Newspaper Page Text
(HAfffi NEWS.
kfpBEME ISSUE.
i Moment
| er Matter and so North as
, 0 gouth
the Force Bill*
L behind every ballot. That
t the force bill—that is
L iD e of party.
r of the republican
L) Landmark.
the south means negro
D in criueered and sustained by
in, « n the tends of the
ns.—Atlanta Constitution.
bill will not Vie eliminated
•ft' of the United , „ States
I iked people the party that stands for
everlSting'defeat. it an over
and Utica
r
fjbserver.
|,sk, L t the repScans advocate have thrown the
fit and boldly smith
is time for the to re
^ |bat this brought them them with to before, day.
ifti is
®rce bill is the evil of evils. Mr.
fronounced Lnies. slavery the Democrats to be the may sum
L So of all
the force hill the sum
[which now threaten institutions. the per- The
f our free - ,,
»nt established , , by our fathers -
t live loDg after it had been
b T the force bill into a grand
[ted despotism. The political
I DS of which we boast are not
Joppression ■he task of protecting under our peo- the
and wrong
J of a law which would reduce
E to the condition of mere sat
|Yes, the force hill is the sum of
publican villainies and warns us
iow deep to our eyes until after
If November next, when we ex
Ly the for republican all, and malignauts to be able
|gbt [ otice people of the whole world
lerty the
yet has a home in America.
4ond,‘Va., Dispatch.
plowi ng inquiry touches an inter
pint:
If the force bill or negro domination
If issue in tlie present campaign, and
, takes the stand the
ratio party same on
(p you do, how can any negro consci
bote the democratic ticket?
“A Republican.”
hro domination is meant the
I on of an illiterate, ignorant,and
e m 'jority in a few of the south
s, acting under the control of
jmdrels of old. in By the place of of such the carpet- sub
means a
Imaj rity the carpetbaggers of were the
to plunder the treasury
Jd thus enrich themselves. The
Ivhich were witnessed in South
K, le Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida,
other southern states after the
Istrate the evils and dangers of
I mi nation. Over and above this
I will stand the Federal supervis
lections, who will have their own
it every polling place, and, with
lower of the government to back
ill dictate that in all cases only
pans and friends of the pluuderers
admitted to office. This is what
[by Federal interference promot
xo Domination for the benefit of
>f scoundrels with no purpose but
h themselves at the puolic ex
Mt such a combination as this,
pve |h all, against Federal interfer
elections in all the States, North
[citizen, as South, every intelligent, pa
who is not carried away
[violence pt;and of party intelligent, feeling, patriotic will cast
frill every
ptelligent vote against it as earnestly as
white.—N. Y. Sun.
»eal importance of Senator Hoar’s
■ensists in the evidence which it
®sthat the republican party is
By committed to the policy of the
■ l ‘l, and will make a desperate
B° | eQ act such a measure if it has
ce - It is perfectly plain that
►publican politicians and editors
Pious to get rid of this issue, and
P nothing Harrison improbable in the report
1 would like to cut loose
1111 his letter of acceptance, if he
|ce how to do so, but as lung as
fte George F. Hoar retain
fnuence in the party there is no
|lrom the issue,
pfrenllr. Hoar feels constrained to
| 0Ine concession to the popular
L Ce against the policy, and be,
P r a, claims that it does not really
| f e w e much. f°rce bill He “a even simple goes so proposi- far as
P-fWan .
Slates, appeal to the courts of
| L. f the H subject to the final
°use itself in any contest
->i ns °f the election of national
a lves -” A more disingeoious
I cou ld easily be made.
not
. e -Lodge bill proposed was by no
. u y an appeal to the Federal
C ^ Se ft contested election,
in '■ea c to leave the decision
candidate . as
had been elected
c -‘-'assing board appointed
Cato Jl^ houid U lican judge, whose
, j be final, far
i so as con
in 6 action the clerk of the
mak ,
' n 8 up the roll of its mem
T 10 talk bout this
ert > a action being
• is absurd^ 0 ® The 1 P ° W6r house ° f consists the hoUse of
embers. Suppose ^ that an election
ut n f rce bid would
j give the dem-
ocrats 180 members and the republicans
176. Suppose that the canvassing boards,
by a gro-s abuse of their power, award
certificates to 180 republicans and 176
democrats. Of what use would it be for
the democrats who bad thus been cheat¬
ed out of their seats to appeal to the
house to undo the wrong—a house con¬
trolled by the republicans through this
wrong? if the disposi¬
It will not be strange
tion to unload the force bill issue grows
among the republican managers, in view
cf such developments as these. But
they cannot get rid of it. The party is
committed to the policy, and it can gain
nothing by tryinu to deceive the public
into the belief that it would not carry it
3 ut if it had the chance—N. Y. Post.
