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GEORGIA TELEGRAPH BUILDING
ESTABLISHED1826-
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A
MACON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 27, I88O
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VOLUME XO—LV
Wliat the Tcloifraph la Saying.
1 hear a faint, low singing,
Like the eound of distant choirs;
’Tis a message gleefully winging
Over the telegraph wires.
And what are tho glad wires humming,
As they stretch in the sunlight away ?
“I am coming, coming, coming—
I am coming home to-day 1”
Ami now I hear a sobbing;
Like some soul sitting alone,
With a heart that is wearily throbbing,
And lips that can only.moan;
Oh! what are the sad wires saying
As they reach through the darkness of
night?
“He's dying, dying, dying—
Come on the wings of light 1”
Oli, what are the wires relating
Morning and noon and night?
“The market is fluctuating!”
“Report of the Senate fight 1 ”
“Cashier S— a defaulter! ”
“Arrest of a man named Brown! ”
“Jones died to-day by the halter! ”
“Wheat went suddenly down!”
“Dead! ” “Bornf” “Going!” “Coming!”
“Deluge 1” and “Drouth” and “Fires!”
Singing and sobbing and humming
Over the telegraph wires.—Exchange.
From the Uind of Flow ers.
Green Cave Springs, Fla.,
August 20tb, 1SS0.
Editors Telegraph and Messenger:
Thinking that a *v items from the “Sar
atoga” of the South, would be of some in
terest to your readers, I venture to give
you such as I have gleaned from the short
stay I have made. Doubtless the well in
formed arc posted upon the scenery on
the St. Johns river. This is my first visit
to this section, and yon will pardon me
for making allusions to some points that
appear to me of interest.
The St. Johns is not excelled as a wa
ter course by any river in the United
Stales. The distance from Jacksonville
to this place is thirty miles, and either
side of the river (which is two to four
miles wide) is dotted with beautiful little
villages and fine orange groves, lemons,
banana, grape, fruit, and guava trees.
Among them is the grove and residence
of the noted Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe,
at Mandarin.
Green Cove is situated on the west
hank of the river, which is full four miles
wide, and there are no less than four
caves extending far into the dense forest,
making a splendid view over the status of
ten to twenty miles. This town num
bers about five hundred inhabitants.
The only doctor here told me that they
had two deaths in the past six months.
They have four general stores, one drug
store, one bar and billiard saloon, three
churehes; Episcopal, Methodist, and
Catholic; four hotels; Clarendon, San
Marco, Riverside Cottage, and Orange
Cot tage. All are closed this summer.
I learn, however, the Riverside House
will be open after the first of October
" next for the year, and afford ample ac
commodation for all who wish to visit
this famous and beautiful spring, which
has already won a widespread reputation
from surprising cures of rheumatism, neu
ralgia, nervous prostration and liver and
kiduey diseases, for which in its purity
anil freshness it has a wonderful adapta
bility. This is not surprising as all of its
elements are gaseous, and if placed aside
for twelve hours in a clean glass vessel, it
becomes as free and pure as the purest
distilled water, and it is to this fact that
it owes its wonderful action on the kid
neys. One of the most widely known
and celebrated physicians of Jacksonville,
himself a helpless invalid, was re
stored tobis health, and long years
of laborious and lucrative practice,
by use of its waters, after having fbund
means unavailing in his case of rimeraa-
tism.
From the large drinking fountain, the
water gushes from an opening twenty-five
feet deep below its surface, at the rate of
three thousand gallons per minute, of
a temperature of 7S degrees, and is so
perfectly pure and clear that the smallest
object can be seen at the bottom; the
bathir g pools are each 25 by 75 feet with an
average depth of four feet, and fitted up
with suitable dressing rooms. The aver
age temperature of the weather from No
vember to March is at 0 a. m. 60 degrees,
and at 12 m. 75 degrees.
Sight seeing, and excursions by boat
forms one of the maney pleasures of this
place. I was favored by an invitation to go
on an excursion on the beautiful little
steamer, “Mary Draper” up Black
Greek,a magnificent stream emptying into
the St. Johns near the spring, and de
lightful on a clear day. Our party went
as far up as Middleburg, once a fine point
commercially, but enterprise and railroads
have faiily demolished the old town; how
ever, we had a sumptuous dinner pre
pared by tho ladies of our party, which
we enjoyed under an old elm tree in the
suburbs of the old town.
One of the party, a young lady, for
merly from the eastern shore of Mary
land but now of Mobile, Ala., was much
pleased with the extravagance of this ele
gant stream and instead of the dark and
gloomy name of Black creek, she dubbed
it “Mirror rivjr.” She also described the
sunset as we glided down. “In a moment
we were deeply absorbed in the marvel
before us, and dead to everything else the
great cloud-barred disc of the sun stood
just above a limitless expanse of tossing
white caps, so to speak, a billowyt roop of
many opaline glories of changing and dis
solving splendors, whilst through rifts, in
a black cloud bank above the sun, radi
ating lances of diamond dust to the zenith,
and the lower world swam in a tinted mist
which veiled the forest and turned all the
forbidding region into a soft rich and
sensuous paradise.” More anon,
J. F. G.
Concerning the late murder at Cullo-
den, a correspondent of the Munroe
Adcertiser writes :
On the next morning Clayton confessed
his guilt. His confession was heard by
your correspondent, and was the following
in substance: “I went to Dr. LeSuer’s
after him; I told him to come on home, a
little rascal; I was mad with him because
he would’t go home ; I was not mad with
Dr. Hillsman; I took him into the field;
I got one rock in the street and the other
in the field.
“When we got to the well I told him to
pull off his hat and he pulled it off. I
stood back a little ways from the well,
lie looked into the well and then turned
round M say something to me. I hit him
over the left eye with a flat rock. He fell
in. I hit him again over the right eye,
He turned over on his stomach. I got
down into the weil and hit him again on
the back of his head. I then put some
dirt on him and pulled up some grass
and put over him. I went on to the
house and washed my hands.”
Bab the Cl ansa Well
with Sozodont when they become spongy
or detached from the necks of the teeth.
Let them bleed freely and so recover their
toue and health. The Sozodont is the
best remedial agent for diseased gums and
teeth. Try and learn.
COLQUITT'S SELF-VINDICATION.
Reply to Mr. Norwood’s Charge*.
Atlanta, Ga., August 21, I860.—To
the people of Georgia: I reply through
this letter to the speech of the Hon. Thos,
Norwood, made in the representative
chamber of Atlanta criticising my ad
ministration. I adopt this medium be'
cause it will be impossible on account of
official duties for me to accompany him
over the entire State and thus meet these
charges face to face, as well as the anony
mous charges circulated over the country.
