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AayooitsiaraMia*
MMihimiSt* _
W pool's hand and prophet’s fire,
Struck i!ie wild warblings of his lyre.”
Line-* by a very interesting Young Man.
O 1 did love her dearly,
And give lier toys'aad rings.
Ar.J I thought she meant sincerely
When she took my pretty things.
But her heart has grown as icy
• Asa fountain in the fall,
And her love that was so q icy
It dtd not last at all.
I save her once a locket,
<9
It was filled with my own hair
And she put it in her pocket
With very special care,
But a jeweller has got it,
He offered it to me,
Aitd another that is not it,
Around her neck I sett.
Ik* my cooiiigs and my billings
1 do not now complain,
But ray dollars and my shillings
Will never-come again.
They were earned with toil and sorrow
But i never told her that,
And now I have to borrow,
And I want another hat.
Think, think thou cruel Emma,
When thou filialt hear my woe.
And know my sad dilemma,
That thou hast made itx-o.
£co, 8 e my beaver rusty,
Look, look upon this hole,
This coat is dim and dusty,
Olt .It rend thy soul 1
•Before the gates of fashion
1 daily bent my knee.
But I sought tlio shrine of passion
And found my idol— thee.
Though never love intenser
. Had bowed.a soul before it,
Thine eye was on the censor
And net the hand that bore it.
Political.
~t*w Tiii; vxvmT
STATES.
A portion of your fellow citizens, resident'
tliffereiit states ol the Union, who arc nu
merous, respectable or.<i intelligent, who like
youtbi lvas, are attached to the principles of
free government, and ardently devoted to the
•great Cii.-jii‘utroiol charter, wliitrh consc
crates and uphol Is thepi—who ask o:ii, an!
otjuttl participation in the benefit a, and arc*!
ready to bear,an equal share of the burthens
<*j the government—-who .arc willing ciorc-.
•over, to concede to oth-rs <a perfect right to
the full enjoyment of whatever they ask for
thorns- lia s; such n portion c-f your follow ci
tizens, whose condit in, character, motives
and views arc thus faithfully delineated,r.ave
■deputed 3 to represent them on an occasion
deeply interesting to their feelings'a* men.
and vitally important to their -Miterests as ci
tizens of this great confederated Republic.
They have called upon us to unite our couo-1
sels for the redress of the grievances under'
which they labour ; and have enjoined it up-j
wa us, ss a duty, to omit no means for the ac- j
uomplishmruit of tins object, which may coa-i
with our Obligations as citizens, and with t
their own faithful and ardent devotion to the j
bond of our common union. In the perform-1
cnee of a duty like this \rf. • innot bo i.ison-:
■ ible to the projiriety of a frank and respect-j
dal communication with our fellow citizens!
,it large. V"e arc members of the same great j
;so!fical family. Our i:itcrests...re common, i
and so also are our duties; and itbcaimot be•
hat any portion of our brethren can dersirr !
■!■) vvitiihold from tic ctir just share of tho ben -
utils, or to subject us to an undue proportion
-of tho burthens, which flow from the govern-’
‘men! under which wo live. We have equal I
otifiuciice in their justice and iclelligeuc ,;:
un i assure ourselves that it is only mcessuiy ;
to bring home to their understandings tin \
•conviction of the evils under which we suffer!
-to secure their cordial co-opcrt.tion in prompt
.-ind't fh-ctual measure*for their removal- Wt*
would commune with you, then, in the-spirit
-of these fiv’iugs. We mus speak with frank
ness- It may be that our language will bor
row strength -from the conviction of our
wrongs, bet we-wi!l forget the just respect
vbich is due to those who diner from us in
opinion, and cannot bo unmindful 01-tlio all*. <
poii which, wo bear,,and which-wo earnestly
to cherish towards oar brethren
throughout the Union.
of portions of our f- !•
bvw citizen-, belonging to fifteen diiferent
states of this confederacy, liave at-ombled in
*!v ci ! y oi Philadelphia to considcritie griev
ances which they suffer under the existing ta- 1
riff ef duties, and to devise, it' happily they 1
.•.nay do m t gome constitution* - .] and peaceful i
-.node of redress. Speaking generally, they 1
have come together to each other, with all the
variety of opinion* o'n most subjects, which
springs from different habits and pursuits, and
ris pc- Imps inevitably iocnb-nt to the imner
lection of vur common nature. On <,.ie en
question, that which constitutes the
jtibji'CV of this auluress, looking' as well toils
Vriueiptas as its dot ads, they found a concirr
fi’enee of opinion, which, as they believe, C!1 .
