi
, three thousand and less than seven thousand,
! was entitled to two representatives and all such
as contained seven thousand and less than
twelve thousand, tlnee representatives, and
such as contained twelve thousand and upwards,
four representatives. In proportion as our po
pulation increased, the inequality of this mode
of representation increased. Such is the variety
and nature of the soil in our State that there is :
1 no degree of proportion in the number of inha
bitants residing in the different counties. Some
counties contain a free white population of only
about six hundred, while others contain a popu
lation of eleven thousand ; and yet, under our
system, each has equal powers in the senatori
al branch ofthe legislature,and thesmall counties
retain one fourth as much power in the house of
; Representatives as the larger counties, when in
fact their population entitles them to but one
twentieth. To this inequality there has within
a few years been added another evil. Since the
extinguishment of the Indian title to the lands
within the chartered limits of our State, many
new counties have been created, and consequent
ly the number of members in the Legislature
have increased beyond that number which is
best calculated to ensure wise legislation. To
remedy these evils was ‘he object ol the people
in calling the late Convention—they w ished not
Only to reduce but to equalize the Representa
tive-- in both brandies of the Legislature. And
what has been the result of the proceedings ot
this Convention ! They have made some re
duction—they have reduced the senate to forty
five members, allowing every two counties to
elect one, without regard to population. The
inequality, therefore of that branch of our legis
lature remains precisely as before. But what
has been done in relation to the house of Rep
resentatives —have they made any reduction in
that body? They have made a small reduc
tion. That branch of the legislature has been
limited to r 44 members ; but this reduction is
made entirely at the expense of the majority—
the propos ’d reduction increases the inequality
precisely in proportion to the number reduced,
i Each county, no matter how small its popula
tion, still retains the privilege of having one mem
ber, consequently so far as any reduction is
made, it operates exclusively upon the populous
counties. The little reduction which is propo
sed, diminishes the public expense something.
It reduces the expense at the rates of about
three cents to every soul in the State. But is
this small reduction a fair equivalent for what
is given up ? Is there a man in Georgia who
will say that he is willing to surrender his rights J
and his liberties tor the small sum of three cents. !
Is there any tnan who is willing to place the go- |
vernment ofthis State in the hands of the mi
nority for the purpose of saving this small ex
pense ? There can be none—there can be no
man who holds to the principle that men by na
ture, possess Kjua! rights and privileges, will
agree to a regulation of this kind. Yet, Sir, if
the people ratify the proceedings of this Con-
A*” **"” “ 1 ‘ ■ contradict this I
TOIIUUU) tuc y Will uy llltJir Y•.
principle of universal equality.
If any doubt, that the position here taken be
true, let them examine the lucts for themselves,
let them examine the records of our State, and
see what the actual state of population is in the
different sections and counties of the State.
Foi instance,let .is compare eight counties of the
Eastern circuit, with the eight < ountics compo
sing the Western circuit, and we find those eight
counties of the east, to contain a free white po
pulation 0f9,666, and the eight counties of the
west, a like population of 61,605 ,and each are
entitled to four Senators. Nine men of the
east have in that deparment of state as much in
fluence as sixty men in the west. Again, let
us compare the counties of Glynn and Hall—
Glynn county, has a free white population of
622, and Hall a like population 11,177; yet
each have the same powers in the Senate, giv
ing in that body to one man of Glynn county, as
much power as eighteen men of Hall county.
A comparison with the Southern section of the
State shews the same inequality. If we divide
the State into three equal sections,say Eastern,
Western and midlle, allowing to each section
thirty counties, we find that the thirty western
counties contain about as many white inhabi
tants as the sixty remaining counties. If the
census were at this day taken,there is no doubt but
that the fhirty upper counties contain halfthe white
population, and I take among thv‘se thirty coun
ties, the ten counties of the Cheiokee territory,
which at the present moment is but tninly inha
bited. And what will be the state of things four
years hence at the taking of the next census 1
There is not (he shadow of a doubt but that the
thinly settled upper counties will have a c on
derable majority over the balance of the State
Yet wc shall have only fifteen senators, and the
minority will be entitled to thirty, and in the
House of Representatives we sb.all be in the mi
norrty.