The republicans are afraid of the Force
bill issue. That is why they are trying
to dodge it by representing it as a matter
of theoiy merely, of no practical effect
in the near future, and simply as a dec¬
laration in favor of the use of Federal
power to prevent negro disfranchisement
in southern states. These pretences are
all false!
The Force bill presen ts a question imminent at
least as practical and more tariff,
than does the tariff issue. The
unfortunately, cannot be revolution¬
ized so as to protect the people instead
of the monopo'ies, so long as there remains
a republican senate dominated by the
plutocrats. With a Democratic house
and president the countrv will have to
wait at least until the middle of the com¬
ing presidential term before any satisfac¬
tory and general tariff reform can be ef¬
fected. On the other hand, the election
of a Republican president and a Repub¬
lican house of representatives would pre¬
cipitate federal control of elections upon
the country as soon as the new congress
should open, and there is every reason to
believe that the revolution would be
hastened by the action of an extra session
after inauguration in 1893; so that even
next year’s elections would be held under
the domination of> federal bayonets
wherever excuse could be found in voting
for a United States official.
At any rate, there would be no other
congress thereafter elected by the people
of the states under local laws, and Mr.
Cleveland’s forecast of long-continued
control of the party of private plunder
through public license would be verified.
There would be no probability of mak¬
ing the United States senate democratic
in time to prevent this deplorable con¬
summation, which the republican and senate,
as well as the republican house the
republican president, would be bound to
bring about without delay.
The Minneapolis platform declares for
the force bill in unmistakable terms, and
pledges the party to unlimited federal
direction of elections everywhere.
President Harrison drove the iniquitous
measure through the house and exhausted
the resources of power and patronage of
the executive branch of the government
in the effort to dragoon it through the
senate. There is no republican states
man of prominence, from McKinley and
Aldrich down, who is not irrevocably
committed to the force policy, and such
pledges and declarations have been as
frequent and as strong during the pres¬
ent congress as they were during the test.
To federalize all elections, and destroy
at its source the autonomy and sover¬
eignty of the people of the states, is the
one proposition from which the republi
can party cannot vary if successful in
November.
The re-election of Harrison would be
taken as a popular order to subvert home
rule suffrage and an all-sufficient warrant
for the enactment of a measure even
more radical and revolutionary than the
infamous bill which so narrowly failed of
passage by the senate after its adoption
by the house of Czar Reed. If Cleve¬
land be not chosen president, the subver¬
sion of the election laws and the en
thronement of central despotism Florida, over
our polling places, from Maine to
wiM surely be accomplished with but lit¬
tle delay. A self-perpetuating central¬
ized government would never alter its
policy so long as the country holds to¬
gether. The popular will would Dever
again be peacefully enforced throughout
the Union.
Hence the force bill issue lies at the
root of all others, and takes precedence of
of them in respect of time as well as
importance. There is no other question
so vital, so pressing, or so universal in
its consequence to all localities and to all
interests throughout the United States.—
iNew York Sunday Mercury.
ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND.
Great Preparation Being Made at
Chickamauga for the Re-union.
A Washington dispatch of Sunday
says: Pre; arations for the coming reunion
of the Army of the Cumberland at Chat¬
tanooga, September 15th, 16th and 17th
n-xt, have brought out some information
of great m erest to all veterans. As one
example, it is found that there are 21,
000 surviving officers and non-comm s
sioned officers of the 265 regiments
and batteries which served in
hat army. Names and present
postoffice addresses of this whole
number have been secured and invi¬
tations to the reunion sent to each. Be¬
sides these, several thousand invitations
have been sent out under direction of
Gen. Rosecrans, president of the society.
This lis-t of offi -ers and non commissioned
offic rs is accepted as showing that about
eighty thousand private soldiers, who
served in the Army of the Cumberland,
<,r about one hundred thousand in ali,
still survive. Information received by
Gin Rosecrans indicates that the Chat
anooga reunion will be one of the largest
army gatherings of recent years.
Thore is an Emerson circle in the Twskegee
iAla. i Institute, ali the members of which are
colored.
TEE TARIFF TAX.
HOW ITS INIQUITOUS OPERATIONS BENE¬
FIT A FEW AT THE EXPENSE OP
THE MANY.
According to the census of 1890, the
United States has in round numbers 63,
000,000 of population and $63,000,006, -
000 worth of property, yet less than
twenty-five thousand individuals own
one-half of this vast wealth. It has
been piled up for the most part under
our tariff systems within the last thirty
years.