"ith s them to ask for that ojnrriun, and for the
reasons on which it is founded, the attentive
dispassionate consideration of the .liner-,
ican people.
Among the evils which Row from the tariff 1
system, as at present < tsbliahod bylaw, the ■
cutlfnt arc! dcttnii' ed opposition to that svs- 1
•*em, wltich exists in various parts'cf the U- 1
rnfti ; —the deep and settled discontent which!
U felt, and has been manifested by a munc-l
*rous, pitnotiC and inti Hi,gent portion of our!
fellow citizens—cannot fail to awaken the !
liveliest-solicitude uf every lover of liiscouu-
Let it be remembered that this is no'
Transient fooling —the olthpring of momenta
ry ejwituhent—one which may be expected
'a pass awav under the influence of a more
. aim and dirp*. sionnfe reflection. No—the
'in of which we comply i is i.otof recent
rtg:o< and the feeling of discontent, which
I,- cAc iwl iv,* r iU tiqic pud i*j*
perience have only served to strengthen and
increase. Let those who sincerely desire to
perpetuate Inc jioliUcul blessings which we
enjoy, look to this consideration which it de
mands. Tins is emphatically a government of
opinion. The vigour of the laws is a moral
force. Tlie bond which unites us is the sense
ot our common interest—the conviction of
our equal rights—the assurance of onr capa
city to assert, and the feeling that wc actually
enjoy them. Take from any considerable
portion of the American people the conscious
ness that they are in the full possession of
their rights as frcemcn;substitutc for it the spi
rit of discontont springs from the con
viction of wrongs inflicted, not inadvertently,
but with deliberation, which are not tempo
rary but enduring; and you m iy against the
govormneut a force which is of like charac
ter with that which sustains it—von awaken
a feeling of resentment which is goad ml into
activity liy a sense of oppression, and embit
tered by the recolh-ctLon that it is tire hand o
a brother which irdlictsat. .Such is the feel-j
ing which pervades a numerous and respccta-j
bje portion ef the American people, it can
not he defied, and may not be disregarded,
without putting to hazard the safety of the
confederacy.
Do you doubt its existence, its nature or
degree. Look to the character of this assem
bly—to the circumstances under which it is
convened. Give your attention to the hiato
ry of the past, and be admonished of the novel
and extraordinary spectacle which is presen
ted to your view. Do not dose your eyes to the
fact, that this assembly is altogether without
parallel since the Foundation of the govern
ment—that we are freemen and the represen
tatives of freemen, who streak to you ofour
violated rights—-that wc have come from dif
ferent and distant parts of the union to join in
demanding their restoration—that a consci
ousness ol strength is the oh spring-of united
.counsels' —and that our purpose is not less
(ii io. because it is announced to you peaceful
ly ua.i in the spirit of conciliation.
A numerous and respectable portion of the
American people do not merely complain
that this system is unjust, but they question
th* rigid to establish it. They do not doubt
—they utterly deny—the constitutional pow
er of Congress to enact :f. In justice to that
j body, we iPßvttc your candid attention to a
rief consideration of their views on the sub
ject. 7ho constitutional validity of an act of
Congress docs not necessarily depend upon
the question whether the .judicial department
ot the government would affirm the one or
the other of thr.se propositions. It may be
that.an act will in its operation and effect lie
subversive of the principles of the constitu
tion, and yet on its face be superior to all just
exception on that ground. Literally and in
terms it may be i: execution of an expressly
granted power—in w.-, operation and effect
it may not only transcend ?Lot power; but
may directly contravene it. Under the pi -
tenee of supplying a revenue, Congress may
raise money beyfind the purpt-es to which it ■
can be legitimately applied,-or may increase ]
the . iti s to an amount which will be prohib
itory of importation, arid consequently des- j
tiuctive ofall the revenue to lie derived from
(h it sbur<;e. Still such an act would purport
to be in 'the execution of the power to lay and j
collect taxes, and courts of justice judging of ;
it by its termyuend by what is apparent on its j
face, would" not affirm its invalidity. But the j
constitution is equally obligatory on every de-!
parlrncntof the governroct—on the legislator j
who enacts, as weil as on the judge who inter*-j
pruts a law. If the former shall so veil his un* |
lawful purpose as to defend it from the scru- 1
tiny of the latter, it is less a violation of his
constitutional obligation ! if it be such a vi
olation, can it be constitutional/ vplid !
