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your pocket.” . I
The officer replied merely by a signi
ficant nod of ihe head. Young Las
Cases, w/io was with his father, had re
ceived his instructions, and Queen Hor
tense’s necklace was dropped into the
officer’s pocket unperceived, though quite
within sight of all the Governor’s staff.
But the greatest difficulty yet remained
to be accomplished—that of conveying
the treasure to its owner. Two whole
years elapsed ere this could be effected.
• ••#••
It occurred to the Emperor Napoleon ,
that he had, for some time, been the ob
ject of more vigilant watchfulness than
before. He could not stir from Long
wood without observing an English offi
cer, who kept his eye upon him, following
him like a shadow. One day, Napoleon
remarked, that the officer was watching
him more closely than usual; and turning
round, he exclaimed angrily, “What is the
meaning of this? It is very hard that I
cannot lake a breath of air without having
a spy on my footsteps!”—Then cutting
short his walk, he hurried back in the di
rection of Longwood. The Englishman
turned back also, nnd coming close up to
Napoleon—“ Sire,” said he, in a tone of
profound respect. ‘Begone, sir!’ said
Napoleon sharply.—‘There can be no
communication between me and your
employers. Begone, I say!”
‘Sire,’ resumed the officer, with an air
of perfect composure, ‘your Majesty is
under a mistake.’ He then hurriedly ut
tered the words—“ Count Las Cases—l
have something of value.”
‘Ah !’ exclaimed Napoleon. ‘Tell me
what you have to say!"
‘I beg that your Majesty will continue
your walk without seeming to notice me.
1 have a packet which 1 have carried
about with me for two years, seeking an
opportunity to deliver it. Will your Ma
jesty contrive to let me throw it into your
‘hat!’
Napoleon uncovered, and passed his
hand across his forehead, which was an
habitual action with him when endeav
ouring to recollect anything. By a move
ment as quick as thought, the necklace
was thrown into his hat.
‘Now,’ said the officer in an under tone,
‘I trust your Majesty will pardon my im
portunity. 1 have fulfilled my mission, and
you will see no more of me. May God
bless and preserve your Majesty !’
• * * *
About the end of April, 1521, some
days before his death, Napoleon desired
General Montholon to come to his bed
side. ‘My friend,’ said be, ‘I have under
my pillow a necklace of considerable val
ue belonging to Hortense. I had good
reasons for not allowing any one here lt»
know that I possessed an article of such
value. When I am gone, take it into
your care, and when you return to France,
(should you ever be so fortunate as to re
turn there,) give it to Hortense. Should
sorrow have hurried her to an early grave,
give it to her children—my nephews.”
Montholon promised to fulfil those com
mands.
‘Now,’ said Napoleon, pressing his hand,
‘I die satisfied.’
The malady continued to make rapid
progress ; and when General Montholon
was assured that Napoleon had hut a few
hours to live, he took his post, like a faith
ful sentinel, at the bed-side, of the inva
lid. At length, Dr. Antoinarch pronoun
ced the fatal words, ‘All is over!’ and
Montholon, gently raising his sovereign’s
head, drew from beneath the piilow the
treasure confided to his care.
After many adventurous journeys in
America and in various parts of Europe,
Montholon returned to his native France.
Having performed what he felt to be
ns first act of duty, that of embracing |
ais aged mother, he sat out for Arcnem
.berg, to restore to the ex-Queen of Hoi
land a necklace, now doubly consecrated
as a memorial of happiness and misfor
tune. For a long time she preserved it
with feelings of sacred veneration ; but in
a moment of severe pecuniary distress,
she found herself compelled to part with
. Tire King of Bavaria offered to pur
chase it, by settling on the cx-Queen an ,
annunily of 23,000 francs. Necessity !
ratified the bargain, and two years alter- ‘
wards Hortense was no more.
A Great Wirwall, —We have it from reliable
soi ree that a German larmer, hy the name ol Geo.