I requested the privilege of dividing time
with him. The city was filled with pos
ters that were inviting the people to coma
out and hear him “expose Colquittism,”
and I had therefore a direct personal in
terest in that issue. He declined to allow
me a hearing on the ground that the meet
ing was one of ratification. A ratifica
tion meeting to “expose Colquittism”
seemed an incongruity. It would have
been my pleasure to have corrected some
of the grave misstatements of Mr. Nor
wood in reference to myself, as well as to
have discussed some matters connected
with his own official record in which the
people of Georgia have an interest, in
view of his present candidacy.
MY POSITION AND HIS.
Mr. Norwood seems to consider our po
sitions as precisely analogous, the only
difference being that I represent an unor
ganized majority and he an unorganized
minority. I beg to call the attention of
the people to the fact that my own candi
dacy was recommended by the people in
primary assemblies in a large majority of
the counties of Georgia and by almost
two-thirds of the convention, while Mr.
Norwood’s candidacy was not recom
mended in a primary assembly in a single
county of Georgia, but by the eleven citi
zens who assembled with him in a room
in the Kimball House, in Atlanta.
The minority opposed to me participated
in the action oi the convention, remained
in it to the close and acquiesced as fully
as any minority could. They did not
even enter a protest. They remained ta
king part in the deliberations until its ad
journment. Oi the 350 votes in the con
vention 224? votes, within 9 votes of a
two-thirds majority of tlio convention,
and representing, according to actual es
timate under the census of 1870, a popu
lar aggregate of 750,000 people against
400,000 represented by the 125J minority,
constituted ray support. That large ma
jority recommended me as the Democrat
ic candidate for governor. In the vote
upon this recommendation the minority
participated by voting against it, and
continued taking part in other important
deliberations of the body, and thus to the
last recognized the authority of the con
vention and are bound by its action.
MIL NORWOOD’S I'OSITIOX.
What is Mr. Norwood’s position as a
candidate? After' the adjournment of
the convention a meeting of citizens was-
called and he was placed in the chair.
He stated in explaining the ooject of the
meeting that they were a short time ago
official delegates of a party convention,
but they had ceased to be so and were re
solved back into citizens. These citizens,
no longer a minority of the convention,
for as a minority they ceased to exist
with the end of the convention, then ap
pointed a committee of nine, with Mr.
Norwood himself as chairman, to report
action, and then adjourned.
The nine gentlemen appointed by Mr.
Norwood as chairman, with two others
who seem to have joined them during
their two or three days’ session, nominat
ed Mr. Norwood as their candidate for
governor.
It is a striking coincidence that nine
votes were lacking to give me a nomina
tion by a two-thirds majority, and that
these nine gentlemen as delegates in tho
convention could have secured that party
harmony, they so profess to seek, by unit
ing with the majority in making a nomi
nation. And these nine gentlemen, after
thwarting a nomination, have nominated
their own chairman as their candidate for
governor. The coincidence, I say, of nine
delegates defeating a two-tliirds majority
nomination, and the same nine delegates,
as citizens, presenting a caneidate to the
party in opposition to the action of the
convention, in which they took pait and
had their voice and vote, presents such a
picture of premeditated party disorganiza
tion as must strike every reasonable man
with amazement. And not only this, but
the small number necessary to
make a two-tliirds majority on the one
hand, and on the other inaugurating re
volt against the party recommendation,
presents an impressive contrast to true
Democrats everywhere. If a great ma
jority, representing nearly two-thirds of
the people and convention, are equaled in
authority by a stray committee of nine
citizens, then partv oblieation is at end in
Georgia. Mr. Norwood gravely argues
the remarkable proposition that the mi-
nority was as much a majority to nomi
nate as the majority was. The absurdity
of such a proposition needs no demonstra
tion. The gentleman, however, in his ad
dress, precisely states his own position,
and I accept his own words in designa
ting his candidacy. He says that Govern
or Colquitt is “a self-appointed candi
date,” and then adds, “1 stand in the
same position that he does.” I cheerfully
and fully accord to him the absolute ac
curacy in his statement of his own atti
tude, and compliment him upon the franK
and unmistakable manner in which he
acknowledges that he is “a self-appointed
candidate.”
A DISORGANIZED IN HIS OWN INTEREST.
There is no stronger and more crush
ing objection to his claim for votes than
the simple and damaging fact that he was
the leader of all the disorganizing action
of the convention, and is to-day its benefi
ciary. He engineered the mischief and
and reaps its benefits. He is the author
and leader of the successful effort to de
feat a two-thirds nomination at all haz
ards, and is running for governor on the
disruption he made, lie cannot evade the
irresistible conclusion from his own course
that he was a disorganizer in his own in
terest and for the gratification of his own
ambition. In his speech he announces
that he “came into this convention for the
purpose of discharging his duty,” and he
adds: “From now until the going down
of the sun od the first Wednesday in Oc
tober I expect to raise my voice in vindi
cation of your rights that were trampled
under foot.” This Mr. Norwood’s figura
tive and fanciful method of putting his de
termined purpose to run for governor upon
some sort of nomination, although it
might be made by a committee appointed
by himself.
ME. NORWOOD PREVENTS A NOMINATION,
But there was a scene in the convention
that may be properly mentioned in this
connection. In the closing hour of the
convention a delegate from Harris county
arose and desired to change the four votes
of his county to me, and, as was subse
quently ascertained, there were others
ready to change. It was at this moment
when the minority was disintegrating ani
the convention bad the prospect of a nomi
nation by a two-thirds majority, that Mr.
Norwood arose and opposed any change
of votes whatever, and directly sought to
prevent, and in all probability did pre
vent, a nomination, when it seemed cer
tain. The significance of this attempt
cannot be misunderstood. It shows
clearly and indisputably that he opposed
a technical objection to the privilege of
delegates voting for Colquitt who were
patriotic enough to yield at the last mo-
1 inent to the wishes of the majority, and
thus this “self-appointed candidate” for
governor stands responsible for the failure
of a nomination. Does not this opposi
tion to the change of votes at the close of
the convention form a striking proof that
he was a disorganizer in his own interest?
RETAILING SLANDERS.