If instead of the absence of any express
grant of power to protect manufactures, the
constitution had contained an "express clause ■
of inhibition, an act of Congress, imposing
dutifis-beypnd the purposes of revenue, and
therein? operating as a bounty to the manu
facturer, would, they insist, be admitted to
be in violation of the constitution, and yet the
ropugntuico would not ho manifest bpon its
face, and would therefore elude the judicial
power.
A numerous and intelligent portion of the
American people believe that this view is ap
plicable to the tariff of 182$. They -admit the
, iuyu,/n 1V l,O. IUI Ul i . • -1 Ml. V * tit 111 I V I 111
power of Congress to lay and collect such du
ties as they may deem necessary for the pur
pC3C sof revenue, and within theso lirni a so
to arrange those duties as incidental, and to
that extent, to give protection to tiic ntaun
facttirer. They deny the right to convert
what they denominate the incidental into the
principal power, and transcending the limits
of revenue to impesean additional duty ; ab
stantivedy and exeSus • ly for the [impose of
affording that protection. They admit that
Congress may countervail life regulations of a
foreign power-which may be hostile toimpor
: tntion for the purpose of securing the home
j market exclusively to the domestic .manuVnc-
Hirer —thereby destroying the commerce they
were entrusted to regulate, and fostering an
interest with which they have no constitution
al power to interfere. That portion of our
fcllbiv citizens of whom we speak, do not
therefore hesitate to affirm, that if the right
to enact the tarifflaw of 1828 be referred to
the authority to lay and collect duties, Ac.;
rt isa palpable abuse of the taxing power, j
which was conferred for the purpose of reve
nue; —if to tli - authority to regulate com-j
mcrce, it is ns obv.ious a perversion ef that!
i power, since it may be extended to an utter!
j annihilation of the objects which it was in-'
♦ended to protect. Waving however 'this dis
cuseiorr, we concur in the Opinion, that ff the i
aggrieved party is deprived of the protection '
! which the judicial department might other
wise afford, it would strengthen his appeal to
•*'. American people to unite with him in
correcting the evil by peaceable and consti
stutional means.
But there is a view of this subject which
may claim flic concurrence of all those who
j arc prepared to say that the tariff is unequal in
' its operation, oppr.rive end unjust.*The con
! stitution of tne United States had its origin
in a spirit of compromise. Its object, is the
cur tv of tlio rights which arc comniitt"d
1 to its protection—its principle that of an equal
| participation in the benefits and in the bnr
tiien.s of the government. A system of taxa
j tion which is unequal in its operation, which
i oppresses the many for tiio benefit of the few',
j is therefore unjust, not merely with reference
Ito the great immutable principles of right
I which arc applicable to human conduct, but
is moreover in direct colision with thatconsti
tutional equality of right, which this instru
ment was thus confessedly intended to secure.
A distinguished jurist of Massachusetts, who
[ is advantageously known as such to the peo
i pie of the t riion,has said of the system ofwhich
1 we complain, that it is calculated “ to destroy
many of the great objects Tor which the con
stitution of the United States was originally
framed A adopted.” Who will.say that such a
system can consu l with the spirit of the con
stitution ? Its enactments maybe so veiled
as to elude the judicial power, and may there
fore be obligatory upon the other departments
of the government—hut as between constitu
ent and agent, between the people and their
rulers, thoehartcr will in such case have been
violated, and it will belong to them tocorrect
the evil. Why should we fear to enunciate
this principle? Is it because of the danger of
those Interests which.have grown Up under the
system ? A just consideration of the subject
will lead to a direct opposite result. If it be
ccuceded that (he system is oppressive, une
qual and unjust,*can those who profit by it
deceive themselves with the expectation of
its permanency 1 Is it prudefit to close their
eyes to the conscqi&nccs, to which sooner or
later this conviction intfsi inevitably lead ?