J. J, Geyer, living near the village of Lewiston,
Fulton county, Illuniig, is about to start on a trip to
Europe, for the purpose of taking possession of the
snug fortune of two million six hundred thousand
ilollars worth of property. He recently received a
'etter from the firm of Rothchilds, at Frankfort,
tat Lug that a lawsuit which had been pending for
ore than thirty years in the courts of Germany,
md in which his wife was one ol the heirs at law,
,ad been decided io their favor; and that a division
the amount io, litigation tvas about to take place,
id tliey wished to know his pleasure concerning
oe-amount coming-to his wife, which is slated to be
hi. round numbers tiro million sue hundred thansaiid
JdUars. Geyer emigrated to this country fifteen
ears ago. and settled In Fulton county, where lie
4s followed the ocpflpanunof a- firmer. • At the
one he left Germany tlie gaining of th* suit Stas
AV'iSidered doubtful.—Si. Louis /Vh» Era.
v- t<>
. may detin
•vii it is the will, and not the '
as supposed by most ol persons,that
..„„ c the man. The many advantages of educa
tion are not |i>r a moment brought in question, as
it would be the height ol vanity in any person loj
assert that it is not the fruitful jiarent of much >
good. But admitting this lo lie a tact, those who
from indigent, or other circumstances, ate depriv
ed of a regular course of instruction in youth,
should not despair because they have to contend
with difficulties which others do not. No, never;
hut take courage and strive to emulate the worth
of the many useful men of bygone days, who had
to contend with difficulties unknown to the present
age. By a knowledge of the biographies of the 1
most useful men that ever lived, it is known that
they were self- made men. The world owes a debt j
of gratitude which it never can pay, to men who !
have won their way unaided, to eminence aad I
usefulness, whose names will live to the latest gen-'
eralion, to teach what can be accomplished by the
energy and industry of man.
The usefulness of those immortal men, however,
would have been lost to the human race if they
had despaired, because they were deprived of the
opportunities which are now generally considered
lo be indispensably necessary. When they start
ed out u|»on the long and tedious journey ol life
they were well apprised of the many trials, with j
which they had to encounter; but with a firm de- !
termination and a constant aim lo do good, they j
were enuk'ed to ttiumph over every opposing
object.
And it is alone by a manly and independent
course like this, that you need ever ex|>ect to rise
above your picsent [msitton in society, it matters
not what may be your circumstances in hie, vour
opportunities or your order of talents. No man,
either of •ancient or modern times, has ever benc
fitted his fellow men, without keeping the object ol
his aim constantly in view. •• Whatsoever thy
hands lindcth to do, do with all thy might,” is the
language of the inspired writer—than which per
haps a more uselul admonition was never given
to young [lersons. And, indeed, it might be said
with much propriety, that the above injunction is
app'icable to success in any engagement of life.
Whatever you undertake, then, take hold with a
fixed resolution never to give up, until success
crowns your efforts; and if this be the resolve,
you need not entertain any doubts as io the result;
but on the other hand, if a different course from
the one already slated, he pursued, it is evident
that you never will rise far above your present
position. In ihe present stale of the wot Id the
means of' improvement which are within the reach
of all, are sufficient to give respectability in socie
ty, su far as a knowledge of men and things are
concerned. Then it is very important lor those
who have but little time to devote to reading, to
make a wise and proper use of every spare mo
ment; ami they will soon discover by the adoption
of tins course, that they will rcapmany advantages
and be amply repaid by employing themselves in
this manner. It is, however, 100 often the case,
that people do not give to time its true value.—
The daily loss of a lew moments of time is gener
ally looked upon as unworthy of any notice. But
Uns is an egregious mistake of too many persons.
Tfiose whose lime is principally devoted to agri
cultural pursuits,speud a great many moments in
idleness, which, if they were occupied ;u reading
useful books and newspapers, would be of more
real benefit lo them than they imagine. The loss
of a lew moments every day in the course of a
long life time, is much more Ilian one might readily
suppose. I know that people arc not so particular
in tiieir calculations; hut this does not destroy the
lorce of my conclusions. Youth is the proper sea
| son lor improvement, while the mind is strong and
| vigorous, and susceptible of useful impressions.—
I Avail yourselves ol every opportunity that may
| present itself to cultivate your minds; if you do
i this, when you arrive lo years of riper manhood,
I you will be loved and respected for knowledge by
1 alt who know you, ami your influence will be felt
through every vein and avenue of society.
