Newspaper Page Text
Banks County Gazette.
VOL. lI.—NO. 45.
Greed and Hypocrisy.
Every man who has taken the pains
to inform himself of the centralizing
tendencies of our political institutions,
the invincible sway of monopoly’s
power, will concur in the opinion that
the gravest apprehensions should now
be felt for the safety of the republic.
Blinded by the containing influ
ences of war prejudice, cherishing in
our bosoms none but the reflections of
that unfortunate heritage, we are sud
denly coufnted with the appalling
fact that treason and deception have
been the predominating passions of
our politicians.
The usurping tendencies of the Re
publican party during the period of
its absolute reign is apperent to the
mindofe\ery candid man. It has
delegated power to private individ
uals that have multiplied their wealth
to such an extent, that by a stroke of
the pen the value of property in the
United States is reduced hundreds of
millions of dollars. Ex-Secretary
Windom, when a member of the sen
ate said: “There are in this country
four men who, in matter of taxation,
possess, and frequently exescise, pow
ers, which neither Congress nor any
state legislature would dare to exert
powers, which if exercised iu Great
Britain would shake the throne to
the foundation ”
Such conditions are attributed to
Republican reign and no candid writ
er will question the fact that the Re
publican party has asserted its power
to establish a moneyed aristocracy.
The above declaration is mr.de over
his own signature and no authority
has questioned his integrity in this
matter.
But behold the hallowed principles
of Democracy, ever beaming w ith the
pirit of emmic pation, in whose unites
tuary a e deposited our libtertics,
whom we of the South were taught
from infancy to reverence, has at last
lifted the veil of hypocrisy and frank
ly acknowledges its allegiance to Shy
lock’s degree. The recent declara
tions of its recognized leaders, Messrs
Mills and Carlisle, plainly indicate
their utter disregard for the condition
of the South and their unqualified
surrender of people’s suffrage.
The St. Louis Republic quotes Mr.
Mills in a recent interview as saying.
“The people of the East of all par
ties and classes (irmly believe that
free coinage would bo disastrous to
them. The people of Texas, at least
many of .bom, think it would be a
great boon to them. In my judgment
both opinons are groundless. If we
persist in the agitation of the ques
tion and demand it in our national
convention we will lose in our fall
election, all our eastern states and
gain none in the West. The result
will be the election of a Republican
house, senate and president, and the
passage of this Force b-11, with the
military in control of our election in
the South.” Mr. Mills not only ad
mits that the people he represent are
favorable to free coinage, but uses
the assumption that many regard it a
boon. Yet with the arrogance of a
coxcomb he rises superior within
himself to the combined wisdom and
intelligence of two and one-half mill
ions of people lie represent*. Again
he dives into the recesses of time and
drags from its hiding’ the bioody
shirt, to dangle in the faces of his
people that he may coerce them into
line to obtain Democratic supremacy.
It is presumed the Democratic party
is opposed to the Foicc bill, at least
we know the Southern wing is. It is
likewise true of the People's party,
because of the fact it is isolated from
the East and courts Southern favor.
But it is a notorous fact, that the Re
publican party is opposed to it, be
cause it has done what no political
party in distance has done—put it
self on record against it. It was de
feated last winter when the Republi
cans had a majority in both branches
of congress and president to back
their, up.
Every intelliger t man knows the
party in power is held by the coun
try responsible for the measures
adopted. If the Republican party is
responsible for a “billion dollar con
gress,’’ it is responsible for the de
feat of the Force bill. If the Demo
cratic barty is responsible for the
defeat of the Force bill,
it is also responsible for the
“billion dollar congress.” Such bom
bastic bosh as Mr. Mills inkulges in
was once a winning factor in the pol
itics of the South, but not now.
Mr. Caslisle is quoted as saying, “I
do not think it a good policy for the
Democratic party to adopt a free
coinage plank for the very reason
that there is a division in the party
itself upon that question. In fact it
is a policy which ought not to be
adopted without the gravest consid
eration.” In this Mr. Carlisle assumes
[ the role of potentiate. Not only has
he every evidence that the slate of
Kentucky favors free silver, but the
state Democratic convention gave its
unqualified endorsement to this
measure.