Distinguished as this system is by every cha
raett ristkj which -may tic-hue a tyranny t
most odious,,>yby should wc, who ore its Vic
tims, notstand neon our chartered rights?
As men and brethren we appeal to you then
'to unite your efforts with-oun in the correc
tion i Uiis abuse. A system which is une
qual in its operation, and therefore unjust,—
, which is oppressive, because it burthens many
, tor the benefit ot the few, grossly, fatally, un
: wise & impolitic,si nee it is subversive of the
harmony of the Union—which is in violation
;of the principles of free government, and ut
: tcrly at. variance with the spirit of justice and
.mutualconcession in which the Constitution
i was conceived and adopted; such a system, if
persevered in, must alienate onr affections
lrotn each other, engender discontents and
j animosities,'and lead inevitably, and with a
i lorce which no human power can resist, to flic
most awful of all calamities. We entreat
1 those who differ from us, seriously to ponder
this view ol the subject. We entreat them
not to misunderstand t>.. We cannot be de
i (erred from the discharge of out duties to
ourselves and our common country by the
menace of consequences, and we are incapa
ble of using its language to others. It as as
men and brotheis—in the spirit of an affec
tion which is still warm and niulimiiiishod,
i ?hat wo would call their attention to those in
evitable results, which neither they nor we
wrili have the-power to avert.
Examine t >o subject: for a moment in its
connexion with the principle* of an enlighten
ed political economy, and see if the comsde-
which are urged to suotain this osys
tet.i arc not ialumious anti delusive. 7'lie view
must - be necessarily brief—-ccnsistin-r oflAats
and suggestions rather than of an ex ten rich
apgurni. iff, or of minute details; hut our ob
ject will be attained if those may serve tut awa
ken a spirit ofdispassionute inquiry.
We arc the advocates of free frude. The
argument w hioli sustains it rests pon% -prop
osition which, may. not bo denied. It i, the
unquestionable right of every individual t<>
apply bis labor mid capita! in the mode which
lie may conceive best calculated to promote
bis own interest. It is the interest of the
public that he should so apply it. die under
stands better than it can be understood by
the govermnen*, what wd! will conduce to
his own benefit; —and since-the majority of
individuals will, if properly protected, lie dis
posed to follow their inter; sts,smih aii apoli
eation of their industry anu capital,-must: pro
duce in the result the greatest amount of pub
lic good. Let it bo remembered that the'
question relates exclusively totlu: applied
lion of capital. It cannot be giyara'letl by an
act of legislation. The power of the govern
ment is limited to its transfer -from une em
ployincut to another. It takes from some less
| favoured interest, what it bestows on the one
which it professes to protect. It is equally
untrue that such a system gives greater em
ployment to labor. It.- operation is confined
|to the simple change of its application. Laws
which I'rotect by bounty any peculiar species
ot labour, oanwot be said to encourage A
, mcrlean industry—that is, directed to various
; oejects, i'iicse laws favor only a single
! class; and since the bounty is not supplied
l bv the government, but taken from thepoftk-
Ict of the individual, the proteotiou which is
given to one species o labor, is so given at
the expense of every-other. That course of
legislation, which leaves American capital
and labor to tho unfettered discretion-of those
who possess the one and apply the other,
can atone be denominated the “American
System.”
1 he* interference of government, with the
right ot 'lie individual to apply his labor and
capital is such mode as lie may think most
conducive to his own interest, thus necessa
rily operates to diminish the aggregate n
mount of production. In other words, the a
inount of the necessaries and convenicncKS
ot life which are enjoyed bv the community
is necessarily diminished. If all nations then
were willing to adopt the system of free trade
for which we contend, which is accordant to
the spirit of Christianity and calculated tou
nite nations in harmony and peace, it cannot
be doubted that the interest of each would be
promoted. The only question which can be
raised on this part oi’the subject is, whether
the adoption oi a restrictive policv by one or
more u nions makes it the interest of others
to reciprocate those, restrictions. The an
swer seems to be sufficiently obvious and sat
isfactory. Iho proposition which asserts the
| superior advantages of a tree trade among all
, nations, rests upon tne following principle.
The universal freedom of action which it al
j lows, tends most thoroughly to develope the
j inoral and physical energies of each nafion,
! and to apply them to those objects to w hich
they are best adapted. The proportion m ist
hi equally true in relation to each nation,
■ whatever may be the policy adopted bv others.