Every youth, whether nature has done much or
j little (or him, is under the highest moral obliga
tion to cultivate tiis mental faculties to the extent
of his opportunities. It is a prevalent idea among
certain classes of people, that a young man Who
earns his living by farming, should not devote any
of his time to learning, as they contend that he
can get along in his occupation just as well with
| out an education as lie can with. Ami l have long
since believed that the prevalence of such an opin
ion has inflicted more lasting injury to the agricul
! lural prosperity of our country, than any other
cause; but more liberal alid enlarged views are
beginning to range the circles of society. When
such erroneous ami misconceived opinions shall
1 die away, and the scientific principles ol agricul
j ture be better understood, oral least more apprecia
ted, we may look lor anew era in tiie history of
the planting interest of the staveholding states;
and until such a stale of things shall take place,
we need not look for any great improvement.
Let more of our voting men, instead of going
into the ‘learned protessi ms,’ devote their time and
talents to the improvement of agriculture, and
they will accomplish more good lor the human
race, and gain more credit to themselves, than
mingling in the noise and bustle of the political
world. Demetrius.
PRESIDENT POLK.
A Nashville correspondent of the
Richmond Enquirer, gives the following
interesting notice of the President:—
Although the whigs have carried the
state, I think our brethren throughout the
Union must admit that the democrats of
Tennessee have fought the good fight. In
1540, the majority against us was 15,000;
in 1643, we reduced it 3,900; and in
1544, we have brought it down to 113.
Does not this show a steadiness and in
flexibility of purpose on the part of the
democracy—and are not the indications of
a glorious resurrection in our next sum
mer’s contest, bright, cheering, and pal
pably certain ?
It is now about twenty-five years since
I first became acquainted with Jatne K.
Polk.
He is a native of North Carolina, though
raised (as we back-woods-men say) in
Tennessee. He, however, finished his
education at Chapel Hill, in tire former
stale.
He sprang from a good stock ; and
though his parents dwelt in the humble
walks o r life, yet no family in Tennessee
were more respected. As regards world
ly goods, though not in affluent circum
stances, they had a sufficiency to give all
their children the best of educations, and
a sufficient start with which to begin
life. .*.' . .
James K. Polk can boast of a classical
j as highly finished as is taught at
srsity of’ North Carolina —and no
in ha? ever left that respectable
aent who has taken more pains
upon what was there given to
Jied law m the town of Nashville,
i direction of that distinguished
nd statesman Felix Grundy,
nhe was always a favorite; and
well asserted, that under his
e, the seeds of Democracy, which
.übtless sown in him very eaily in
•re to take a deep and vigorous
Oh! that his early tutor had but
.1 to see the distinguished eminence to
.licit his favorite pupil has arrived. I
jo not think Mr. Polk remained at the
Bar more than seven or eight years before
he engaged in public life. His success as
a lawyer was every thing he could wish.
His first public employment was that of
chief clerk to the Legislature of Tennes
see; and, according to my best recollec
tion, he was twice returned as a member
of that body, by the county of Maury—
the county hi which his father first settled
in Tennessee, and the county in which
the son has ever since resided. About
this time he married. He married the
daughter of Joel Childress, a merchant of
Rutherford county, Tennessee. Mr.
Childress was born and raised in Camp
bell county, Virginia—and there are per
sons, perhaps, stiU living in Campbell,
who will remember Mrs. Polk’s grandfath
er, as he truly was a hard-fighting soldier
of the Revolution. So, you will perceive
that that famous “Old mother of States”
—though not as Byron says, “the lone
mother of dead empires”—has a deep in
terest in Mr. Polk’s family. Her amia
bility of character, intellectual accom
plishments, and suavity of manners, will
secure her the affection of all who may
cultivate her acquaintance.
1 think it was in the summer of 1525,
that Mr. Polk first became a member of
the Congress of the United States—in
which body he was continued by the same
constituency for fourteen years—at the
end of which time he voluntarily with
drew from that body—became a candi
date for the office of Governor of Tennes
see, and was elected. It is known too,
that he was twice elected Speaker of the
House; and as his public services in the
councils of the nation are too well known
to need recapitulation from me, l shall
pass them over without remark.
With regard to Mr. Polk’s private char
acter, it is purity itself. Against that, no
one lias ever uttered even a suspicion. I
cannot better develope the estimation in
which he is held at home, than lo slate the
fact, that in the recent election, in his
own county, near 360 persons who voted
the whig ticket last year, came forward
and voted for him. His private affairs he
manages with prudence and economy—he
always eschewed speculation and debt—
and, though not wealthy, has still a pro
perty amply sufficient to sustain hi3 fami
: ly, and lo dispense to his numerous friends
j abundant and generous hospitality. He
j is distinguished fur his plain, affable and
agreeable manners. During the recent
canvass, his enemies charged him with
timidity and a want of personal courage.