What means such deliberate be
trayal of public confidence? Are these
men acting in the capacity of blood
hounds for the wild-eyed anarchist
of Wall Street? are they conniving to
enslave the people who have bestowed
upon them the richest jewels that
! crown ti e brow of civil liberty? Or
j arc they posing in belief that the peo-
I pie of the South will tamely submit
|to indignities without a demand for
; redress?
The Farmers’ Alliance and the
National Union Company.
The National Economist, official
organ of the Farmer's Alliance and
Industrial Union, in an editorial Feb.
20 on “The National Union C 0.,” vir
tually declares that the National Ex
ecutive Board refuses to assume any
responsibility for the company or its
connection*. It says the Board at
tended the meeting on Staten Island
at which the agent of the company
met the Stale business agents hut
that C. W. Mueune stated at the time
“That the Executive Board would not
exercise authority to condemn or en
dorse any business enterprise that
proposed to do business with any
Alliance any further than to instantly
expose fr. lid or unfair conditions.”
We are glad that tho Hoard thus dis
tinctly disclaims any endorsement of
the company or its plans. President
Polk has already done the same.
But is not something more than
this demanded by the expose made.
Is it not the duty of the National
Executive board to do something
more than assume a merely neutral
position ? Why should it disclaim
all endorsements of the company, un
less it now has reason to suppose that
there is something wrong about it ?
If the board has reason to suppose
that, should it not warn the State Al
liance against the company, or at
least acquaint the Alliances with the
troth about the companiy’s connection
with the National Cordage Trust, a
connection which Oswald Wilson no
longer dares deny?
In a cartam sense, perhaps, this is
none of our business. If the Farmers
Alliance, after acquainted vriih the
facts, chooses to make a business deal
with the National Cordage Trust, the
bargain does not immediate'j affect
us. But it is the duty of a jonrnal
like The Voice to make known the
facts in cases liks this, and protect the
public so far as possible from any de
ception. That is what we have done.
If t e State Alliances choose to enter
into any such deal with a great mon
opoly, we are determined that they
shall do it with their eyes open.
Several considerations must, how
ever, enter into mind in making such
a bargain. One is the secrecy in
which the National Union Co- has
hidden its connection with the Cor
dage Trust. This secrecy is in itself
enough t arouse very great suspi
cions. If the plans are all right, if
the Alliance is to be greatly benefited
why has not everything been open
and above board instead of carefully
concealed until The Voice dragged
the facts out into the light of day?
Another consideration is this. It is
said that the company promises to
meet the prices of competitors and
in addition to give to Alliancemcn a
HOMER, BANKS COUNTY, GEORGIA: MARCH 16, 1892.
rebate on their purchases. But if the
plans are successful, there will be no
competitons. That is the very germ
of the scheme. The combination is
one to control, not only the sale, but
the production of all kinds ef goods
the farmers require. The National
Cordage Trust already controls the
production of all kinds of cordage
—jute bagging, binding twine, cord,
rope, etc. There can be no competi
tion in this line. Now the plan is,
after securing the Alliance stores, to
deal with hut one house only in each
different line of merchandise. That
is to say, it will be a combination of
trusts. Campetition under such cir
cumstances becomes a mere absurdity
to just the extent that the plans suc
ceed competition will be crushed out;
and what is to prevent the company’s
then putting the prices up as high as
the farmers can stand it ? If it can
make the prices as high as it wants to
a small rebate is not going to save
the farmers from the ruinous results.
It instil be remembered that aftei the
stores are once secured, the Alliance
has but one or two representtatives
on the company’s Executive Board,
and cannot control its policy in any
respect.