The nation which resorts to a restrictive poli
!*’ishtcs toiler own disadvantage by in-
terfenng with the natural and most profitable
employment of capital. To the extent which
she thus excludes another nation from an ac
customed or from a desirable market, she oc
casions, it is true, in -that nation also a dis
placement of capital fn-m its natural chan
nels. But can the remedy consist in a retali
atory system of legislation? in a system of
flirt her restrictions imposed by the latter na
tion? Jt it be true that a restrictive system is
injurious to the nation imposing it, does it
cease to be so in regard to tc latter nation,
because of the wrong doac by the former,
and because it is also injurious to such nation?
When'we apply these views to the Corn
Laws of Great Britain, considered with refer
ence to their effect ujwm us, is it not then ob
vious that a system of pretended retaliation,
which enfeters the productive energies of our
own people, whatever may be its effect upon
that nation, must necessarily increase the
the evils we ourselves are destined to sus
tain?
it is strongly urged as a motive to the con
tinuance of the existing tariff, that its opera-j
tion has been to effect a reduction of prices, j
These have in fact fallen sinee lPlfi, and our;
opponents contend that this has been the re
sult of domestic competition. A moment
will demonstrate the fallacy of this assertion.
We present a single fact iii thp outset. The
diminution of price has been general—--as well
in relation to articles which are not protect
ed by the existing tariff of duties, as to .hose
which are. It cannot therefore have arisen
from this cause. Let us remember now, j
that this diminution of price has occurred ev
ery where—abroad as well as at home—and
not only in an equal, but, as a necessary con-:
sequence of the tariff, inn greater degrcee
there than here. Among Vo causes which j
have produced this result, two prominent ones j
are presented to your consideration—the di
minished amount ot the circulating medium
of the world, and the astonishing improve
ments which have been introduced in the
modes of production. The cost of produc
tion is less; —tho comparative value of money
has become greater. Can we wonder at the
rasult? Take the-case of cotton goods—these
I have fallen in price here since the enactment
jot the tariff. But.the same thing is true not
| only in an equal, but in a greater degree a
i broad—and the reason, is obvious. The cau
jses which have produced this result—those
1 winch have been before stated—have else
where been left to exert their full influence
in effecting the reduction of price. Here
their operation has been restrained by the
conflicting influence of the tariff Tlie re
duction therefore with us lias necessarily
, stopped at a point, which is ascertained bv
adding the amount of duty to the price of the
imported article. Titus' the diminution of
price here has not been produced by the ta
riff, but in despite of it—and has been retar
ded by it. But for this law the imported,
which would take tlie place of the domestic
article in the consumption of the country,
would be obtained at a price g.ieatly below
that which we actually pay, and the difference,
amounting yearly to many million of dollars,
would be saved to the comsmmitv. It cannot
be doubted that the prices of art commodities,
the donatio production of which is forced in;
the imposition of a duty c.t a foreign article of
similiar description, are raised by the amount
of duty nocssary to efleet the exclusion of the
foreign article, or that this increase ef price is
paid by tiie consumer, and that the loss to the
nation which is occasioned hv this system of'
protection is nearly equal to such olfibreuce
of price.
The sucres which has attended the .manu
facture of cottons, is used to illustrate and
enforce smother suggestion in favor efthe
tar ill. if issai-i that by means of the protec
tion afforded by government, manufacturers
are enabled to overcome the difficulties inci
dent to new enterprises, and that this protec
tion is ultimately repaid to the community in
the reduced price which the article is furnish
ed. We have already shown that this reduc
tion in price in the case referred to, has not
resulted from the protective system. Let
us look however at this suggestion apart from
that consideration. If it he conceded for the
purpose of the argument, and only for that
purpose, that a manufacture might be estab
lished bv a temporary encouragement from gov
ernment, which would not otherwise, at least
at that time, come into successful operation,
and that the community might ultimately be
repaid in the manner which is suppose! !> the
following considerations seem decisively to
repel the force of. that suggestion. That
which is proposed, is temporary merely, and
the question whether it is to be ultimately
repaid to the community, is of of course made
to depend on the successful operation of the
protected establishment. It is Congress who
are to determine in advance, upon the pro
priety of putting at hazard the interests of the
community, by the forced establishment of
the proposed manufacture. The question to
ho determined depends iq>oii the calculation
of probabilities, to the correct estimate of
which much practical information is obviously
indispensable. Constituted as that body is, it
is difficult to conceive of one Less titled for
such reference. ():i the oilier hand, there is
always enough of individual enterprise, intel
ligence, and capital, to test any experiment
which gives a fair promise of ultimate remune
ration, notwithstanding it may bo subject to
temporary loss. Led*, j individual enterptise,
the question v ould be decided by those who
have every motive and every means to conic
to a just conclusion-—while the proposed sug
gestion would throw upon Congress those vis
ionary projectors who, having failed to obtain
the support of discreet and intelligent capi
talists, would play tin sure game of securing
profit, if by the rarest accident profit should
arise, and of throwing the loss upon the com
munity, if loss should ensue.