It is true Mr. Polk is not a brawler. If he
ever came in personal contact with any
one of his species, it has escaped my
knowledge. But that fact fixes no stain
:on his firmness; for I believe I may safe
ily say, with the exception of the affair
with Mr. Wise, I have never heard of a
! personal insult being offered to him.
Does not this speak much in favor of the
j character of one who, for twenty years,
j lias been engaged in much of the political
! strifes of the day ?
I The public career of Mr. Polk, accord
: ing to my view of it, gives strong eviden
ces of his firmness of purpose, of his un
wavering consistency, and his personal
| courage, too. Fourteen years in Con
i gress, dining a period of wonderful chan
ges, and vicissitudes, and mighty events ;
| yet the doctrines with which he started,
| the positions which he first took, he main
| mined and occupied to the very end !
Look at many who started with him in
! Congress—where are they ? They have
; boxed every point of the political com
pass ! They cannot tell either their lati
tude or tlieii longitude ; whilst the same
I star of democracy has continued to he his
polar star throughout the voyage. Whilst
lie was Speaker, did the rancor of ihe op
position drive him from his propriety ?
Did the political friends of Judge White
J succeed in driving him, against his will,
into flic ranks of that party? The very
office he now holds shows that they did
not. That office is the fruit, the reward
of the firmness and courage which he dis
played upon that, to him, eventful and
trying occasion.
Mr. Polk is in the possession of excel
lent and confirmed health. In his habits
he is exceedingly industrious, and can
stand almost any amount of fatigue and
labor. He has kept pace with, and has
always made it his business to study and
understand, all the leading topics of the
day, in which his country has an interest,
as any one may ascertain who will give
himself the trouble to lest it.
As to who will constitute his Cabinet,
I know nothing. He stands unpledged
and uncommitted; and as he has the
whole Union out of which to make his
selection, and as he can have no motives
save those which look to his country’s
welfare ; I opine he will bring around him
a liody of advisers of whom the people
will be proud.
Mr. Polk’s temper, though marked with
firmness, is entirely free from rancor;
and moderation, in my opinion, will be a
distinguished feature in the measures of
his administration, however, perfectly
consistent with the great political princi
ples which he cherishes.
The Bill reducing postage to Jive cents
under 300 miles, and ten cents for greater
distances, to take effect after the first of Ju
ly next, is no?/ a law.
THE REPUBLIC.
|
SAMUEL M. STRONG, Editor.
We owe an apology to our patrons for
the non-appearance of the Republic last
week. We were unavoidably disappoint
ed in receiving our supply of paper order
ed some time since, and were unable to
procure any in town. We have taken
steps to prevent the recurrence of any such
disappointment for the future, and the
Republic will be issued regularly as usu
al every Wednesday morning.
COTTON MARKET.
Since our last, accounts from Liverpool,
to the 4th inst., have been received ;
showing an advance in England in the
price of this great staple of nearly 3-8 of
a cent. This news has given a spur to
prices here, and although the quantity
offered from waggons has been limited,
considerable animation has been displayed
in most of the Ware Houses, and sales
have been made to some extent at an ad
vance of from 1-4 to 3-8 of a cent upon
our last quotations. This news has had
a very favorable effect upon all of the
seaboard markets. The following remarks
we clip from the New York Herald, of the
afternoon of the 21st inst.
Cotton. —By some unaccountable
carelessness our remarks in relation to this
staple were omitted yesterday morning.
This was particularly vexatious, as the
effect of the European advices was anx
iously looked for by the operators, the
sales yesterday amounted to 4000 bales,
at 1-4 a 3-5 advance, to-day the market
was well supplietl and the improvement
of yesterday sustained, the sales amount
to about 3000 bales, making for the two
days sales of 7000 bales, prices are how
ever very irregular and towards the close
there was rather more disposition io sell.
THE NEW ADMINISTRATION.
It is far, very far, from our intention to
create the least shade of suspicion as to
the success of the new administration,
for we have not ourselves the slightest.
