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Bill Arp.
Bill ia a great writer, but is now
getting doty and petulant. He cannot
Lear any Yankee criticisms, it makes
him nervous and spiteful; however, the
unique part of it is, he cannot find lati
tude enough in the yaukeedomain, but
comes back and gives vent to his spleen
on his neighbors, and the Southern peo
ple who propose to differ with him po
litically.
Bill, possibly has about run his race
and now writes only to maintain his
nervons equilibirutn, and to avoid an
attack of hoppochondriasis,
It was a custom among the ancients to
but to death all their literary men when
they grew old and peevish, for fear they
might, through their acquired influence
inculcate poisonous doctrine into the
minds of the young.
Tue Ancient gouls put a s op to this
barberons and inhuman practice and
placed them in assylums, and Anally,
through the advancment in civilization,
they were allowed to ruminate at pleas
ure and pass out of existence from nat
ural cutises.
It is presumed that Bill Arp will be
allowed to continue his writings, unmo
lested, except it may be a few yankee
criticisms, until he is called upon to
pass in his checks for an entrance to the
great unknown.
Kranky Kolluiii.
Honest democrats will read John
Temple Graves’ letter and feel proud of
his sturdy integrity and courage.
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If a majority of the leading democrats
of Georgia were actuated by the patri
otic sentiments expressed by John Tem
ple Graves, there would be no need of a
People’s Party in Georgia.
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*
John Temple Graves says honest dem
ocrats believe the politics of Georgia is
control* d by a ring of “gentlemen; keen,
shrewd, active, ambitious politicians,’’
and that “a goodly number —if not a
majority of the judges and s olicitors of
Georgia—“ Monstrous thought” have
wrapped their energies and thier polit
ical future in this ring, and then he says,
“they have a right to believe these
things.” The Krauk says all honor to
John Temple Graves: may his tribe in
crease. The people nave a right to be
lieve the truth, and the truth shall make
them free; there is but one political
home tor free men in Georgia--the
People’s Party; honest men will come
out from under the influence of the
“Small ‘Yellowstone Kit Cowboy,’ keen,
shrewd, active, unscrupulous, bull-doz
ing, rotton egg gang who now control.
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*
Before quitting tbe Constitution, let
ns refer to its “yueer Case,” where is
editorially said, in effect, that a sensible
judge would regard a man who was so
simple as to believe the campaign argu
ments of democratic orators—Congress
man Bynum, for iustanoe -as a fit sub
ject for the asylum, for tbe weak-mind
ed,” and that’s about the s:ze of it.
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•
Ths fellow who sells out to you today,
will sell himself out to the other fellow
tomorrow, and with himself, he is
mighty apt to sell every confidence you
have reposed in him, and the only con
solation yon have is in the well-grounded
hope that his tales will not be believed
even by the man who pays him to tell
them—best plan is to let the d—l alone:
don’t try to buy him, more especially,
don’t pay for him in sacrficed friends.
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Now that Congress is about to adjourn
let us look upon “that picture, and then
upon this;” that picture is the demo
cratic platform; this picture Is the par
ties application of it. Suffice it to say,
it didn’t apply worth a cent; but it does
remind us of the fellow who ordered his
pants made bow-legged: The tailor
obeyed instructions, but reversed the
bows, and the pants turned up knock
kneed. Consequently, instead of the
ellow being able to stand and embrace
and enfold every thing within the com
pass of bis bows, he was compelled to
walk wide and scattering to his own
distress and the annoyance of everybody
else.
KeoreanizLug.
Cairo, Ga., August 24, 1894.
Mr M. D. Irwin:
Dear Sir:— The Cairo Alliance has
organized again, and has ordered Alliance
song books. If you have them please
send me price list. If yon have none, let
me know where to get them and oblige.
Very Respectfully,
M. C. Kinky, Sect.
The people of Cairo see now the
importance of keeping up the Alliance.
All other classes are organized and the
farmers must stay organized or they
will be the common prey of the organzed
classes. If your Alliance has gone down,
reorganize it at once.
THE GIVING ISSUES, ATLANTA, AUG. 80, 189 4 .