Jt is said that a dependence upon qihi r na
tions, for those manufactures which are es
sential to our wants, is ineonsistc*-1 with
character as a nation , and iu *’o3 \ /v.
the tariff is cast ntial to national L,dependence'
i o us flic U-nu Seems to 00 nfrangely misup-
I ’ 1 1 ' ** a ,j : 'ecu that a system of free trade
1 tiiotig an the o.ntipfls of tho world, by scctir
| application oi tho liigliest energies of
I c j* !c ‘b *° those objects which it was best quali
- tied to produce, would enlarge the amount
.ot production, and inerotirf tho sum of hu
■ man comfort, Ifot such a state of things
would, according to the argument v.bich is
urged, be a state of universal dependence,
and precisely tlie same consequence would
follow in relation to the commercial inter
course of any given nation with tlie other
nations of the world, to the extent of that
intercourse, whether a system of free trade
or of partial restrictions should prevail.—
That intercourse consists in the mutual inter
change of commodities, and it is impossible
to conceive the idea of a dependence on tlie
one side, without recognising the fact of a
corresponding dependence on the oilier.—
But such a state of mutual dependence is a
source of gratul.ition rattier thin of regret,
since it gives tc - ach nation an increased fa
cility for the development of its highest en
ergies, enlarges the sum of its enjoyments,
and affords the surest guarautee for the peace
and harmony of the world.
. If the suggestion bo urged in its apolica-!
lion to the necessities of the country during!
a state of war, an equally satisfactory answer
may be given. It is unquestionably tlie du
jty of every government to be prepared tor
; those conflicts with other nations, which it is
I not always possible to avoid ; but this is most
effectually done by the unrestricted exertion
of its peaceful energies. In a government
constituted as ours is, and separated as it is
by the Atlantic from the nations of the old
world, it is reasonobte to presume that such
conflicts will be rare. The intervals of peace
will probably be ol much the longest dura
j tion, and our system cf permanent policy
j should therefore be regulated chiefly with a
j view to this state of our national existence.
! But the decisive answer to this suggestion is,
t that money constitutes tlie sinews of war,
I and that its exigencies are best provided for
j by enriching the nation in time of peace.—
j A system of free trade will mainly conduce
il° this object. The resources which it w ill
furnish will second the services of the neu
tral trader, and these with our own internal
manftfacturqs which are already independent
of Legislative protection, will amply supply
our wants in such ail emergency.
It is.one and not the least of the evils of
the system which we deprecate, that it has a
t* ndeney to demoralize our citizens, to habit
uate them to evasions of the law, and to en
courage the odious and detestable practice of
smuggling. It is the effect of the protecting
duty to raise flic price cf commodities consid
erably above that, at which they could be im
ported at a moderate revenue duty. Unless
this is so, it fails to accomplish its destined
object, and is entirely useless. The inevita
ble consequence is, the temptation to clan
destine importation, and the facilities which
are afforded by our widely extended inland
and ocean frontier, give impunity to tlie
j smuggler.
On the several interests of agriculture, nav
igation, commerce, the mechanic arts, and
even on manufactures themselves, tliij sys
tem operates with an injurious influence.—
Speaking with rel’crrenee to that portion of
agriculture, Which is employed in the pro
duction of articles which must be exported
to a foreign market, it is obvious that any
considerable diminution of commercial capi
tal, by its transfer to other employments,
must have a tendency to diminish their [‘rice.