We believe that Mr. Folk will make not
only a highly popular President, but that
he will administer the government on the
mosiapproved principlesofthe Republican
school, and that strict justice will be done
to all sections and to ever}' interest in the
country; and that his administration meet
the approval of all who are truly and in
heart Democrats. Yet, while we believe
this, we also believe that those are his
best friends who will speak out plainly j
at the first inception of any scheme, even
though it may be put on foot by real or
pretended Democrats, calculated to em
barrass the parly in any of the great geo- :
graphical divisions of the Union. For if j
there is one curse more to be dreaded than j
another, by parties as well as by individ
uals, and Heaven would in mercy let it
pass, the first prayer that should be sent up
by each incoming President, ought to be
that the scriptural curse, “a man’s chief
enemies were those of his own house
holt!,” should not be visited on him.
These remarks have suggested them
selves to us from observing the course of
a few leading democrats in the states of
Pennsylvania and New York, who since
the election of Mr. Polk, have been using
every means in their power to make the
new administration lend its influence to
the advancement of particular interests in
! those States. Pennsylvania and New York
it is true are great states —empires in them
selves—but they do not make up the en
tire Union; and while we are free to con
cede to them equal advantages with the
other states in the emoluments, as well as
in the protection of the General Govern
ment, we are not willing to allow them
any thing more.
The only assurance therefore that Presi
dent Polk can give the great Republican
party of the country that their labor to re
deem the government from federal misrule
has not been in vain, is to adhere in all
things to the strict letter of the great issues
made before the people of the country
during the late campaign. Nothing short
of this can do it. Nothing short of this
will satisfy the great bulk of the party ;
and the men who would influence the ad
ministration otherwise, if they could, are
not its friends. There is a class of men,
i at the North, some of them Democrats too,
who value the South only as it can be plun
dered by tariff exactions. Such men
should have no influence with the ad
ministration ; for if they are permitted
to have any, or to an extent sufficient
to weaken the moral influence of the
issues made during the recent canvass
it will be most disastrous to the party. —
The South has always freely and cheer
fully borne her portion, and sometimes
| more, of the burthens of the Government,
: without any special advantages from it,
1 and is willing to do so now. Let the new
administration remember this,and dial no
section of the Union contributed more to
wards placing it in pnwerthandid tire South
and South West; and none will give it a
sincerer or more cordial support, so long
as it adheres to the measures and princi
ples for which the battle was fought.—;
The South is tranquil and satisfied now.
But while we say this, we warn, stsch
as would forget what is her due; to re
member that the winds, too, have their
seasons of quiet, and the ocean its calms;
but that these periodical changes do not
destroy the fury of the one nor the over
whelming force and power of the other.
In this connexion we subjoin the follow
ing able article addressed to Senator
Walker by a correspondent of the Rich
mond Enquirer, k contains much judi
cious and seasonable advice, and we hope
that it will have its due influence in the
quarter for which it was intended :
A correspondent of the Richmond Enquirer »a
nd the following letter to the new .Secretary of
the Treasury.
TO ROBERT J. WALKER, Es«.,
Secretary of the Treasury.
Sir:—l an< vour political, and I dare add, your
personal friend, although 1 have scarcely the honor
of your private acquaintance. In yesterday’s En
quirer, there is a rapid sketch ofyour life and your
services, which is calculated to make a very favor
able impression upon the public mind, I recognise
in you one of the first champions, tvlio brought
Gen. Jackson to the public notice, as a candidate
for the Presidential chair. I admire you especially
lor your devotion to ihe cause of Texas. Upon
that subject, you have the highest claim upon the
gratitude ol'lhe United States, as well as ol Texas.
If the Republic of the “Lone Star,” voted you a
statue in 1837, tor your services in her cause, no
man will dispute your pretensions at the present
time. No man lias done more lor her than Robt.
J. IFalker, no man has done more to bring her
back into the Union, not even excepting the Hero
of the Hermitage himself—no man better deserves
your reward —and 10, you have it, in part, in the
distinguished office which you have received in the
Cabinet of Mr. Polk.