THE PROBLEM AT FALL RIVER,
A very serious industrial struggle has
begun at Fall River, Mass. More than
25,000 operatives in the great cotton
mills at that point are idle—B,ooo be
cause of a strike, the remaining 22,000
because of a lockout growing out of the
strike. The organization of the em
ployers is more compact than that of
the employes, and when some of the
latter struck the former promptly ac
cepted the challenge and shut down
their mills, throwing everybody out of
employment. Just as strikers contend
ing for their rights at some times inflict
injury upon innocent parties, so these
New Eagland manufacturers, protecting
themselves by mutual agreement, are
ready to expose wholly innocent persons
to tbe pangs of hunger and cold.
The contest grows our, of a question
of wages, and, as is often true, there is
a measure of justice in the position of
both parties to the controversy. It
seems to be a fact that the cotton man
ufacturers are making no money; that
some have passed their dividends during
the year and others have paid dividends
out of their surplus. On the other
hand, no man at all conversant with
the rate of wages and habits of life of
the mill hands of Fall River cau regard
a further reduction of their pay as any
thing else than dire injustice.
It would seem that in a situation of
this kind investigation might properly
be directed toward discovery of the
agencies by which actual profits of the
cotton manufacturing industry have
been absorbed. Let the situation be
studied minutely. Raw cotton was
never so cheap) as now and the cotton
planter of the south complains bitterly
of his inability to earn a living. Tbe
wages of operatives in the cotton mills
were never so low—have, indeed,
reached such a point that American
operatives have been forced out and
their places taken by Freucn-Canadians.
Yet with cheap material and cheap
labor the manufacturers complain, and
apparently with justice, that they can
not earn interest on their invested cap
ital, Where does the trouble lie? Is
this an industry which must be aban
doned? Are the povercy of the cotton
planter and the pepury of the mill op
eratives essential to tne existence of tne
manufactmer; and how much further
must the reduction of their earnings go
before the manufacturer can show a
profit on his business? These are se
rious questions. To charge the manu
facturers with duplicity or the opera
tives with exaggerated idea of the just
rate of wages does not settle the problem.
There is some element interposed be
tween tbe makers of cotton goods—
among whom we include the planter and
tbe operative —and tbe final purchaser
that absorbs all the profit whica should
justly go to labor. Tribute to various
monopolies accounts for mreh of the
disappearance of reasonable profit un
doubtedly. The gold standard had its
effect. Certainly there is some factor
in the problem at Fall River other than
mere questions of supply and demand
for cotton goods that merits scientific
study.
Here is the problem: If with cheap
cotton and cheap labor the Fall River
manufacturers cannot make a reason
able profit what is the trouble ? And is
there any hope that by making labor
cheaper the situation for them all will
be permanently improved ?—Chicago
Times.
The problem at Fall River is the
great problem that tbe people must
solve and that speedily or the Amer
ican Republic will be a thing of tbe
past. It is the problem that if rightly
solved we will be a prosperous and
happy people.
Labor is the creator of capital and
according to history, when it has been
properly rewarded it has never
revolted. When the creature becomes
greater than its creator, the* the
order of nature is reversed.
A democratic editor thus expresses
his inward feelings:
Sing a song of six nickles
Pockets full of trash,
Over head and ears in debt—
Out of ready cash.
Heaps of flying collectors
Busy as can be,
Didn’t we have a sticky time—
In eighteen-93 ?
Grover in the white home
Playing with the kids,
Carlilse in the treasury—
Cancelling silver bids.
Congress trying all they can
To make us still more poor,
Ain’t we had a bright outlook—
In eighteen-94?
M. D. Irwin will speak at
Norcross, August 31st
Flowery Branch, Sept. Bth, 11 a. m.
Clinchem “ “ 2p. m.
Brother Corput Kelvin,
Hon. M. D. Irwin. Pres’t. State Far
mers’ Alliance, Atlanta. Ga.
Dear Sir and Bro: —I find that the con
dition of the Alliance is tuch that it will
take much of the time of the chairman
of the Finance Committee (which might
be considered a committee of absolute
control) to bring about that rehabilita
tion of the Alliance which is so much
desired by ail Alliancemen who still ad
here to the original principles of the or
der.