It is in the southern portion of the union
that this will be most extensively felt. The
domestic market will consume a portion of its
; reat staple, which is, comparatively, small,
and the immense residue will seek in vain
for a foreign market, if the manufactures of
other nations are in effect, and permanently
excluded from our ports. This state of things
may not at once occur. The necessity of
having a supply of the raw material for the
employments of her manufactories, may in
duce our great customer to submit, for a time,
to a system of purchase instead of exchange;
but she will be urged by the strongest con
siderations to sock that supply from those
who will receive her manufactures in return.
If this system be rendered permanent, and
pushed to the prohibitory extent, to which it
seems inevitably to tend, the fo.‘o of the cot
ton planter is therefore irrevocably sealed.—
■Nor is he alone affected by this system of
protection. The farmer of the middle states
will feel its influence in the increase of the
price of labour, as well as of every article
which he buys ; and if these in the manu
facturing districts should find an improved
market for the produce of their farms, the
considerations just stated, will operate to di
minish their profits—and the benefits which
they enjoy from the increased investment of
capital in their vicinity, will be purchased at
the expense of those interests from which that
capital lias been transferred.
When wo direct our attention to the influ
ence of the protecting system on the naviga
tion of the country, we might give to the sub
ject a peculiar interest, by dwelling on the
tact, tnat a ship is the proudest and most!
successful of our manufactures. From an
early period of our history, down to the pre- j
sent hour, we have been conspicuous for our
skill in ship building. Adverting to it, as
an art, we have by the elegance of our mo
dels, and the minuteness of our finish, rais-
ed it from a mechanical, to one of the fine
arts. Wc have applied the principles of a
correct tasto to naval architecture, and have
therefore produced tlie same masterly result
in this, as the application of the same princi
ples had produced in the otlitr arts. We
might then with perfect fairness and proprie
ty, press the inconsistency of that’ policy,
\ iieh seeks the prosperity of manufactures 1
by loading vvilh burthens that branch of 1
which has flourished with but little a* ’
necessarily subject to fe'xclusic,
j taleusy of foreign naticj-.. y> c
nect this topic with <* ;r na , , . , ‘ ,
i„..„ 1,! , .* na 'y, and our naval
i’•“ ,8t ,T 1 0,,r bcha,f ,!lc * cn "
*' 1 P ati -.otism. But wc waive tliese
V otageand without entering into de-
I tilll fo content ourselves witli adverting to the
■positive discouragements to ship building
occasioned by tho tariff of 1888. By that
tanll, iron, hemp, duck and cordage, are
subjected 10 duties which would bo in effect
prohibitory, if those articles were not of the
first necessity, and their importation indis
pensable. The quantity of those articles
which enter into the construction of a ship,
with the labour bestowed on them, constitute
one half of its value, and the duties upon
then! impose upon a next ship of nre .hundred
I tons a dry direct tar: little short cf two thott-
aw 20NSSMMI 3
sane collars, which is paid in advance \v
say a dry, direct tax, for it is not. e
of consumable articles, repaid bv the eor-,
or. Neither is it repaid by the
the rate of freignt depends on for,;?„ r . ' r
petition, and tlie foreign ship, c he-n l
unburthened, settles the price. P ’ eCUUse
The effects of tlie protective syßtem
commerce in general, can only be
rily illustrated by details; ltj Han
task, and will be faithfully performed bnlin
to whom it is confided. The diminution f
imports a total or partial scarcity of sail
articles-—an increase of price to the conZ*
er, a depression ol the mercantile spirit whi i
under different circumstances, v.Auld be 8 ;
mated to new enterprises, and the con-"
quent check to our attainment of that
of prosperity, to which the freedom of onr i
stitutions guides us, these arc results whi*
cannot be denied. That actraj '
not lelt in a young and free country,
almost every citizen is, or easily can be
- is not an argument to defer V*
Irom ihe removal of those obstructions
mat assured and unexampled case and con
tort ol condition, to which the American ct"’
zen aspires and is entitled. If to flic cjJ
acquisition of good cheap land, he can fib
wise add, not only the necessaries, but a'C
tlie blameless luxuries of life, why should J
be churlishly prevented by a sordid and nvl
iwpolising system, which finds enjoymej
in restriction, and profusion in prohibition
Every class of manufactures which is w >|
the object of the bounty of this system 5 J
well as the mechanic arts generally, toe’ pj
juriously affected by its operation—Navtvcil
those manufacturers, who experience tin]
protection are themselves interested *n ti l
removal of these restrictions— The enormitl
of the profits, in many instances, combine!