In nothing has the speech of Mr. Nor
wood afforded room for severer criticism
than in his comments upon my adminis
tration. In commencing bis assaults he
declares tliat he does not say whether the
charges he makes are false or trne. And
yet scandals and slanders that he will not
state to be true, he retails at length as a
justification of his own candidacy and
against my fair name and the integrity of
my administration.
THE NORTHEASTERN BONDS.
I propose to take up some of these mat
ters and briefly discuss them, giving the
facts. There has not been in the wide
range of public discussion a measure that
has received more unfair criticism than
the indorsement of the Northeastern rail
road bonds. It was a proper measure, a
politic measure, a legal measure and an
imperative duty inasmuch as it involved
the State’s sacred honor in relation
to her own citizens. Mr. Norwood him
self distinctly states that he has no charge
of wrong to make against me in connec
tion with that-act, but that it has caused
unkind comment. If the act is wrong it
should be condemned. If it is -right it
should be sustained. Unkind comment
upon it does not make it wrong. It is
right or wrong from its facts. Ignorance
or malice or self-interest can make unfa
vorable comment about tho best and
noblest actions; but actions must be
judged at last by their merits, and not by
personal views of them, as Mr. Norwood
seems to argue.
What are the facts of this matter? Tlie
general assembly of the State granted the
Northeastern railroad company, the right
to an indorsement of its bonds upon cer
tain conditions. Other roads received the
same grant. A subsequent legislature re
pealed the act, giving to these roads State
aid, except where the right had vested.
But the same general assembly that re
pealed the acts authorizing State aid,
made by resolution a special exception in
the case of the Northeastern railroad.
The officers of the road went forward and
incurred debts upon the plighted faith of
the State. The decision in the mat
ter of indorsement devolved upon
me after I came into office. 1 ven
ture to say that never, upon any
public measure, has an executive delib
erated more carefully, and I am frank to
say, reviewing my official career, that no
act of my administration has been a wiser
or a better one. The matter having been
brought before the Supreme Court, that
tribunal held that the duty of deciding
the question rested with the executive. I
then sought the opiuionS of the ablest
lawyers and public men oi the State, such
gentlemen as General Toombs, Governor
Brown, General Lawton, Hon. A. O. Ba
con, Judge T. J. Simmons, president of
the Senate, Hon. Henry McDaniel, Hon.
L. N. Trammell and others. While these
opinions in which I concurred satisfied me
that it was proper to indorse,
yet I preferred .in abundant caution
to delay acting, so as to remit the
matter to the general assembly. But the
debts incurred upon the faith of the State
were pressed to tlie point where the road
must have been sacrificed and great dam
age and loss be inflicted upon the citizens
of Clarke county, who had invested their
money. It was in this emergency, to re
deem the State’s faith, to save the loss of
aluable property, to protect a noble sec
tion of our State from injury, and to en
force a legal and undoubted right, that I
gave the indorsement. The general as
sembly, after a full investigation of the
whole matter, declared my motives pure
and the act a proper one. The validity
and legality of the indorsement has never
been questioned by court or legislation.
TIIE WESTERN AND ATLANTIC RAILROAD
FEE.
Mr. Norwood makes allusion to the fee
that Messrs. Baugh, Garlington, Alston,
Fain, Jackson, Lawton and Basinger
earned for the collection of certain money
from the United States government on a
claim connected with the Western and
Atlantic railroad. The whole fee is
improperly dubbed the Alston fee, when
all of the above gentlemen and others
were interested in it. Mr. Norwood, who
is a lawyer, should be the last to pro
nounce this simple matter a wrong. His
very statement of the case shows that in
this, as in other things, he has spoken
without a full examination ot the matter.
What are the facts of this also remarkably
misconceived transaction ? In 1S6S, Col
onel Baugb, who, at tlie close of the war,
was superintendent of the State road, and
his partner, General Garlington, were
employed by the then governor
to prosecute a claim of several hun
dred thousand dollars against the United
States government for the use of the State
road during and after tho close of the
war. The contract was that these dama
ges should have a retainer of S3,000, and
a contingent fee of 12 J per cent, commis
sions. The claim was prosecuted. Col
onel Fain, Colonel Aljton, and others,
were engaged in the prosecution. Dur
ing Governor Smith’s administration,
Messrs. Jackson, Lawton and Basinger,
came into the case as additional counsel,
and Governor Smith placed upon the ex
ecutive minutes an order recognizing the
employment of these gentlemen, and in
creasing the compensation to be allowed
to a sum not to exceed 25 per cent, of the
amount collected, this not to interfere'
with the rights ot the -gentlemen already
employed. I found this state of things
when I came into office—a long standing
contract of the highest official authority.
The money was collected, the agents do
ing the work were allowed their con
tracted fee, and the State’s part of the
money was paid into the treasury.
The only question in the case at ail was
whether the agents were entitie&lo the
full 25 percent, commission. Whatever
amount they were- entitled to was theirs
immediately, and could not go into the
treasury. They had a legal lien upon it.
It was theirs, earned under a legal con
tract, and the withholding of one dollar
from them would have been a violation of
the faith of the State. It is the law, well
recognized in this country, that lawyers
who 'collect moneys for others are first
entitled to their fees. The very act of
collection makes their fee their property.
All of these gentlemen concurred that the
contract was that they should have the
full 25 per cent.,and they all shared in the
distribution of that percent. They had
been working on the case ten years.
Several had spent session after session in
Washington under heavy expense. They
bad, theretore, earned their fee and were
entitled to the fruits of their contract.
The position of Mr. Norwood, that by
law the whole amount should have gone
into the treasury, is untenable. There is
no such law. The law requires nothing
to go into the treasury but the money be
longing to the State. No law requires
that tho 25 per cent, belonging to the at
torneys should be paid into the treasury.
On the contrary the law gives attorneys a
lien upon the money collected until their
fees are paid. Tbe governor received a
check payable to his order, with the con
sent of the attorneys, which included the
25 per cent, belonging to them and the 75
per cent, belonging to the State. And in
the discharge of a plain legal duty he paid
to the attorneys the amount which be-
_ longed to them and paid into the treasury
«the amount which belonged to the State.
The case was one of contract, not made
by me, for service rendered to the State
for a compensation agreed upon. The
contract was positive, the service undenia
ble. The contract was for 25 per cent,
The service was the collection of the
money. The money was collected, and
had to cany out the contract in good
faith. I did this. To do otherwise wonld
have been a violation of law, and a stigma
on the State.
THE CONVICTS.