The whole scheme is a provision
for the most gigantic monopoly the
world ever saw The Farmers Alli
ance was horn for the nurpose of
throttling just such commercial in
iquities, not for the purpose of aiding
and abetting thorn; not of standing
with folded arms in a neutral condi
tion. We have persistantly refused
to beleive that the Alliance leaders
have given any Countenance to the
company for other than these laudable
motives under a misapprehension of
the facts. Whatever attacks have
been mado on Alliance leaders have
been made in other columns than
oms. But we submit that neither
President Polk nor tha Executive
Board has done all tha is demanded
until a word of warning has gone out,
in official form, to the sub-Alliance of
the country. Are we right or wrong?
—The Yoice.
Starving Russia.
Appeal is made to the charitable in
this country for food to be sent to the
starving peasants of Russii. Severe
condemnation is visited upon repre
sentatives in congress who voted
against the proposition to send a gov
ernment vessel freighted with dona
tions of private citizens. There is no
question as to the exact condition of
affairs in Russia. The imagination is
appalled at the extent of the suffering
that must be endured in spite of the
widest possible charity from within
or without. Freezing livers will shut
out all assistance from millions until
springtime comes to thaw the water
sourses and corpses, and add the hor
rors of pestilence to that of famine.
It is as if nearly one half the area of
tlio United States was without food
supplies and all railway communica
tion cut off.
The unalleviable suffering that
must ensue from these condition*
cannot be comprehended. The sit
uation there is something to move the
sternest hearts and loosen the tighest
pursestrings. But the public consci
ence will be relieved through the
spasmodic charity suggested by the
pressing demand for food only if it
has been blunted to its full duty by
long dalliance with the causes of the
suffering. The czar has an army of
nearly 900,000 able-bodied men, fed
by the government and ready for
war. The czar of Russia lias millions
in gold piled as a reserve for a possi
ble war. The czar of Russia holds
his power through the connivance of
Christendom. His subjects, through
long centuries of practical slavery,
have become so sunken in ignorance
and hopelessness as to lack the spirit
necessary to throw off the horrible
yoke placed upo; them. The very name
“Siberia” carries with it as greatater
| ror to ail classes in Russia as it does
j disgust to the better sense of Chris
tendom. R jssia’w tyrant is so strong
ly intrenched that revolt of his sub
jects is impossible. The church of
which this monster is the vis-
ible head holds his victims under the
thraldom of superstitious fear.
It may be true that the Russian
treasury is nearly bankrupt and that
complete relief may not he carried to
the people even by the emptying of
the czar's strong box. But not even
this can be held as an excuse for for
eign support of the starving peasants
whilo the greater evil remains uticor
reeled. Every pound of food sent as
a gift to Russia strengthens the chains
of innoct nt men and women in the
Siberian mines. Christendom iias no
moral right to deal in charity while
justice is avoided. If there rest upon
any conscience command to aid the
starving in Russia there is still a
stronger command in behalf of the
hopeless victims of Russian barbarity
in Siberia. Nor is it to be said that
' Russia’s treatment of her subjects is
not a matter for foreign interference.
This may be preached in the church
of whicn the czar is the head and may
satisfy consciences that have before
found support of crime in holy writ.
But it will satisfy the voice crying
agaiast an infamy and pointing to the
blood of brothers calling from the
ground for justice. There were no
geographical or political lines content
plated iu the lesson as to man’s duty
to his brother The Great Teacher
of Christendom pointed to the multi
tude and said: “Behold my moiher
and iny brethren.” All talk of pa
triotism and national honor among
Christain people is hollow and sense
less while the barbarties of Russia go
unrebuked and unpunished. True,
the Sebsriau infamy does not threaten
a pestilence. But there are worse
tilings epidemics of death. —Chicago
Times.
Sorne people have an idea that a
reduction in the price of what they
buy is the great thing to bo sought
after m the reform movement. If
these people will only stop and think
a moment they will realize that low
prices is the one thing they are pro
testing against. Low prices f. r pro
ducts ortabor means low wages for
the producer of that product, whether
lie is in the shop, factory or on the
farm. Put this in your pipe and
smoke it, remembering that the effect
which low prices on farm products
has on the prosperity of the country
is tho same as that of low prices on
products of other labor whether in
the mine, shop or factory.—National
Reformer.