You are now the Secretary of the Treasury and
that important office calls you to the highest duties
which falls within the scope of the Executive pow
er. You have assisted in settling the question of
Texas. But there is one other important measure
to adjust, and if you are equally successful in dis
posing of the Tariff, as you have been on the sub
ject ofTexas, von will again receive the thanks of
your country. Mr. Polk will have then, it is to be
hoped a smooth sea to navigaie. The Republican
party will be better united, and the country more
tranquil than it has been for several years past.—
But I will not disguise from you the fact, that the
measure is as difficult in itself, as the result may be
glorious to yourself. You must bring to its con
sideration as much firmness as discretion—as much
correct theory as copious details, as profound a
sense of what is due to the obligations of public faith,
as to the interests of a suffering people. Are you
prepared to do your duties in this spirit, or to tem
porize away our rights, and fritter away your own
character? As your friend, and still more the
friend of our country, I sincerely wish you every
success and every qualification which could belong
lo a Gallatin or a McLant.
I would warn you against too much confidence
in present appearances. The South is now seem
ingly quiet. But it is like Vesuvius, belbre the vol
cano bursts forth. She is indignant at the oppres
sions under which she is now laboring. She will
never rest satisfied with the act of ’4-2. She has
withheld her wrath, because she has been plunged
in all the excitement ol'a Presidential election. She
has been struggling lo elect a President who would j
assist her in obtaining justice and rebel'. No sooner
did she succeed in this object, than the great con
troversy about Texas came on—and though many
ofher sous demanded immediate action upon both
these questions, yet it soon became obvious, that j
there was no time to carry both objects at the late 1
session of Congress. The Tariff admitted of more ,
delay than Texas—ami to this last question, there
fore, they ultimately concentrated all their extr
lions. Bui Texas now carried you may expect
the Tariff’cause to he called up from the docket— :
aud,llie ablest advocates devoted to its prosecution. !
Even South Carolina intended to waive her rights
until the Presidency first, and then Texas, were de
railed. South Carolina, oppressed as she has been,
betrayed bv a violation of the public faith, as pledg
ed in the Compromise act, was willing to pause liir
a time. Bill you cannot expect her to slumber Ibr
ever. Virginia, and all the South, will uniie with
her in demanding justice at the hands of the next
Congress.
I need not remind you .Mr. Walker, that the pre- j
sent “hill of abominations” was the illegitimate off
spring of necessity. The Treasury was impover- j
ished and in debt, and the friends uf.Vr. Clay re
fused to give any relief to that Government with-1
out severely taxing the South Ibr the benefit of the j
Northern manufactures. You recollect the whole j
history ol’lhe odious transaction, and you manfully I
stood up in your place in the Senate, and voted !
against the hill of Its 12. It was carried, you know,
by a majority of one only. You heard Mr. Rives j
denouncing it as worse in many respects than the |
abomination of ’2B, and ns completely prostrating!
the Compromise Act of ’33. In what spirit it was
received by the Republican Party ol'lhe South, it
is scarcely necessary tor me |o sa v. The following
extracts from the Richmond Enquiier of Augusl
26, and September 2d, 1842, may not however be
altogether out of place:
“ But this bill, this new ‘Bill of Abominations,’
is too oppressive to be borne. It is not a Revenue
bill, bin a Protective bill, and it therefore violates
the spirit and inteiilioti of the compromise act of
’34. It disturbs the ‘public faith.’ It infringes the
‘treaty of ainilv and peace.’ Il cuts off many of
the articles of importation on which duties ought
to he laid, and revenue collected. It prohibits them
Ibr the benefit of the domestic monopolist, and re-
I vives the odious system of protection, in one of its
i most oppressive forms. Ii is, therefore, contrary
i to the spirit and principle of ihe compromise act;
I and, therefore, the whole .South, the whole agri
! cultural and commercial interest, should make war
| upon it, the moment it shall he thrust upon the
Statute Book. The South must he roused, and
i Virginia will be the first to raise the standard of
j opposition to this fraudulent and iniquitous nteas
j tire. We appeal to the Senate lor assistance.
We appeal even to the moiterate Whigs Ibr co
operation. .Surely, the Southern Senators tiave
not entirely tbigotten the great lessons they have
learned in days ot yore. Surely they have net
abandoned every principle which they once pro
fessed. Surely, they have their own consistency
as much at heart, as the ambitious interests oftlieir
Federal leader.”
J “The Globe giVeS us a very copious Report oh
! the very interesting Debate, which took place in
the Senate on Saturday last on the Tariff bill, ft
j occupies nearly one broadside of that journal—
j but, extensive as it is, we shall attempt to lay it all
belbre our readers, as giving the views of different
■Senators, and the reasons which compelled them to
vote for the obnoxious measure, and as shedding
! some light on their future course. The Tariff bill
received the votes of four Democrats, viz: Messrs.