Mr. Norwood has much to say about my
administration of the law regulating the
convicts. In this, as in almost every
other matter to which lie makes refer
ence, he shows a lamentable ignorance of
both the law and the facts, or else lie
wilfully ignores both. His method of
treating this subject leaves the impression
on the public mind that my administra
tion is responsible for the present convict
system and its abuses. Whereas the
present lease law was passed before I be
came governor, passed without any
agency whatever on my part, approved
by Governor Smith; and every contract
under it was entered into between Gover
nor Smith and tbe lessees before I came
into office. In discussing a report made
to the legislature, but which was never
adopted by the legislature, Mr. Norwood
is rash enough to declare in the plainest
words that “the facts narrated in this
report refer to his (my) administration.”
He makes no exception, but proceeds to
particularize some of these “facts,” as he
terms them, with which he seeks to justify
his assault upon myself and my adminis
tration. He leaves the impression on
the public mind that during my adminis
tration 523 convicts have escaped and are
now running at large, and that for every
one of these escapes a penalty of $200 is
due tlie State, not a dollar of which, he
says, has been collected.
Such a misrepresentation of the facts
is simoly monstrous. Mr. Norwood will
scarcely be excused by the public, when
the real facts as given in the official re
cords are brought to light as I shall bring
them. I say the misrepresentation is
monstrous; for so far from these 523 es
capes having occurred during my admin
istration, that number includes every con
vict that has escaped prior to that report
for the last fourteen years. The official
records show that one hundred and
twenty-six have escaped during my ad
ministration, and one hundred and eighty-
seven during Governor Smith’s adminis
tration, and the balance of the five hun
dred and twenty-three escaped during
former administrations. So that Mr.
Norwood places himself before tbe coun
try in the unfortunate attitude of having,
for political effect, crowded the escapes
for fourteen years in the space of three
and a half (3j) years. To state the case
arithmetically, as 3J years aic to fourteen
years, so are Mr. Norwood’s statements to
the facts of the official records.
But his misrepresentations in reference
to tbe $200 penalty are still more glaring
and gross. Tlie law imposing $200 Bne
for every convict that escapes, went into
effect by its provisions on tlie first of
April, 1879. Prior to April of last year no
such penalty was imposed by the law.
Since the law km of force, onlv (10)
ninett-un have escaped. The penalty due-
lias been paid by one company without
suit, and in every case is under investiga
tion. The discrepancy, therefore, Be
tween Mr. Norwood’s .statement and the
truth of the case is the difference between
523 and 19. It will not do for Mr. Nor
wood to now say that he was reading
from the Alston report, for he distinctly
asserted that tbe facts narrated in that re
port referred to my administration, where
as four-fi’hs of these escapes occurred in
former administrations, and only 19 out
of the 523 wore liable to the penalty of
$200. Tlie only comment I make upon
such wholesale misrepresentations is that
they place his entire speec’.i under the
ban of a fair, popular judgment, as hav
ing been made under the impulse of un
justifiable prejudice, and not with tbe
view of bringing the facts before the
country.
But Mr. Norwood seems to consider it
consistent with his candidacy for the high
office of governor, to assume the utterly
indefensible position that I am responsi
ble for all the evils of the convict system,
with the inauguration of which I had no
agency whatever. He seems to have en
tirely forgotten the important fact that
another executive and a former legisla
ture are wholly responsible for the lease
act.
When I came into office tbe lease law
had already been passed by tbe legisla
ture, and approved by Governor Smith.
The contracts under it were made by
Governor Smith. The system I found
loosely managed, because of the cbarac-
acter of the system itself, and the defi
ciencies of the law. The convicts had
been farmed out in small squads over
the State, and tbe statutes were sadly
imperfect. I gave the matter close at
tention, and entered zealously upon the
work of correcting abuses. Every step in tbe
direction of reform met my hearty ap
proval and encouragement. There has
been a most gratifying and marked im
provement in the health and comfort of
this unfortunate class of our fellow men,
as is shown by the following official tables.
The report upon which Mr. Norwood
based his remarks upon myself and my
administration was never agreed to by the
committee of the legislature and myself.
The statements it contained are denied by
sub-committees who examined the camps.
The report itself was recommiteed to the
committee and was never again reported.
In answer, however, to Mr. Norwood’s
unsupported charge that during my ad
ministration an unusual death rate oc
curred in the camps, I am content to pro
duce the official reports and their undis
puted and indisputable records. I take
Gov. Smith’s and my administration.
The official records show the death
rate from 1874 to 1879, inclusive, to be as
follows:
creased almost one-half during my ad
ministration as compared with that of tlie
administration which preceded it. A like
investigation will show that the escapes
have decreased in almost the same ratio.
I make public these facts from tbe of
ficial records not for the purpose of criti
cising any fbrmer administration, but in
order to show to every man in Georgia
the gross wrong which my opponent
seeks to do mine.
1 had nt> power to anrful the lease law,
nor to break the, contracts which my
predecessor had made and which are
binding for twentr (20} years. The peo
ple, however, will judge from tho above
official fatts wberd responsibility lies and
whether Mr. Norwood’s assault upon my
character and administration is righteous
or ruthless. Where errors So astounding
and misrepresentations so- flagrant are
made by one who* could have examined
the records, and whose character and the
office he seeks ought to forbid the idea of
malice, it is easy to imagine the reckless
and audacious manner in which irrespon
sible persons have, calumniated both my
admin is tralipn and myself before the peo
ple of Georgia. And Mr. Norwood need
not be surprised if a just-minded public'rer
coil from such methods to injure an oppo
nent.
SENATOR BROWN AND GOVEBNOB SMITH.
Mr. Norwood descends to make an un-
wortny attack upon the motive which ac
tuated me in tbe appointmeutofGovernor
Brown as Senator, and Governor Smith as
railroad commissioner. He does not
question Urn propriety of either appoint
ment. He considers both gentlemen able
and proper representatives of tbe people in
tbe positions to which they are appointed;
but tbe motive which actuated me be pro
fesses to read and proceeds to condemn.
He can see in my appointmet of tbe fittest
men to office nothing higher, nor more
commendable than self-seeking. He
charges directly that my motive was to
; perpetuate myself in office. A friend or a
lair-minded foe might have been
able to find in the selection for office
of the ablest men, who were not
special, personal or political friends,
something of a disregard of selfish con
siderations for tbe public good. Mr. Nor
wood, however, arrogating to himself a
power to search hearts and read motives,
which hitherto lias been supposed to be
long to Deify alone, does not hesitate to
declare that my actions were prompted by
tbe most sfelfisli considerations. He then
i iroceeds to lecture me before the country
i or my lack of patriotism and official in
tegrity. If 1 were permitted to judge of
my own motives, I might flatly deny the
truth of Mr. Norwood’s statemeut. I
might, with some propriety, ask with
Randolph, “who made you a judge ot mo
tives and a searcher of hearts.” I might
ask in what way he lias acquired the
right to become the censor over my ac
tions and the power to judge over my mo
tives when he cannot condemn my acts.