A Woman Did It.
Doubtless the whole country knows
that Kansas has prohibition. A great
many, however, do not know how,
that state came to get it. They do
not know that it was all the work of
one little woman. There had been
a great deal of agitation of that ques
tion in Kansas, and the prohibition
sentiment was fast increasing. The
liquor men saw the stonn corning and
decided that discretion was the better
part of valor, and the wisest thing to
do, was to get into a place of securi
tv.
With this end in veiw, and not
thinking it possible that the Legisla
ture would act on the suggestion,
they proposed to liavo that body peti
tioned to submit a prohibitory amend
rnent to tho state constitution to pop
ular vote.
The temperance people took up the
challenge, and the matter was submit
ted to the Legislature. After a three
and ys debate, at twelve o’clock one
night the vote was taken. The gal
leries and every available place were
tilled with eager, anxious peopile,
waiting for the decision. Mothers
were there, who saw in state prohibi
tion, the salvation of their boys.
Wives were there who had grasped
the hope thus held out to them for
the salvation of all they loved.
The moment arrived and the clerk
began, amid the most breathless still
ness to call the roll. A hundred pen
cils kept the tally, and a thousand
hearts beat responsive to the call. Both
sides were represented in full force.
When the roll was finished, a hush
like death foil on both house and
throng. The temperance people saw
that the measure had been lost, by a
majority of just one, and as they saw
hope receding, their hearts were full
of sorrow.
But look! There is in that crowd of
witnesses, at least one brave woman.
Silently she leaves her place and
walks up the aisle, t where a tall
noble looking man sits, who had just
voted, “ No” on the question. Tak
ing his hand in both hers, she said,
“Oh husband, for my sake, for our
boy's sake, for Kansas’ sake and for
humanity’s sake, change your vote.”
The deep silence continued, unbroken
only bv the pleading accents of the
brave little woman, while angels
paused in their flight to catch the
answer.
Only a moment did the husband
and father hesitate, when rising to
his feet he said with a voice that was
heard to the farthest corner of the
room: “Mr. Speaker, before the clerk
announces the result I desire to
change my vote from ‘No’ to Yes’”
then the silence was broken ancl cheer
after cheer went up for the brave
woman and scarcely less brave
who gave prohibition to Kansas.
That is the way one little woman did
it.—Demorest Times.
The New York Situ which has nev
er been accused of partiality toward
tho labor movement, says as the re
sult of its investigotions that there
are 20,000 girls and women in that
city whose wages are too small to
support life and who have three
courses open to them, viz : a career
of vi.-e, charity or starvation. The
same paper says there are 60,000 men
in that city permanently unemployed.
The squalor and misery there, as also
in Boston, are frightful.
The grand movement towards a
higher civilization is as irresistable as
an avalanche; you cannot stay it if
you would. It will sweep everything
before it. Its onward course is the
mighty impulse of the humane heart.
It is tho electricity in tha storm that
will purify the political atmosphere.
Don’t seek shelter under a rotton
tree that bears no fruit. “Keep in the
middle of the road.” You may get
drenched in the deluge, but it is
better than to be struck with light
wing.—The Truth.
The fusion of the democratic and
the third party to destroy republican
ism reminds one of the unholy com
pact between Pilate and Herod at
the time they became friends.—Light.
And what did the fusion of the re
publicans and democrats remind you
of? That has already taken place—
the fusion of the democracy aud the
third party has not. What a funny
man you are, Mr. Republican Light!
—The Truth.
Various Sorts.
There are a number of people with
whom it is almost entirely useless to
argue. You may piut a proposition as
plain as daylight before them but be
yond giving it the negative assent of
not denying, or refuting it they will
not, alter a particle but go on in their
own wrong-headed way just the sain..
There are those who will never listen
to any view of a given political ques
tion but their own. These people
of course, ignorant that their party
has over made a misstep or been on
the wrong side on anything. Then
again there are a number of others
who know their party is not exactly
what it should be, but hope it will re
form and in this hope stick to it.