During this period, labor, the primary
origin of wealth, has produced this vast
accumulation, three-fourths of which
has been monopolized and concentrated
in the hands of one twenty-fifth
hundredth part of our population.
If the question is asked how this has
been done, the answer will be found in
our tariff taxation laws, of which the
McKinley act, passed by the Fifty-first
Congress, is a pertinent example, sn eo
it illustrates the most perfectly organ¬
ized system for the scientific plundering
of the masses of the people that has been
devised since the establishment ot our
Government.
A tariff tax, briefly explained, is one
that requires the citizen to pay for the
privilege of buyiug certain things he
may need outside of the United States.
It compels him to buy things at home at
higher prices, the difference or profit
going into the pockets of the home
manufacturer.
Under its operation, when the mer¬
chant orders his goods from abroad, he
pajs the tax or duty upon them as they
enter the United States through the
Custom House, but the consumer pays it
back to him as a part of the price of the
goods. They may pass through a dozen
hands from the importer to the com¬
mission merchant, the jobber and the re¬
tailer, but they will carry all the while
the burden of this tax, and in the end
the consumer will foot the bill. Thus
the tariff becomes a tax, whatever un¬
scrupulous politicians may say to the
contraay.
A duty levied upon articles not pro¬
duced in this country, such as tea, cof¬
fee, spices and the like, is simply a
dead letter, but that which is levied
upon articles manufactured here, and
which we can buy more cheaply abroad,
enables the home manufacturer to
charge for his products with the tariff
tax added. That is what is meant by
protection against foreign competition,
p, u t the process compels the farmer and
mechanics to go down in their pockets
and pay a bonus for the privilege of
b i illustrating what they need .
this point Congressman
.. Wisconsin recentlv ure
f a familiar example He ,, said:
‘ Supposes Philadelphia man manu
, factures all the hats made in this coun¬
try and makes a hat at a cost of laboi
and material that enables him to sell it
for a dollar and make a fair profit. A
Frenchman in Paris makes precisely the
same kind of a hat at the same cost and
sells it at the same price. If I buy a
hat from the Philadelphia man he gets
the profit. If I order a hat from the
Frenchman he gets the profit and I pay
the freight to bring it home. The
Philadelphia man has the advantage
over the Frenchman by reason of the
freight. But, understand me, the French¬
man buys our shiploads of pork, of
which we have more than we can use or
sell at home, and he trades us his hats
for our surplus pork at a better price
than we can get for it at home. Natural¬
ly we buy a good many hats from that
Frenchman.
“This, however, does not suit the Phil¬
adelphia man. He wants bigger profits
and the monopoly of all the hats that
are sold in this country, as well as to
make us pay for the privilege of buying
that Frenchman’s hat. How does he
obtain it? He says to Uncle 8am.
‘That Frenchman is trading here and
selling hats in my borne market where I
pay taxes and he does not; therefore he
is taking money out of the country, and
I want protection. Suppose you make a
law that for every hat that Frenchman
sells into this country he shall pay you
one dollar; that will put money into
your Treasury and protect my home
market.’
“Forthwith a law is made that the
Frenchman’s hats shall pay a tariff duty
of $1, when they are brought into the
United States. Now what is the situa¬
tion? If I buy one of those hats I must
pay $2 for it; $1 to the Frenchman in
Paris and $1 to Uncle Sam at the Cus¬
tom House. How about the Philadel¬
phia man selling his hats now? Will ne
continue to sell his hats at $1 each? Not
much. He will charge $2 each, $1 of
which is the increased profit we are
forced to pay him by reason of this
abominable tariff tax. Thus, the tariff
is practically prohibitory.” priv¬
Aside from this grant of a special
ilege, or a monopoly to the home man¬
ufacturers, however, and its effect in
restraining foreign competition, the
McKinley law imposes a burden upon
our people, and takes from the consumer
the profits that make the home manu¬
facturers rich. This is the load which
the working people of this country are
now carrying and which it is the aim of
the Democratic Party to lift from their
shoulders. It is for the voters of the
United States to declare at the polls next
November whether they will bear the
burden for ahother four years.—New
York News.
The Cost of Food.
The World recently called attention
to the fact that Senator Aldrich treated
as of equal value the food, clothes,
building materials, pateut medicines and
other articles the prices of w-hicli were
examined by the Senate committee—in
other words, that his calculation as¬
sumed that a family consumes as much
medicine as food.