Has lie this right and power because of
anything remarkable in bis past career ?
What is there in liis record that so
exalts and dignifies? Is it bis un
paralleled patriotism exhibited in the
past ? Did he demonstrate bis self-sacri-
SMITH’S ADMINISTBATION.
Year.
No. of
convicts. ■
No. of
deaths.
Death rate.
1874
899
40
4i per cent.
1875
920
40
51 per cent.
1870
1310
58
4| per cent.
COLQUITT’S ADMINISTRATION.
No. of
No. of
Year.
convicts.
deaths.
Death rate.
1877
1448
55
3$ per cent.
1S78
1417
27
1} per cent.
1879
1400
32
2J per cent.
These tables include tbe whole number
whose names were on tbe books during
the year, and not the number on band at
any one time.
I have taken tbe last three years of Gov
ernor Smith’s administration and tbe three
completed years of mine, in tbe above
statement.
These official reports show that the
highest death rate was about 5§ per cent,
and tills occurred in 1875 during Governor
Smith’s administration. Tne lowest death
rate was about 1J per cent., and this oc
curred in 1873, during my administration.
error of confounding the principal with the
interest, when he speaks of the amount to
be raised on the Nutting bonds. Now, if
Mr. Norwood bad given liimself the trouble
to have ascertained tbe facts, and had
been willing to do me and my administra
tion justice, be would have informed bis
audience that instead of collecting four
and one-balf tenths of one per cent., I am
only collecting three and one-half tenth|i
of one per cent, to meet all the - camurt
expenses of the government, pay the inter
est on the whole public debt and to pay
$100,000 annually of the principal of tbe
Nutting bonds. But "it seems this was a
fact that did not suit bis purpose, and be
was careful to withhold it from tbe
public.
Mr. Norwood’s purpose seems to have
been to create tbe impression upon the
public mind that my administration has
been an oppressive one, and that 1 have
collected from the people unnecessary
taxes. What are the facts ? I compare
tbe year 1876, the last year of my prede
cessor’s administration, aud 1879, the last
completed year of my own. In 1870,
as shown by tlie comptroller’s report or
that year, the value of tho taxable prop
erty of tbd State was $245,853,750. On
this a tax of 5-10 of 1 per cent, was lev
ied, which raised $ 1,229,20S. In 1879,
under my administration, the whole val
ue of the taxable property was $225,093,-
419. On this a tax of 35-100 of one per
cent, was levied, which raised $7S3,820,
making $440,442 less raised in 1879 by
general taxation by my administration,
than in 1870, under my predecessor’s ad
ministration. Tbe public debt in 1876
was Sll,095,878. In 1880 it has been re
duced to $9,871,500, the reduction being
the large sum of$1,224,397.
There has been paid into tbe State
treasury money from outside sources to
tlie amount of nearly half a million of
dollars, thus relieving tbe burdens of tax
ation. Of this amount a large sum was
collected from the United States govern
ment. There has been very much said,
about the fees paid, but very little about
tlie public benefit in securing such large
and unexpected sums for tbe State, easing,
tbe financial burdens of tbe people.
In conclusion, fellow-citizens, I call
your attention to the facts sustained by
the public records, and other undoubted
evidences, that during my administration
the taxes have been lessened, the public
debt has been reduced, the evils of tbe
convict system have been ameliorated,
tbe moral condition of our people has im
proved, and crime lias diminished, tbe
credit and standing of tbe State abroad
has been elevated, and in. every depart
ment of the State government over which
tbe executive has any control there has
been a marked improvement. I ran, very
respectfully, your fellow citizen,
Alfred H. Colquitt,
ficingdevot/jn tobis country in battle
lect.&T-xroar xua, j*iL4BIU5fi_U)
vote liimself $5,000 of back salary after
be had given his receipt to tbe govern
ment for payment in full, and did he un
selfishly refuse to accept that S5,600 ot
backpay? Did be unselfishly give bis
time and talents to save the people of
Georgia from the payment of tlie fraudu
lent Bonds, or did be take a fee to induce
the legislature to impose the fraudulent
bonds upon tlie people ? Are these the
acts of self-abnegation and of patriotism,
which have given to Mr. Norwood tbe
right to call in question my patriotism, or
to sit in judgment upon my motives? I
leave it to tbe voters of Georgia to judge
between us.
THE JONES SETTLEMENT.
Mr. Norwood thinks that in allowing
one of tbe securities of ex-Treasnrer John
Jone3, Mr. John T. Grant, to compromise
his liability by a cash payment of $35,009
into the State treasury, I committed a
grave violation of official duty. Tlieso
suits were instituted iu Gov. Smith’s
letters in the Grant Compromise.
Atlanta. Ga., April 14, I860.—Gen
eral Robert Toombs—Dear Sir: The
proposition to compromise the case of the
State against John Jones, late State
treasurer, aud C. A. Nutting and myself,
about which I have conversed with you
before, I now makc'iu writing. I now say
tl««ll 1 n Ill «Uu CtuVO ^OGjWGO lu OD«llb~
merit- of tbe case so far as I. am concern
ed. 1 make this proposition on my own
responsibility, having no connection with
Mr. Jones’ regular bondsmen, all of whom
signed a separate instrument, some know
ing that my obligation was only tempora
ry to stand until tkeir’s was exeented, and
the others not knowing that there was
another bond in existence. They are not
co-obligors or co-sureties of mine iu any
sense of those terms as I am advised so as
to be affected by any settlement with me.
My counsel advise me that the case can be
won in their opinion in the Supreme
Court, but I am getting old and tired of
litigation and wish to pass the balance of
my” days in peace. Legal technicalities
may carry the cat© against me, though 1
think you will agree that justice and
equity are with me. I make the proposi
tion to you iu good faith and hope that it
will be accepted by you aud the couu-
sel associated with you. When you con
sider that the bond I signed was really
believed and intended by me to be only
time by Hon. N. J. Hammond, then at- ten ,p 0rar y_t 0 last only ten or twelve|days,
terney general of tlie biate, and Governor j until tbe regular bond could be exe-
Smith employed to assist him General
employed
R. Toombs, Messrs. McCay & Trij
Colonel Willis A. Hawkins and Mr. V
T. Newman. All of these distinguished
and experienced lawyers representing the
cuted by Mr. Jones’ kinsmen and sureties
on his bond when treasurer before,
and that tbe case is still iu litigation—I
believe you will consider my proposition
fair, not to say liberal, aud that you and
of settlement, for tbe reason assigned by
General Toombs, Judge McKay and Col.