with the uncertainty of the continuance oft'!
system, give to this employment the charm
ter of a gambling speculation, rather tin,
that of a regular pursuit of industry. T
high rate ot profits would occasion a jml
of capital from other pursuits- and compcti
tion would.speedily reduce tlicm to tht gemr
al level, if the precarious tenure bv v,bid
they are held did not. restrain the lnovrmd
—Such of them as arc adapted to the and
cumstances of the coimtrv, and conduct J
with the requisite skill and industry v.pJ
continue to flourish, although legislative J
tection were withdrawn. They would Vi
give a fair return or the capital and la!|
which they employ. The rate of profits i. ol
indeed be less, but they would bj certain !
liable only to those changes which or c,J
mon to tlie whole productive industry cf.tl
j country. It is with this view of the sulijil
•that, the best informed end most intelligej
I among the man uf icturcrs tbemsdves, caivl
resist the conviction that the abandonm
ot the protecting system, and Myettin)
moderate duties, would he best cateukiedj
promote the steady growth, aui the safe in
permanent establishment of "American arm
fact tires.
There is a remaining suggestion which j
desire to present to your -consideration-/!'
national debt, which.-Has annually atari*
Irom ten to twelve millions of reran .I
rapidly diminishing, and will speedily be n
tinguishwi. On the first day of January, fill
the available funds of.the government villi
adequate to its discharge. The exisfinfial
of duties will produce hereafter an imin-l
annual revenue, beyond the ordinary v. 1
of the government, and f lie task of providl
a system of measures which shall be ada\ J
to this new and interesting condition ofß
fiscal concerns of the nation, will then den
upon the next Congress. llow propiticel
moment for the establishment of the pnfl
pies of free trade ! An enterprising mi I
telligent people, possessing in abtmdaneH
sources of national wealth, arid perfectly®
encumbered by debt, may add to their cl®
upon the gratitude of the world, far k®
successfully asserted the principles oil
government, by being the first also to pm ®
tiic principles of a free and unrestrietd ®
merer —that genuine “American fy--®
which will remove from cur I ■ rJcra efl
vestige of discontent, will give more v®
to the freedom, which was wrested lrui®
grasp of oppression by the valour of or®
cestors, and perpetuate those inriif-M
which are destined, by the blessings effl
to seeiire the happiness of rrdiotn milbi!®
TiIS'lT)iH( Al^'iwtj' JiliS I
Mr. Adams, in his Eulogy #ll
Monroe, relates, that Napoleon into
(o send a military colony of twenty t!
sand veterans to Louisiana, anti that
were already asset allied rt Hchioft-i
to embark when the rupture of the |<
of Amiens gave them another (lcstit.fi
lie adds this anecdote :
‘•it happened that a member of'he
ate of the United States, was at
Orleans, w hen the commissioner oi
poleon, authorised to receive posse
of the province, arrived there, ami
fore the cession to the United'Stat
This commissioner, in conversation
the American senator, told him [\a
military colony from iTa*’.cc ,algM
be expected. ’Tb?J; tliere was pc
some, difference 0 f opinion betwee
rmicli am* ’i goAeruninitj
the boi>*,n. n .y j. u t that wlu’nticc
arr ],; s orders were quietly t<
I'brtscssson to the Perdido, and lea
diversities of opinion, ta be after
discussed in the cabinet. Th* V; 111
was related on the floor of the Sri
; the United States by the member
I body, who had been a party to tit
| versation.”
dV ‘aliomtl Jticbt, —The Secretary
iivastiry has given public no tied
the first of January iwxt, nr;’ l '
millions oftiie tmblic debt v,ill best
! more capital released, ant! we “
its being set afloat will have the el'
| further to advance the price nfstoi
-00V#-
3x 'ports. —ln the last RC ynr p
have hci'ii exported from the
| States to foreign countries, <!5 u
rime hundred and foi-ty-liv 1 ■ tin
I I hundred and cighty-otw ,|i)l