They believe that it is a matter of
honor to stick to party and a disgrace
to leave it. There is a third class
who “go for the stuff” and it’s not a
question of party or principle at all
with them, but a question of calcula
tion as to which side they are likely
to make most out of. And this class
is very numerous and may be said to
be very prominent in both parties.
This class it is who furnish the “ma
chine” politicians, the heelers, and all
the hangers on that make politics
stink to-day. It is of very little use
SINGLE COPY THREE CENTS.
talking to any of the above; they
must be reckoned ns the dead-weight
to be bntt'ed wiili and beaten. It is
only the honest man there is much
hope of, but at the same time it is
pleasant to know that the honest man
is in the majority. When he ceases
to be then the country will go to the
dogs, and that very rapidly.—Tho
Truth.
A Sccomllmml Dwtler's RxporifiiCfl.
A strange adventure once happened
in this way to me: My little son w.-uj
sent fora walk to the park, not above
a quarter of a mile from our place, iu
company with his eldest brother, aged
nine. Here they were met by an old
woman, who gave the eldest boy a
penny to go and fetcli some sweets,
saying she would mind baby for him
till lie came back. While he was away
she stripped him of his clothes and left
him crying in the road, where his elder
brother found liiui, on his return, with
nothing on but Ids little shirt. It, may
seem strange, but it is true, that this
same woman came and offered to sell
me my own child’s clothes. —London
Tit-Bits.
Children nml Gift*.
After all little children do it best.
They are the superlative receivers, and
it is because they are that we delight to
give them things. They are frankly
and delightfully appreciative. Obliga
tions sit on them as lightly as air. They
value their gifts simply by the pleasure
they get out of them, and prefer a rag
baby to the deed of a brick house.
They take a jumping jack from Mary,
the laundress, and a jeweled pin from
Aunt Melinda Croesus without the least
distinction of happy approval. The
nearer we get to their guilelessnoss, the
nearer we approach perfection in re
ceiving.—Scribner’s.
Dickon* jih a Grumlfathar.
To some men who hare vecu, and
hope to vivre encore, tiie unavoidable
position of grandfather is fraught with
horror. Even Charles Dickens, with
all his straightforward common sense,
could not bear it. As little reference as
possible was made in ids family to the
dreadful fact; the word grandfather
was utterly tabooed, even by Ids eldl
dren’s children, who were instructed to
address him as “Weuerables,” a comic
conceit which, however, failed to hide
the soreness with which the patriarchal
condition was borne.—London World.
Eight out ten merenants in White
Cos., or the state of Arkansas for that
matter, could be closed out in twenty
four hours if their creditors so desired,
but they seem content to continue
business on sufferance, and bitterly
fight a mersure which would place
them on independent footing. Their
opposition to the sub-treasury plan is
as strange as it is foolish. The same
thing may be practically said of Texas
and the same astonishment expressed
as to the course tho merchants here
are taking.—The Arkansss Econo
mist.
The partisan politicians are watch
ing for every sign of weakness in the
people’s movement and are ready to
exaggerate the most remote sign of
division, and if no such sign of division
can he found they are equally
ready to try to cheer up their em
ployers and discourage the reformers
by announcing that they have discov
ered signs ot dissolution of the reform
movement.—Western Economist.
If we can only save the the people
from destruction and our institutions
from annihilation bv coining the pow
er, wealth and credit of the nation in
to currency, and lending it to the pro
ducer to stop the power of the pluto
cracy and save the homes of the toil
ers from the usurer then I say the
government has never done so good a
work as that will be since God made
the world.—lgnatius Donnelly.
Any man who goes into the busi
ness of radical, civil or social reform
will get more kicks than compliments.
If he goes into the business because
he expects the compliments, he desrves
the kicks.—Atlanta (Ga) Labar Advo
cate.
To road the Atlanta Journal and
the Atlauta Constitution, one would
suppose there aro only two men in
the United States-, and the name of
one is David I>. Hill and that of the
other Grover Cleveland.—Demorest
Times.