Much more lime will have to be given
the order by the chairman than I can
possibly devote to it. I therefore feel
unwillingly, constrained to tender my
resignation, both as chairman, and as a
member of the Finance Committee, and
beg that you accept same, to take effect
on the first day of September, or as soon
thereafter as yon can select a suitable
person to fill the vacancy.
Iu resigning from the cirnmittee, I do
not want to be understood as withdraw
ing from active work in the Alliance,
but to the contrary, tender you my eer
vices at any and all times; to work when
ever yon think I can be of benefit to the
order, and can assist iu making your ad
ministration a sncce-s.
The A1 i ince (outside of political do
minion) will always find a ready chain
pionin'me. With best wishes pers n
ally, and for the success of yonr admin
istration, I remain,
Fraternally yours,
Felix Corput.
Atlanta, Aug. 28tb.
Hon. Felix Corput, Chairman Finance
Committee: Cave Springs.
Dear Sir and Bro: I regret very much
your determination to resign as chairman
of the Finance cimiuittee. The Alliance
needs yonr services just, at this time,
and I am gratified to know that we
can command you. even though you do
not feel that you can do justice to your
self and serve as chairman of the com
mittee. The order fully appreciates
your splendid services in the past while
in charge of its financial affairs, and will
regret that you cannot sp ire the time to
look after their interests for the present
year. However, in accepting your
resignation, I shall take advantage of
your kind offer to do all in yonr power
for the order. Accept my thanks for
yonr kind words for the present admin
istration, and I pledge you that nothing
in my power shall be left undone to
make this great order a success.
Yours Fraternally,
M. D. Irwin,
President Georgia State Alliance.
Wiiat is the Matter?
Yes, fellow-farmers, this is a ques
tion we should ask ourselves. It is a
question we should turn over and over
until we are certain we have arrived at
the correct answer. That there is some
thing wrong, yes, seriously wrong, is
past doubting. We all know that we
are hurting, yes, hurting badly, but
where and how, with some seems to be
the question. Oar would-be financiers
and economists of the John Sherman
school, tell us it is a matter of over
production. That is, if we understand it
right, our people all have more than
they can consume offered to them, or
uather, there is not a hungry man,
woman or child in the United States.
Oh, yes, they tell ns, that it was a
mistake in opening up the west so fast
by building railways and such like,
thereby increasing onr power to pro
duce beyond onr power to consume.
Now, brother farmers, suppose we
calmly and seriously diagnose our own
case and see if that other fellow is right
or not; see if he may not be interested
in making us believe that we have got
too much to eat and are therefore poor.
Suppose we take a look back as far as
1870. Our products on an average
were worth over three times what they
are worth today and found ready sales.
Now let us see how this over-production
theory works. Then we had no hun
gry tramps hounding our doors and
sleeping in our barns—no, the tramps
were not made then; we had no strikes
and lockouts —no, everyone was at work
at good wages and more wanted; no.v
we have strikes and lockouts and men
working at starvation wages and mil
lions starving.
Well fellow farmers, it does seem
strange to us, at least, that our over
production of the necessaries of life
should produce snch a condition of
affairs. It does seem straDge to me
when you have to beg millers to buy
your wheat at 50 cents per bushel, that
at the same time there are millions of
starving children; and when yon are
coaxing some one to buy your wool at
15 cents per pound, there are millions
suffering with cold, and when your beef
hides will scarcely pay for taking them
to market there are millions of women
and children going barefoot.
THE SITUATION !N ALABAMA.
The It oh ii It of tho Rffcont Election Calmly
and Impartially Set Forth by a Corre
spondent.
The Philadelphia. Times in a recent
issue says:
The patriotic citizens r.f every political faith
will honor tho people of Alabama for their tri
umphant election of the democratic state tick
et. They will not specially rejoieo that tne
democrats have succeeded, but they will hive
thanks that tho democratic ticket received a
great victory as the representative of law and
order, of peace to the pooplo and safety to life
and property. Birmingham, which is largely
a northern city, and where the labor organiza
tions were inflamed against the democratic
party by a democratic governor sending troops
to suppress their lawlessness, gave a majority
for Oates over the combined lawless elements
of that region, and that could have been done
only by the cordial and earnest support of tho
republican business men of Birmingham.