The population of the u', country is daily in
creasing, and precisely i n proportion to our
increase ot population, does the inequality of
this system increase upon ut. If the system is
adopted, the country i s at a ll times liable to be
; governed by th'j minority. The people of
: the middle section of the State complain
of the inequality of the principle, and true,
it has a bearing upon them, but the extent
ot the inp_quality bears infinitely harder upon the
up country. And how has all this taken place ?
; Why, it may be .asked, did sq many of our up
country delegates support such a measure ? In
charity let us suppose that many of them erred
m making their calculations—that in making
i a. compromise, (os they stile it, j with the eastern
counties, they were greatly deluded, and
ved by the wise men of the east. That mam
of them fully believed that the abandonment C
the eastern section of the State, of the I'orrntt
basis of Representation, would counterbalance
the right which they sacrificed. But, Sir, |
shall hereafter present a view of the population
ofthe different sections ofthe State, including all
classes of people by which it will clearly upp ea ,
that the up country has made nothing by this com.
promise. I pledge myself to shew that territoJ
rial representation,makes the inequality greater
upon the up country people, than that ol a top.
rcsentation based upon numbers, including eve.
ry class of Representation. If the people be.
come convinced of this fact, surely they will net
ratify the proposed amendment. If they *; s |,
to abandon the federal basis of representation,
they will discover that they have the power and
can establish which ever principle of representa.
tion may seem most equitable, without yielding
by way of compromise to the east more than they
are justly entitled to. LUKE.
FOR THE WESTERN HERALD.
DAY DREAMS.
My day dreams! my day dreams !
How sweet, how joyous they;
When brightest hope, with lucid beams, ■
Shone on my boyhood day.
With eager wish and longing eyes.
I on the future gazed ;
Nor deemed that o’er these beauteous skies, 1
My boyish fancy raised.
Such darksome clouds should he o'ercast.
In such short lime be hurl’d
Ry disappointment's chilling blast,
To wreck my beauteous world.
For fancy Uien in pleasing dreams,
In gajest robes, lile’s scenes arrayed,
But now alas in transient gleams,
Life’s hopes but flicker, ere they fade.
O! Could I but recall those days,
Again dream o’er my hopeful story;
Shake oil'life’s dark realities,
And light the waste of memory.
I ne’er should sigh, again to tread
The chequered scenes of manhood’s joy;
But in delusion’s happy bed,
Forever dream myself a boy.
My castle bright—my verdant grove.
My deeds of arms, and youihful glory;
My fiery steed, and lady love,
My countries foes, all gushed and gorv !
I ne’er from such a dream would wake,
From such delusion wish to fly;
Nor from my boyish vision break,
But in ray dreams of glon*, die.
TIBICEN MONTEUJI.
Mr. Duane, in a few days to be marie Secretary of tilt
Treasury, is tbo son of ihe former Editor of the Auron
The Philadelphia Enquirer states iimt lie was onginsllj
a Printer—wor .et) many along and weary day at Us
ease—then studied law, and gradually attained by tin
force of unassisted merit, to the high standing anten is
fellow citizens, which lias led to Ins elevation to one oflkt
must important and digniiiiSd posts in the Union.
it is said the President will leave AVasliington aboi
the Ist of June, on his tour through the Eastern State,
and will proceed as far as Maine. It is his intention toil’
turn lo Washington previous to Hie fourth of July.
The Thames Tunnel. —The proprietors ~1 this wor. hail
petitioned the Commons lor assistance stating that ths
have already expended 170,000/. upon the work, and tk:
it was likely to be abandoned, unless the house wouk
take some step to assist them to complete it.
Alarricd, in Kirby, England, after an incessant cool
ship ofoSycars, 4. months and 2 days, Mr. Ralph Gar
itii, aged 60, to Miss Aim Jackson aged 56. Whatii
lesson is here afforded to all to persevere ill well doing j
rVlr. G. should take as a motto for his coatof arms—ptru
veranda.