Buchanan, Sturgeon, Wright, and Williams, (of
.Maine.) Without'their vote, one or more of the
! Whigs, who voted against the bill, would have
j been compelled to show their true colors, and vote
!on the other side, to save the bill. If the vote of
j the Democrats had been withheld, and the bill had
| tailed, we understand, that one of the Whigs, who
voted in the majority, would have moved are-con
I sideration and then, the hill would have enlisted
j more of the Whig votes itl its behalf.
I “The four Democrats voted for the bill with great
reluctance—Three of them, (Buchanan, Williams
! and Wright,) with a proScstando. The full report
jin the Globe gives us their speeches. They will
I be found extremely interesting. .Mr. Buchanan
j assigns the alternatives between which he had to
choose—(the saving of the publie lands, the secur
ing of a revenue to the Treasury w ithout litigation
with the merchants, and the saving of certain man
ufacturing interests—and the voting for a bill
which he does not approve, for which he says, he
‘would not vote, were it not for the unparalleled
condition of the existing law, the treasury and the
country’—a bill, which he pronounces to he ‘ex
travagant in the protection it affords and, in some
| instances, is altogether prohibitory.’) He‘accepts
it now. as much the least of two evils, and looks
forward with hope to better times for an adjustment
of the Tariff; on a scale more consonant with all
the great and various interests of the Union, with- (
out sections.’
“With every disposition in the world to treat
witheverv liberality gentlemen who have hitherto
distinguished themselves in the Democratic ranks,
yet we beg leave most respectfully to say, that we
shall hold' them to the letter and spirit of their
averments—that we shall never rest satisfied until
this ‘bill of abominations, is expunged from the
Statute Book, or completely changed in its enact
ments—and that we shall count upon .Messrs.
Buchanan, Sturgeon, Wright and Williams, to'
co-operate with us, and take the cross upon their I
own shoulders. Repeal! Repeal!'! is now the word,
ffe must get back to the spirit and principle of
the Compromise Act—to which the ‘public faith’ 1
is pledged—and which, was in ’33 the ‘Treaty of
Amity and Peace’—or the South never will be
satisfied, never! ft is in vain that .Senator W'hite, '
on the‘27th August, congratulates the fUhig Com
mittee of Philadelphia ‘on the passage by both
Houses ol a permanent Tariff lull.’ Permanent *
cannot be. Perinaneut, the revenues of the conn
try will not permit, the interests of tlie roanuf.r
lurers themselves will not permit it to be—Perm
nent, the interests of the agricultural »ndcomrn*V
ctal interests— the rights of the whole South ern
not suffer it to be. Everything fobids it
the factious purposes of the Clay Clique.”’ CC * >t
You, Sir, voted against the bill. It w " ag Us) .
stood, on all hands, during the last campaign th
-Mr. Polk was vehemently opposed toita iniquitieV
He exclaimed in his speech to the people of-Mad
son and adjoining counties in April, 1843, and de*
dared that “the difference between the Fede-a 1
and the Republican parties is, whilst they are th *
advocates of Distribution and a Protective Tariff
—Pleasures which we consider ruinous so the
interests of the Planting States, ive have steadily
and at all times opposed both.” I have no fears
that Mr. Polk will not carry out the pledge
under winch lie was elected.* t cannot pertnit
ntyselfto doubt, that you will discharge your duties
with an eye to these considerations.
The subject, however, is, as Coffiplitated iff
some of its aspects, as il is important in others
-May I then respectfully suggest, sir, the propriety
of collecting information, as stain as possible to
assist you in guiding your course ? -Mr. .McLane
you recollect, was the Secretary of the Treasury
in 1832. The excitement was rising to its height
in South Carolina. Every body saw that some
thing must be done to appease the public discon
tent. Gen. Jackson was the first to see it and
determined as tar as he could to relieve the people.
Congress was about to take up the subject. A
call was made upon the Secretary for a Tariff
bill. He replied at once, Give me time, and you
shall have one.