Hawkins. Wm. T. Newmax.
April 21,1SS0.
Considering the uncertainty of the final
result in . this case, I believe thirty-five
thousand dollars a fair offer by Colonel
Grant, and join in the recommendation of
accepting that sum from him aud releas
ing him. N. J. Hammond.
State, joined in advising me to accept the ^iir associatcs will ’accent it Calling
casnnn Tl,™ annstlmtefi an unusual V > out associates will accept, ii. vailing
$35,000. They constituted an unusually
stroug array of counsel for the State, and
gentlemen whose high character gave ab
solute guarantee that they would only
advise for the best interest of the State, J
unhesitatingly acted upon their unani
mous recommendation to release Mr.
Grant upon his payment of $35,000. I
may state that the fact that Mr. Grant
was able to prove that the bond be signed
was intended to be only temporary, but
uuder tbe technical rules of the law was
not allowed to make the proof, constitutes
this a case of such doubtful equity that
this compromise lias been deemed a fair
one by all right-minded men acquainted
with the facts.
I append the letter of Mr. Grant and
the indorsement pi the attorneys for tbe
information of the people, as to tbe basi3
of my action.
THE STATE FINANCES AND TAXATION.
Mr. Norwood makes tbe point that I
have violated the law by levying exces
sive taxes. Ho says, “there was au act
passed in 1873, which required tho raising
of $100,000 per annum to pay the interest
upon certain bonds called tho NuttiDg
bonds,” aud that I levied ouc-tenth ot one
per cent, for that purpose. Mr. Norwood,
either ignorantly or wilfully, misstates tbe
law. There is no such statute. There
Is a statute of 1873 which required tbe
raising of $100,000 in excess of the amount
otherwise authorized to be collected, for
tbe payment, not of tlie interest on the
Nutting bonds, but for tbe payment annu
ally of tbe sum of $100,000 of tbe princi
pal of said bonds. Tbe interest on these
tonds is part of tbe interest of tlie public
debt, and is embraced in tbe general pro
vision made for the payment of interest
on tbe public debt.
Under this statute my predecessor for
tbe three years prior to tho commence
ment of my administration, embracing
every year since tbe bonds were Issued,
raised one-tenth of one per cent, iu addi
tion to the general !evy to meet the an
nual payment of the principal of the Nut
ting bonds required by tlie statute. I
continued this same assessment during
tbe years 1S77 and 1878, but finding that
it raised more-money than was necessary
for tbe purpose above mentioned, I re
duced it aud ordered an assessment of
one-balf of oue-tenth of one per cent, for
tbe years 1879 aud 18S0. No- portion of
the money collected as aforesaid was mis
applied but it wont to tbe payment of tbe
public expenses and the reduction of tho
public debt.
And in this connection Mr. Norwood
makes another statement which shows bis
reckless disregard of facts, or bis reluc
tance to conduct such investigations as
are necessary to arrive at a knowledge of
tbe truth. He says: “But for the Nut
ting bonds, four-tenths would have been
ample to have raised all the money need-
your attention to tbe documents I handed
you two days ago, as showing the equities
of my position in this whole unfortunate
business for me, I am very respectfully
yours, John T. Grant.
Atlanta, April 14,1SS0.—To His Ex
cellency, A. U. Colquitt, Governor of
Georgia: I received this evening a letter
from Mr. John T. Grant, of this city, who,
together with Mr. Nutting, of Macon, are
tlie securities of Mr. Jones, late treasurer
of the State, and against whom a verdict
and judgment for above ninety-six thous
and dollars, against them and in favor of
the State, was rendered iu June last, and
wbich case is now pending before tho Su
preme Court ot Georgia. As one of the
counsel oi the JStatc, I advise your ex
cellency to accept Sir. Grant’s offer of
settlement for himself. The whole of tbe
facts, tbe whole case being on the record
of the Supremo Court which you will
doubtless review for yourself, I will not
repeat here. I am fully satisfied from
that record that Mr. Graut gave tbe bond
to serve a temporary purpose, deemed im
portant to tbe public service by Governor
Smith, and within tlie term prescribed by
law. Mr. Jones, tho treasurer andde
faulter, gave another and permanent bond,
and Mr. Grant honestly thought that tlio
new bond was legally a substitute for the
temporary bond. Under our statute be
could have been relieved from all liability
if lie had been aware that proceedings to
that end were necessary. Tbe last bond
was within tbe time prescribed by law,
and no default appears in the evidence to
have occurred pending bis liability, aud it
seems clear that neither Mr. Jones nor bis
securities on tbe permanent bond consid
ered tbe last bond as a cumulative secu
rity, and did not contract upon that basis.
Therefore, honesty and good faith, in my
opinion, require that tbe State should not
enforce this judgment agaiusttbe securi
ties on this first bond. There being no
practical tribunal to which the sovereign
is rightfully amenable, she should be
exemplary in her justice, and therefore, as
one of her counsel, 1 recommend that
your excellency accept Mr. Grant’s propo
sition for a settlement of tbe case. I am
respectfully your excellency’s obedient ser
vant, B. Toombs.
In view of tbe uncertainty as to what
may be the decision of tbe Supreme
Court on tbe legal question made by
surietles on the exclusion by tbe court ou
the trial of the evidence offered, as well
as matters of equity and justice, suggested
by General Toombs, I concur In his opin
ion that Mr. Grant’s offer ought to bo
accepted. H. K. McCay,
.. For McCay & Trippe.
These records shojy tBat, the highest death j ■ _ ■
rate during my administration was in the ting bonds, four-tenths would have been In consideration oftbe reasons assigned
year 1877, immediately after I came into ample to have raised all the money need- by General Toombs and McCay,_ as well
office, and before any great reforms could ! ed by the State, and in fixing this rate as tbe great uncertainty of realizing more
be carried into operation; but they also j one-ralf of one mill would have been than the sum oflered in case of a success-
show tbe fact most damaging to Mr. Nor- I ample to have raised tbe money to pay ful termination of the issue in favor of the
wood’s reputation for fair dealing that! tbe interest- on those bonds. Therefore, State, I concur in recommending the gov
the highest death rate during my admin- • instead of fixing the rate at one-half of ernor to accept the offer of Colonel
istration is lower than tbe lowest death J one per cent., be should have fixed it at j Grant. W. A. Hawkins.
rate of tbe former administration. They four and one-balf tenths per cent.” | 'April 20, 1880.
further show that the death rate has de- * Here again Mr. Norwood falls into the I concur iu the above recommendation
Letter of Bev. John E. Bespese,
Taylor County.