Id rink for Horses. —Some ol lire inn-keepers on th
western road have adopted the practice recommends)
by a member of the Bath Agrijuftural Society, of boi
mg the corn given to horses, and giving the waters
drink. It is most satisfactorily ascertained lhat three
bushels of oats, barley, Re., so prepared, will keep da
horsesm better condition than double Ue quantity in ac.ui
lS32 ll t n ““-e r .Amr J ” k °' J l! cr f ons > ho, during tne mj
’ i custody by tho Loudon uieii'ojwt
M jMltt'') and discharged when sober, L *46,7Ui—or
whom 15,411 were males, 10,291 females. And thu
number is but a part, a fraction of the host of
tiplers. ‘
An important association is forming in Paris, at this
moment, having for its object to hasten the emancipate
ol the Jews on all points of the Globe. The association
is to be divided into committees, and composed of cit
zens ol all nations. Among the founders and member!
of the provisional committee, are Gen. Lafayette, th
Count de Lasteyrie, M. Nepomucene Lsmercier, of tin
Academic Francaiee, and Messrs. H. Carnot, Crem
ux? Tarchercau, Chatelin, Alph, Cherlberr, V. Lanjw
nais, Ed. Thayer, Leon Halevy, Cassin, and several dis
tinguished Poles, and the celebrated Fenimore Cooper
are members of the society.—„Vaf. Gaz.
The rain, says the Philadelphia CJ. S. Graz, of the I7ti
inst., continues —yesterday was marked by one of tl*
greatesllalls of rain that we have had for a long tiiw
We regret to learn that much damage is likely to aceia
•from the great freshet in the Delaware.
U. S. Bank.— John Randolph of Roanoke, (says
the Richmond Whig,) for some days (and we believe still,!
in this city r , is understood to have declared himself dis
tinctly and decidedly, in lavor of renewing the charter and
the present bank of the United States. Mr. R. lias no:
changed his opinion of its unconstitutionalitv, but take
it up as a less evil than the new national Bank wliich tfc
friends ol Mr. Van Burek are supposed to have in cofr
temptation.
The Richmond Enquirer declares its ignorance of tltf
n< ;'^l ,ro j ec t> tliat it will not strike its flag in favar
ol the present Bank or any substitute. It adds of tfc
present Bank, that Mr. Calhoun “ was one of its fr
the rs —--and notwithstanding bis present doctrines o
otate Rights, he will be found its advocate at the nes
Congress.
The Florence Gazette , announces the death of th
1 rince, otanisiaus Poniatowsky, at Florence on the 138
iVJarclu He was bom at Warsaw in 1754, and was the sot
°.h a9 brother of Stanislaus Augusta, the last Kw?
ol Vie Poles. °
Ileighi of different Giants . —Byrne, the Irish Giant,
lately died in London, measured eight feet, two incW^V
Cornelius Aiagrath, who died in the 1760, measure!
seven feet, eight inches.
Edward Malone, another Irishman, was seven feet, &
ven inches, and was nearly equal in statue and size “
Daniel Cardanus, the Swedish giant.
The celebrated Dr. Chesclden - f the famous anatomy
speaks of a skeleton, discovered in a Roman Cainp net’
St. Albans, and near to an urn, inscribed, Marcus JlntoMto
whichhe judged to Ixave been eight feet,Your inches.
Golialiol'Gath, the champion ol the Philistines,
was slain by David,) measured six cubits and a
which according to Bishop Cumberland is 11 feet
lish.
Maximinius, the emperor, was nine feet high; and
I the reign of Augustus, there are said to be many others*
tall.
Branch of the State Bank at Greensboro V
It appears that the Cashier of this Branch i
deficient in his cash account about $71,0$
We have it from a source that may be relied®
that the bills of this branch in circulation, w
slo3,Bll—the amount of specie on
i 500 and the notes of other Banks sl7,ooo—s
I discounted notes running to maturity, are
. 201, nearly all of which are well endorsed a °-
- are cqnsi<|ored good: the bills of eschat-?