The delay being granted, Mr. McLane address
ed a Circular to gentlemen in the most important
points of the country, to obtain information on the
trade and manufactures of all—to ascertain what
articles would admit of reduction—what duties
should tie imposed. The mass of information he
received in reply was extensive and valuable. Up.
on this species of statistics, tie founded the bill, ab
terwarJs called Verplanck’s bill—Mr. V. being
Chairman of the Committee on Finance. It was
the prospect of passing this bill, bv the force of
Gen. Jackson’s name, that alarmed-Mr. Clay into
his celebrated Compromise Act—celebrated not
more for the solemn pledges,which Mr. Clavgave
at the time, than the shameless treachery with
which he has subsequently violated them.
But I submit a similar course for your imitation.
The mass of answers to Mr. -McLane’s Circular is
now in your Department. -May I suggest to your
consideration, that you hunt them up, examine
them carefully, and send forth a similar Circular,
to collect the same information—to direct vour
own course; and to enable you to reports simi
lar hill, with the mass of statistics on which it
is founded, to the next Congress?—Thus you will
proceed with lull information before you; and
Congress will act with more promptitude, deci
sion and wisdom.
A FkIEND TO THE Ad.MIMSTRATIOH/
TO BE OR NOT TO BE 1
In tire Senate, on the lOtlt instant, Mr/
Berrien submitted the following resolu
tion (or consideration:
Resolved, That in executing the author
ity conferred by the joint resolution of
Congress entitled “a joint resolution Ibr
the annexation of Texas to the United
Slates,” the President of the U. States
will best conform to the provisions of the
Constitution by resorting to the treaty
making power, ibr the purpose of aceoin-'
plishing the objects of that resolution.
Resolved, That the Secretary he direc-'
ted to lay belbre the President of the U.
States a copy of this resolution.
March 11, 1546'/
Mr. McDuffie moved to lay the a hover
resolution on the table, which passed in
the affirmative by the following vote :
Yeas —Messrs. Allen, Asldcv, Atchin
son, Atherton, Bag by, Benton, Breestv
Cass, Dickinson, Dix, Fairfield, Hanne.
gan, Haywood, Huger, Johnson of Lou
isiana, Lewis, McDuffie, Niles. Semple,
Sevier; Speight, Sturgeon, Woodbury,*
—23.
Nays —Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Ber
rien, Thomas Clayton, John M. Clayton,
Corwin, Crittenden, Dayton, Evans,
Greene, Huntington, Jarnagin, Johnson'
of Maryland, Mangum, More head, Sim
mons, l’helps, Upham, Webster, Wood
bridge—2o.
Here we see the expiring efforts of
Wbigery, true to the last to their English
opinions and instincts, attempting to
thwart and defeat this great question by
placing it in the hands of the treaty ma
king power, where two thirds are neces
sary to carry’ it through at the next ses
sion, which would be impossible as the
Senate is at present constituted. But the
Democrats put an extinguisher on this foul
attempt to defeat the measure by voting
the resolution down. What will Senator
Berrien’s constituents, the people of Geor
gia, say to this ? Even many of his own
political associates will say that he is un
worthy the confidence of a Southern
constituency. Away with him. “Let no
such man lie hereafter trusted.”
TIIE OFFICIAL organ.
We are rejoiced exceedingly to learn
by authentic advices from Washington,
that ‘Blair’s Great Globe’ will not be the
organ of the new administration. A dif
ferent arrangement will be made. The
| official paper will probably be under the
editorial charge of J. F. H.Claiborne, late
member in Congress from the State of
Mississippi, now one of the editors°L . e _
New Orleans Jeffersonian. Mr. Clai
borne is a gentleman, an enlightened and
liberal Democrat, and one ol the ablest
J political writers in the country. Tin*
change is right. Benton, and Blair
and Rives, after their stubborn efforts to
! defeat the annexation of Texas, and the
ill temper exhibited 1 after the nomination
ol Mr. Polk, as well as throughout the
campaign, could hardly have expect
that it would be satisfactory to the p art y
throughout the country to retain them-
Without any particular claims upon t e
party, they have grown not only rich bu
insolent and dictatorial from d 3 SU P
port, and it is time that they should m
way for better men.
MR. WOODBURY*' ..
It is generally conceded now that t ' 3
distinguished Senator will be the e ®
the administration party in the
hereafter, and distinguished- as man)
members of that body are both or
abilities and public services, there
one better qualified for that P° sll !. o p'
more deserving the confidence .
idem Polk, and the party that electe
than the Senator from New Harapsh «•
His principles are as firm as the gran
hills of his own noble State, and a P
as the springs ofher own native mountain