If the Philadelphia Times has truly
stated the facts, then its conclusions
are true. But it is wholly ignorant of
the facts concerning the election here
in Alabama. The result of the election
in Alabama determines who shall rep
resent the state in the United States
senate to make laws for the nation,
and, in 1896, may determine the result
of the presidential election of the same
year, so every citizen of the United
States is equally interested in the
question of fair elections in this state.
While Capt. Kolb, whether justly or
unjustly, has been criticised as a dema
gogue, he was nevertheless the candi
date of the law abiding people,who two
years ago took issue witli the organ
ized democrats upon the question of
“a free ballot and a fair count,” and
was undoubtedly elected, but his op
ponent was inaugurated governor.
That issue was again made,and whether
Kolb was elected at the late election
or not, he was supported by the best
citizens of the state. He may have been
defeated. No one can tell, as the elec
tion returns from the black belt coun
ties do not show anything except the
will of the ballot box stuffers and the
officers who appointed them.
The comities which returned majori
ties in favor of Kolb are known as the
white counties, where v.*ute men are
engaged in agricultural pursuits, ex
cepting Jefferson (in which is situated
the city of Birmingham), and Walker
(a coal mining district), and Kolb’s ma
jority in these two counties confined
is less than two hundred. The two
precincts where there are more miners
(Pratt Mines) and more men (Bessemer)
than in the balance of Jefferson county
gave Kolb majorities, at Pratt Mines
107, at Bessemer 180, while nearly all
the agricultural precincts gave him
majorities also as they did in other
counties, so his strength is not repre
sented at all by the lawless element
mentioned by the Times. According
to returns Kolb carried thirty-five
counties by majorities aggregating 16,-
158, thirty-three of which are almost
exclusively agricultural, and to say that
these people are lawless is a slander sent
broadcast to the world by organized
democrats and the press, which is no
doubt believed by the Times and many
good people of the north. Neverthe
less it is a malicious slander of the ma
jority of the white voters of Alabama,
by the minority who are kept in power
by fraudulent election methods, and
by slandering all people, parties and
factions which oppose them. Oates
carried fourteen white counties (ex
cluding Madison, where whites and
blacks are about equally divided and
which gave Owtes a majority of 1,433,
but fraud is also charged in this coun
ty, the black precincts being returned
for him) by majorities aggregating 4,-
643. Among these is Mobile, where his
majority was only 800, and where the
election, as in most of the other white
counties was fair.
Tbe counties of Barbour, Greene,
Perry, Autauga, Marengo, Sumter,
Russell, Clarke, Hale, Monroe,
Wilcox, Lowndes, Montgomery and
Bullock, with an aggregate white vote,
estimated at one to five of population
according to the census of 1890, of 22,-
271 and a colored vote estimated in the
same way, of 67,808, have been returned
for Oates by majorities aggregating
33,959, 11,718 more than the entire
white vote of these counties. Lowndes
county was returned for Oates by a ma
jority of 4,634, while the entire white
population of that county is only 4,563,
his majority in that county exceeding
the total white vote by 3,722. Dallas
county returned for Oates a majority
of 5,627, while the total white vote
of the county is only 1,403. Wilcox re
turned a majority of 4,496 for Oates,
while the total white vote of that
county is 1,150.
These figures show clearly that
Oates’ election is tbe result of negro
votes, actually cast or of votes stuffed
into the boxes which were never voted
by the electors. When it is remem
bered that representative republicans
from every county in the state met in
the city of Birmingham on the 29th of
March and adopted, by unanimous
vote, a resolution advising republicans
in the black belt not to register or
vote, and when it is remembered that
eopies of registration lists were applied
for after the time for registration had
passed, and when it is remembered that
such application, or even an inspection
of the list was denied the applicant,
and when it is remembered that the
Jeffersonians were domed one inspec
tor or manager of election, in violation
of the plain mandates of the law, in
many precincts in the black belt, the
conclusion is inevitable that there
was gross fraud. In addition to these
facts many affidavits have been made
showing that the number of persons
entering the polling places in various
precincts in the black belt to be much
less than the majorities returned for
Oates, and in many instances his ma-.
jorities exceed the number of voters in
the precinct.