We clip the following from the Savan
nah Recorder:
We call tfie special attention of our
readers to tbe communication of this
gentleman. He is one of tho ablest and
purest men of the State, and a distin
guished minister of the Primitive Baptist
Church. His friends in every part of
Georgia will read his views with great in
terest. The clearness, force and patri
otism which characterize his presentation
of the question will command the approval
of all intelligent and independent voters.
Butler, Ga., August 18,1SS0,
Mr Editor : The political opinions of
an obscure citizen as myself are perhaps
of but little importance, so that 1 would
not obtrude them upon tbe public were it
not that I feel it due myself and those
friends who attach some little value to
them, to give the reasons why 1 cannot
vote for Governor Colquitt for the next
governor oi Georgia. You know, and my
triends kuow, that I was au ardent sup
porter of Governor Colquitt prior to the
recent gubernatorial convention, and did
what little I could to secure a delegation
to tbe convention in his behalf. I was a
Colquitt man in preference to auy of the
other candidates before the party, because
believed him to be a persecuted man,
one whom tbe politicians sought to
destroy without a cause. I did not prefer
him because I thought he was a better
Democrat, or because I thought be would
make a better governor than either ol
them, or than many other distinguished
Democrats of Georgia would. My prefer
ence was purely a personal one ; and
whilst I yet esteem him as a friend, I dare
not prefer him before the unity of the
; iarty or gt the sacrifice of principle. When
[. voted for him at our primary election as
my choice of them all for governor, no
principle was theu involved, but to vote-
tor him now would be, in my view,
sacrificing a principle and the unity of
the party to a personal preference; just
what, as it seems to me, the majority of
the late convention did. Therefore I caij-
not vote for him, because to do it would
be infidelity to tbe trust committed to me
as a freeman and a citizen. I bold the
convention committed a crime in refusing
to make a nomination for governor. I
could and would have voted lor Colquitt
if at first lie bad been nominated by a
majority, but not after the convention had
bound itself by a two-thirds rule. I say
they committed a crime, because iu mak
ing no nomination they left a disputed
OT
can involve in our form of government is
strife, bitter feuds, and party destruction.
Ourgovernmentisagoverniuent of parties,
upon which is devolved tbe duty of naming
our rulers and their successors, and when
tlie delegates of the people selected for
that purpose and invested with that power,
refuse to do it, they are guilty of criminal
negligence, for which tlie people should
hold them responsible.
I charge this guilt upon tbe majority
iarty of the convention, because it should
ie laid at the door of that party or faction
which could, without a sacrifice of prin
ciples, have prevented it, and which, to
perpetrate it,made asacrifice of principle.
The majority voluntarily, and. of their
own accord, adopted tbe two-tliirds rule,
binding themselves to make a nomination,
aud by a two-thirds majority. It was
their privilege to do that or not to do it,
just as they choose. There was no com
pulsion, but after they did it, it was not
their privilege to set it aside, but their
duty to abide by it. There was then com-
lulslon. It is my privilege to go iu debt;
t is not my duty; that is to say,, there is
no compulsion; I may or may not, as I
choose; but if I do go in debt, it then be
comes my duty to pay my deBts, and it is
not my privilege to refuse to do it. I am
bound; and so was the convention by tbe
two-thirds rule; and having voluntarily
bound themselves, they could not, without
a violation of principle, throw off their
obligation.
There lias been a good deal of talk of
high moral principles in connection with
this contest, but it seems they were for
gotten in tlie heat of passion, that the
righteous should not sweat deceitfully;
and though they swear to their own hurt,
they should not change, but stick to it.
There is another thing that in my judg
ment savors of a bad spirit in the majori
ty. Immediately upon the heel of tbe
two-thirds rule they passed by a majority
wliat has been called “a gag law,” saying
in effect, that no man should be nominat
ed save some one of the candidates then
before the body, wbich was saying, as tbe
sequel proved, that no man in the State
save Governor Colquitt should be nomi
nated, that no man should be chosen for
governor ot Georgia unless ha had an
nounced himself as a candidate for that
position and had sought it. Is that a
principle of the Democratic party, that a
man who gets an office must always seek
it? Was it ever a principle of the party
before?
As to the minority, I know not tho spir
it that actuated them, but can only judge
them by their fruits, and their conduct
was right in tlie letter. They made con
cessions, yielding their own personal pref
erences and giving tbe majority tbe selec
tion of any two or three dozen distin
guished Democrats for whom they would
cast their voles aud harmonize tbe party.
Could not they have saved the unity of
the party by naming such men as General
Lawton, Judge Crawford, Jackson and
Stephens, all good and true Democrts?
Thus tbe majority bad tlie opportunity
and upon them devolved tbe duty of pre
serving tbe unity oftbe party by yielding
a personal preference without auy sacri
fice whatever of principle or manhood.
To this they were pound by their own
action in passing tbe two-thirds rule,
when it was seen to be clearly impossible
to unite tbe minority upon Governor Col
quitt. But they persisted and sacrificed
the unity of the party to their personal
preference, and violated the covenant
they bad voluntarily made in the two-
thirds rule, and have said to the people of
Georgia that they prefer Governor Col
quitt to the Democratic party.
• This action I cannot endorse, nor ought
it to be endorsed by the Democratic pain
ty of Georgia. Tbe minority 'are not re
sponsible for it, because they could not
help it, save as a sacrifice of their man
hood. They yielded their personal pref
erences, aud left the selection of the can
didate to tbe majority, excepting Colquitt
only, and tbe majority had agreed, iu ef
fect, that if they couldn’t nominate him
by two-tliirds, to make a nomination by
two-thirds of some good Democrat, That
is what the convention met for, and wliat
they ought to have done.