In the same way, in treating the food
list, mustard and pepper were treated as
of as much importance as bread and
meat, while in examining the cost of
clothes it was assumed that a family ex¬
pended as much for linings as for coats,
hats, blankets and dress goods.
The fuH tables are now issued, and
from them can be gathered the truth
concerning expenditures for the food
that was consumed and the clothes
that were bought during the period of
twenty-eight months investigated by the
Senate.
Taking bread, flour, eggs, butter,
cod, beef, milk, mutton, pork, potatoes,
onions and cabbages a3 the basis of the
ordinary American table, vve may com¬
pare their prices at the beginning of the
period, June, 1889, with the highest
prices attained during the period and
also with those of the last month of the
period, September, 1891. The following
table, 100 being considered the normal
and reductions and increases in price be¬
ing represented by percentages of 100,
will show these prices:
Prices in Highest Prices la
June, 1889. Price. Sept., 1391.
Beef, roasting..«. 100.15 104.+5 lot. 15
Bread....... „ .100.06 100.41 100.42
Butter...... ... 100.21 128. 18 111.51
Cod......... ... 99.9) 102.86 102.58
Cabbage .... ...100.14 147.40 88.87
Eggs........ Flour, ... 97.64 155.80 102.21 122.92 101.94
wheat ...100.17
Mutton...... ...100.34 104.78 100.73
Onions...... ...101.55 131.35 101.52
Fork, salt .. ... 99.94 104.55 104.55
Milk........ ...100.07 106.11 99.60
Potatoes.... ... 97.75 167.00 80.15
Average 100.33 121.27 101.83
In this list of necessaries of life there
is not an article which did not advance
in price during the agitation and after
the passage of the McKinley act. There
is not one, with the exception of cabbage,
whose highest price was not reached
after the enactment of the law. The
average price of these commodities in
June, 1889, was 100.33. The average
of the highest prices was 121.27. Tne
average price in September, 1891, was
101.82. At one time during the twenty
eight months, therefore, and after the
passage of the McKinley law, the prices
of these necessary articles of food went
up $20.94 on every $100 worth, and at
the close of the period these were still
bringing $1.49 on every $100 above the
prices charged before tue Fifty-first
Congress assembled.
Tea and coffee are not included in the
above table because they are free of duty,
while sugar is omitted because the Demo¬
cratic policy of free raw material ha3
been adopted, the result being a decli¬
nation of 37 per cent, in the price of the
granulated article.
Under the McKinley act food has
been dearer by very much more than the
paltry .47 of 1 per cent, admitted by
Mr. Aldrich. Some of this increased
price is due to the law, while some is
due to short crops in Europe.
When the prices of clothes shall be
examined the result of the tariff tax will
appear even more clearly.—New York
World.
McKinleyism Must Go.
The women of this country will have
a good deal to say in the selection of
President Harrison’s successor, No
matter who the Republican candidate
for the Presidency may be he will neces¬
sarily be the leader of his party abd a
champion of the McKinley tariff—and
the women of America don’t believe in
high prices. Most wives are the treas
urers of their families, and, as they do
the buying they are much apter than
their husbands to notice it when they
are required to pay more for a thing than
they have been accustomed to pay.
When a workingman’s family has been
scrimping and saving for weeks, perhaps
months, in order to renew the ingrain
carpet in the little parlor and dining¬
room, the housewife is astonished to find
that it costs a good deal more than the
last one. It does not tend to awaken
that woman's love for the Republican
Party when she learns that the increase
is due to the McKinley tariff, under
which the tax on the carpet is more than
it sells for where it is made. The siiawl
that she buys is taxed 157.31 per cent.,
the kid gloves that she wears on Sunday,
the ribbons for herself and daughters,
the flannels and blankets for the family,
their clothing, even the baby’s rattle,
must all pay heavy tributes under the
McKinley law. And this tribute does
not go into the public treasury to pay
the expenses of Government. Were that
the case, and the money needed, patriot¬
ism would make the burden bearable.
The tariff taxes are not levied for
revenue, however, but to enrich our
manufacturers, who generally stand much
less in need of protection than do the
people that have to buy their goods.
The present tariff is class legislation in
its worst form—legislation in the interest
of the class whose wealth gives tuem
political power and, consequently, a
“pull” on Congress. Hence it comes
that those industries which are most
prosperous and best able tc bear up
against foreign competition are the ones
that receive most favors from the party
of “protection.” The giants are the
“infants” that always get to the full bot¬
tle first.
The Democratic Party is pledged to
reverse the Republican policy—to place
the tariff tax so that it will fall lightest
on the necessaries and ordinary comforts
of life and heaviest on luxuries for which
the rich can afford to pay.