Many people in tbe north ask why
the white people of north and south
Alabama submit to such methods. Let
me ask why do the people of the north
submit? The result affects them the
same as it does the people of Alabama.
But for such practices Alabama would
; have republicans, populists and demo
crats in congress to make laws for the
nation. But for such methods Alabama
would, in 1896, elect five republican
and six populist, or six republican and
five populist electors to cast the vote of
this ota.e ii ..ie next pi..: idem, and
vice president of the United States.
I hope the Philadelphia Times will
make a thorough investigation of the
vote of Alabama, and then, and not in
til then, pronounce judgment as to
which of the tickets represented law
and order and which represented law
lessness and disorder.
As the constitution of the United
States guarantees to every state a re
publican form of government is it not
high time that congress should appoint
a committee to investigate the Alabama
methods?
The people of the north and west
have been invited to come to Alabama.
If they accept the invitation and locate
in white counties they become neigh
bors of the supporters of Kolb. They
of course do not want lawless people
for neighbors. Then where will they
locate? Will it be in the black belt
where, according to the teachings of
organized democracy, the great major
ity of the law-abiding citizens reside?
When they have done so they will find
that the negroes outnumber the whites
in the most law-abiding districts, if
Oates’ majorities are to be tbe test, eight
to one, and in some instances in pre
cincts where the negroes outnumber
the whites three hundred to one. The
more negroes in a precinct the greater
has been Oates’ majority throughout
the entire black belt.
The stuffers in the black belt carry
their precincts by whatever majorities
they wish, and the returns from these
black precincts overturn contrary ma
jorities in other portions of the black
counties. These black counties are
carried by such fictitious and fraudu
lent majorities that it is impossible to
overcome them by any honest vote in
the white counties. So the state is
carried democratic. The state thus
carried casts the electoral vote for
president, and thus the stuffers in the
black precincts are the masters of us
all.
The organized democrats have tried
to ward off the blow which public
opinion here has thrust upon them for
practicing such methods, by falsely ac
cusing the Jeffersonians with fraud in
counties in which tic • have couti il of
the election machinery, but in every
Kolb county, excepting Lee, his ma
jority in tiiis election has bee: reduced
below the majority given him in 1892,
and then the organizeel democracy had
control of the election machinery of
every county in Alabama excepting
Lee and three others.
The Age-Herald, of the 10th of Au
gust, says that the negroes in white
counties voted for Kolb. The Times
says the most intelligent negroes voted
for Oates. Is it reasonable to suppose
that the negroes growing cotton in the
black belt where there are few whites
for them to come in contact with are
more intelligent than the few in the
white counties where they are con
stantly thrown into contact with in
telligent white people? —Birmingham
(Ala.) Cor. N. Y. Tribune.
John Temple Graves.
We publish on our first page a letter
from the pen of Hon. John Temple
Graves. Mr. Graves is a democrat of
national reputation and a man whose
sincerity cannot be questioned. His
charges against the methods and ten
dency of his party are not new ones.
They have been made and established by
the democratic press of the state.
These charges are serious and it is the
duty of Georgia to cast her votes with
her eyes open. If the people sustain
such methods with their ballot, then
republican government is a farce and
the liberty of the citizen is an irredescent
dream. If the people endorse such a
combination as Mr. Graves charges, it
destroyes forever the power of the bal
lot and places the people in the hands
of unseiupulous politicians and tricksters
without hope of emancipation. We do
not believe that the pet pie are ready
yet to see the judiciary be smirched
with the dirt and filth of a political
scramble for spoils. We have an abid
ing faith in the intelligent action of an
aroused people and when they see this
thing as Mr. Graves presents it, parties
will sink into ineirnifi .rnnee and the
people will rise in iheir might and with
their ballots hurl these “small men”
from control.
Let ns hope that they will see it even
now as it exists. If so we have no fear
of the results.
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