As to Governor Colquitt’s, vindication,
he was nobly vindicator so far as the ma
jority coula do it by their ballots, and
could have afforded to have made bis as
pirations a peace offering to tlio party
that bad 50 greatly honored, hist ill the
past, and in that very convention. That
they had • a msgority is nothing, a3 they
did not have the majority they agreed to
have to make a nomination. If they
looked over so little, that little wa3 as
great au obstacle as if it were twenty
times as big. I grantitpresentedagreafer
temptation to do wrong and violate their
plighted faith than a less majority would
but tlie glory of resisting the temptation
would have beeu in the same ratio. Saul
lost tlie kingdom of Israel by a very little
lack. He was commanded, and assumed
to do it, to slay tho Amalekites’ oxen,
sheep and all, and to spare nothing, and he
came very nigh doing it; he only lacked a
very little; he spared a few sheep and
oxen, and them not for himscliybutto
sacriflco to the Lord. 'When the prophet
Samuel went down to inspect his work
Saul went out jubilantly to meet him, ex
claiming, “I have fulfilled the command
ment.” “If so,” grimly said tlie prophet,
“what means tbe bleating of these sheep
and lowing of these oxen which I hear?”
Therefore he lost tbe kingdom, and had
as well have done nothing at all he had
done, for al he did amounted to nothing
for the lack of the little he didn't «k>.
Because the lack, or what he didn’t do,
showed that he had done all he did do
in the wrong spirit. This I honestly be
lieve was the way the majority did in the
convention, and I cannot follow them.
These are my reasons for not being a
Colquitt man, though I was one a few
days ago. Did Samuel change in reject
ing Saul, even though he bad chosen and
anointed liim? If I have changed I do
not know it; I have found out the facts
aud the right and must act upon them.
J. R. Respess.
OHts Loean on Advertising.
I suppose you don’t know what sort of a
pen I am writing to you with; I don’t sup
pose you care what kind of a pen I am
writing to you with, yet the pen I am
writing 10 you with is an epitome of all
that has ever been printed, spoken or sung
regarding the value of advertising to the
mercantile community. Observe the
following facts:
In Parts, recently, I saw a friend who
had just come over, using a pen of peculiar
construction, designed with special refer
ence to those untidy persons who, like my
self ink their fingers when they write.
Now, my friend is a man whose hands are
as lilies, with finger nails like rose buds in
tint; noticeable hands, even remarkable
considering that he is an elderly man and
who occasionally helps with the lighter
work on his farm in Nebraska. Catch him.
inking his fingers! “Why, where did you
get that nice pen?” 1 asked him with a
vista of blissful exemption from an uninked
middle finger opening upon my joyous,
expectant mind. “Iu Omaha,” be an
swered. “I used to ink my finger before
1 got it.” He did. He inked kfe fingers!
That was enough for me. 1 got the name
of the merchant from whom lie bought
the jien, the price of it, and, inclosing the
money, I sent from Paris to Omaha for
that pen. By tbe last steamer it came to
me. There liad been a little delay. The
stationer at Omaha was out of them, but
hesentup toSioux Ciyrjo the m^
is where the laugh comes in, so prepare to
pucker. Tbe pens are an English invention,
aud tons of them can be bought iu London,
if desired. At tlie stationer’s next door I
could have got wliat I had sent for to Sioux
City. But bow could I have known that?
" dealt with the man who advertised.
Mr- W. S. Whitaker Withdrawn.
Baenesvillb, Ga., August 23,1880.
Editors Telegraph and Messenger: Per
mit roe through your columns, to with
draw from tbe canvass for tbe Democratic
nomination for State Senator, in the
twenty-second senatorial district. It has
become very apparent that the rumors,
which have been Ireeiy circulated, to the
effect that efforts would be made to send
delegations from Bibb and Monroe, de
termined to ignore any suggestions that
may be made by the county of Pike, and
to nominate no candidate, but such as
will bind liimself to never vote for Joseph
■. Brown for United States Senator, are
too true. If tbe convention should make
nomination intended to carry out tbe
famous “minority,” to role out oftbe
Democratic party of Georgia three of tlio
greatest men in it to wit: Brown, Col
quitt and Gordon, they cannot recieve my
aid, approval nor tame submission. There
fore I shall not place myself nor my
friends in such a position, that we will
be bound by the results of these efforts.
It is very clear to my mind that the di
vision recently made in the Democratic
party of Georgia will finally lead to the
establishment of another party, by such
old line whigs as have always been dis
satisfied with their Democratic connec
tions, and can be seduced into tbe move
ment. This, I think, would be condu
cive to the velfare of tbe Stale and to the
purity of Democracy. Therefore, I am
disinclined to complain or censure.
Wherever these disgruntled wliigs have
Been able to secure oue-tbird of a conven
tion they have set themselves with but
one purpose, that was to defeat tbe most
prominent candidate, if an old-line Dem
ocrat. This has been done repeatedly
in our congressional and other conven
tions, under the plea of insuperable ob
jections, which means that the subject of
their objections, was a prominent Demo
crat before their own conversion to the
faith.
I deem it unwise to submit to the arbi
trament of a convention compounded of
such distinct and incongiuous elements,
the important question, whether or not
Joseph E. Brown shall be ruled out of the
party, because be opposed making war
against the law and constitutional amend
ments enfranchising the/ negro, but ad- .
vised us to submit to tbe inevitable. I
should gladly abide tlie decision of a truly
Democratic “majority” on this and
all other questions, but am unwilling
longer to endure tbe dominion of a Whig
“minority” or majority selected by a mass
meeting committee, prearranged to pre
vent tbe voice of tbe people from being
beard.
With sincere wishes for tbe. prosperity
of those who cling to ancient and true
Democracy, aud tender sympathies for
those who, being our guest, sought to be
come our masters, and failing to do so,
see proper to organize for themselves, I
am your obedient servant,
Wm. S. Whitaker.
Hatching Spanish Mackerel.—It
has, this summer, been discovered that)
Spanish mackerel can be hatched by arti
ficial means with greater returns than the
hatching of shad or cod. Professor
Earle, of tho fish commission, recently
experimented to find that the fish were
hatched within eighteen hours from the
time the milk and spawn • were brought
together. It requires five days to hatch
shad, at\d (ropi. eight, to twelve days to
hatch cod.
The number of eggs operated upon at a
single hatching was between two and
three hundred, thousand, while of shad
ouly about 20,000 or 30,000 can be turned
out at once. Another fact of importance
is that the season for operations with tbe
spawn ot' Spanish mack- rel is toward tlio
last of June aud first of July, after the
shad season is over and before that of cod
begins.
PyVSjCJANS use Shriner’s Indian Venn-
ifuge in their practice and pronounce it a
first-class article. A trial wW convince
tlie roost skeptical of its intrinsic merit.
lw