The women do not vote themselves,
but the wives who have husbands so
stupid as to wish to cast their ballots for
the party which has made things dear,
and so increased greatly the cost of run¬
ning the house and dressing the family
decently, will be very likely to bring
such husbands to their senses by the time
election day arrives.
The McKinley tariff is a pair of shears
in the hands of the rich to shear the
wool of the poor. It is against justice,
against common sense.
McKinleyism must go. — 3an Francisco
Examiner.
McKinley’s Misrepresentations.
Governor McKinley, in his rectut Ne¬
braska speech on the tarilf, fairly outdid
himself in bringing forward delusive
statistics. He stated that during the
fifteen years of low tariff, from 1816 to
1861, the balance of trade was §469,
000,000 against us, and that during all
that period there were only two years
when it was in our favor. During the
fifteen years from 1876 to 1891, Mr.
McKinley continued, there were only two
years when the balance was against us.
Mr. McKinley chose his years very
shrewdly. In the fifteen years of high
tariff from 1861 to 1S76 the balance of
trade was in our favor only three years,
v and the total balance against us was
$1,055,000,000; more than twice as
great as the balance agaiust us during
the fifteen years of low tariff just pro¬
ceeding. What is more, the balance
was in our favor during the last year of
the low tariff and against us during the
first year of the high tariff.
The gentleman repeated the assertion
made "by so many of his colleague?, that
our trade duriug the present year has
brought $200,000,000 into the country.
As a matter of fact it has brought next,
to nothing into the country, and gold
exports this year have continued very
late. The country’s exports have ex¬
ceeded its imports, but we have been
using the surplus to purchase American
securities held by foreigners.
The year after the McKinley bill was
enacted, the balance of trade in our fa¬
vor diminished, but Mr. McKinley did
not notice this. He is supposed to be
one of the honest men in his party, but
if he attempts to deceive the people af¬
ter this manner, what sort of a party
does he belong to, and how much confi¬
dence can be placed in the party’s state¬
ments?—Brooklyn Citizen.
'IHii BUFFALO STKiKt.
The Soldiers Take a Hand—Powder
and Bullets Used.
The second week of the > abroad strike
op ned at Buffalo, N. Y., Saturday.
Three features are most prominent in the
eitmtion. An army of 5,000 are quar¬
tered iu the city and county ; au attempt
only partly successful so far, is being
made to lift freight blockade, and the
danger of thestrikeof a hundred organiza¬
tions is no less imminent than heretofore.
The important crises in the strike has
been reached. It is stated to be almost
certain that all the locomotive firemen on
the Lehigh, Erie, Lake Shore, West
Shore, and Central roads will go out and
that all the trainmen and condnctors will
follow them.
BUI.LKTS AND POWDER.
Powder was burned and bullets flew
thick and fast at Camp 7, at Eust Buf¬
falo, Friday night. The first order to
fire was given near midnight, when the
71st regiment guard was called out to
repel some men who were stoning a train
of non-union men. The soldiers came
and stoning continued. The gang was
on Erie trestle and then the order to fire
was given. A volley was turned loo'-e
on them and they seattered. Another
volley was fired and the men broke and
ran under cover of darkness. They
were pursued but escaped.
8 unday’s dispatches state that there Buffalo, is
danger of fresh trouble on the
It 'Chester and Pittsburg railroad. If
new demands are made by the men as
expected all wdl be discharged and new
men put on at the old rate. On ttie
Western New York and Pennsylvania the
men have refused to handle Heading cars
loaded with coal and if the company in¬
sists on their doing so the men will go.
The railroads claim a victory tor Sunday
as they have operated the yards without
disturbance with the non-union men and
all the roads are moving large Telegraph¬ quantities
of freight. Past Grand Chief
er Thurston has been in conference at
Buffalo with local railroad telegraphers
respecting the pending trouble with the
Delaw re, Lackawanna and Western.
The difficulty is one for wages and an
ultimatum will probably be asked before
ordering the strike.
Bud Lindsay’s Conduct.
A Washington dispatch of Monday
says: The department of justice has no
direct supervision of deputy marsha by s,
appointments of this being made the
marshals themselves, consequently the
department has not interfered in the
matter of the conduct of Bud Lindsay,
who was charged with rioting at C.-w!
Creek, Tenn. Officials of the department
have availed themselves of the informa¬
tion contained in the press dispatches on
the subject and A'torney General Miller
has decided to communicate with United
States Marshal Tipt >u in regard to the
matter and if the facts are as reported it
may be a suggestion will be made lii.u
Marshal Lindsay be removed.