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EDITORIAL RAGE
The Atlanta Georgian
THE HOME RARER
THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN
Published Everv Afternoon Hxc«pt Sunday
By THK GEORGIAN COMPANY
At 20 Kant Alabama St.. Atlanta, Ga.
Entered as second-class matter at postofflre at Atlanta, under act of March 8.1173
Subscription Price Delivered by carrier, 10 cent* a week By mail, 15.00 a year
Payable in Advance!
The People Must Now Depend
Upon the Senate for Genuine Reci=
procity Provisions in Tariff Bill.
T | s ///'/S//MV.: W/J.
I £
Some More Law
on Canal Tolls
PERTINENT PARAGRAPHS
It la a good thing for them that
some of the fellows who clamor
for justice do not get It.
• * •
In giving the devil hi?* due. do
not insist on paying the old man
compound interest.
• * •
Will Carlton died in debt, dem
onstrating that he whs a true
poet.
A small incident will sometimes
give n surprising view of a man's
man to me a
hough he di
We can generally discover the
cause of th** other fellow’s hard
luck, hut van never understand
our ov\ n.
• * *
When a man is down he can
generally find out what the world
really thinks of him—if it thinks
at all.
• * *
Almost any style of dress is
sure to become popular these davs
if it only looks foolish enough.
■ Mice in a while we hear of a
city old-fashioned that it has
no vice investigation
It is upon the Senate that the people must depend for gen
uine reciprocity provisions in the tariff bill.
The Senate will not be driven into line by a caucus whip.
It will have a chance to treat a serious matter with the deliber
ation it deserves.
There are good reasons for believing that the Senate has
ceased to be what it once was—the stronghold of party reg
ularity and of those special interests that have for so long prac
ticed the arts of party regimentation and applied the str&ngula
tion of the party gag. There are good reasons for believing
that the Senate will respond to the well-nigh unanimous pop
ular demand for real and efficient reciprocity.
The tariff bill was sent to the Senate tagged with the empty
NAME of reciprocity, but with no SUBSTANCE of reoiprooity
in it. It would give away—ABSOLUTELY AND WITHOUT
CONDITION—to Canada and other nations trade privileges
and Immunities that ought to be reserved and kept for the pres
ent in our own hands AS A BASIS FOR TARIFF BARGAIN
ING It would fling a long “free list’’ at the feet of our trade
rivals—WITHOUT ASKING ANY FREEDOM FOR OUR OWN
COMMERCE IN RETURN.
Thus the tariff as it stands is not merely wrong in a hun
dred details. It is wrong in principle. It flouts the very prin
ciple that it so loudly proclaims' It makes a mockery of reci
prooity.
The fact that the tariff bill in its present shape is not only
unreasonable, but in many namable respects CONSCIOUSLY
and RECKLESSLY unreasonable, may be illustrated by the
particular status of the schedule that has to do with the various
grain staples—wheat, oats, rye, buckwheat—and their manu
factured products.
When the bill first went to caucus a tax of 10 per cent or
so was placed on all these staples, while in every case the food
stuffs made from them by various manufacturing processes
WERE ALL PUT UPON THE FREE LIST.
The obvious effect of such an arrangement would be TO
DRIVE MOST OF OUR FOOD MANUFACTURING BUSINESS
INTO CANADA—with very damaging consequences not only
to our manufacturers, but also to our farmers.
Now note the reckless and irresponsible character of the
House's tariff tinkering, as shown in this grain schedule. It
turns out that the House has been driven by pressure from cer
tain quarters to put natural rye and buckwheat, as well as their
manufactured products, on the free list. BUT IT HAS AL
LOWED THE 10 PER CENT TAX TO STAND AGAINST
NATURAL UNMANUFACTURED WHEAT AND OATS.
There is no earthly reason why this discrimination should
have been made—at least no reason fit to print.
The whole grain schedule in its original form was topsy
turvy and preposterous damaging to every legitimate Ameri
can interest. As it now stands it outrages every prinoiple of
reciprocity and has, besides, lost the consistency and logicality
of its original foolishness.
IS THERE ANY MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRE
SENTATIVES WHO WILL DARE STAND UP AND JUS
TIFY THE GRAIN SCHEDULE ON GROUNDS OF RF.CI
PROCITY—OR OF RATIONALITY?
« t t
OUR ANTEDILUVIAN ANCESTORS!
C« Pi right, 1DJ 3. International Nwi Barnoa.
Ci-iFf VILLE
VAN CO.
FuRNmiRC.
Movep WitH
Cf\RE
- You'll, have, to
/cut out That
(NOt^E.*. T'*, AO'iN
Sthe rule^ of the
■ BOARD OF HEALTH
1
f STop That’*' n
(WO^E' I CANT
[GET MY
-,To SLEEP 1 .
/■IT You Dont \
j 9u\t That RACKiY
( ' Ll oo out There,
(ANP PUhtCH You’.
N
c-proppji
“Cliffville is no place for a literary man!”
‘‘Why, what’s the matter?”
“Aw, loci' >t the trouble Professor Skinclothes is having! He’s writing a novel, and he’s only got to
chapter eight and the people are kicking already about the noise he’s making!"
Sending Messages and Carrying Them
In a leading editorial expres
sion in the current Bench and
Bar the editors declare, as le
gal experts, that the provision
of the Panama Canal bill to ex
empt from tolls American coastwise shipping does not seem to
contravene any article of the Hay Pauncefote treaty. They
say:
We coni ess to having been much impressed by Senator
0’Gorman's address before the Senate, in which the position
was taken that the provision of the canal bill to exempt from
tolls American coastwise shipping is not in contravention of Ar
tide III of the Hay Pauncefote treaty.
That is to say, as there is nothing to prevent the other
nations, including Great Britain, from remitting or reimbursing
by subsidy or otherwise all tolls paid by their citizens or sub
jeds for vessels making use of the canal, it is unreasonable to
suppose that the United States, by whose money and genius the
canal was made possible, may not do likewise with reference to
its own citizens.
In other words, we can see no great difference, in prin
ciple. between the right of the United States to reimburse and
its right to remit or exempt, and to hold that this country might
not exempt its own shipping from tolls would, it seems to us,
be to deprive it of a power which clearly resides in every other
nation which may make use of the canal.”
By ELBERT HUBBARD.
Coyyright, 1913, International News Service.
I T 1m, of course, very necessary
that when you are intrusted
with a message you shall de
liver il to the right party in the
least possible space of time.
The man. however, who in
trusts another with a message
has a duty to perform quite as
much as the man who is given
one.
There are men who can newt
get messages carried, and other
men there he who inspire mes
sengers with loyalty, fidelity and
courage.
It is a somewhat curious thing
that fhe most able men are never
good teachers. “The great teach
er.” says Emerson. “Is not the
man Who supplies the most facts,
but the one in whose presence wo
become different people."
Too much individuality repels,
overawes, subdues. An overpow
ering personality is a willopus-
wallopus in other words, a
steam-roller that flattens any
thing and everybody in the vi -
dnit.v.
Making Merchants.
In the United States there are
a few merchants who are discov
erers of genius, but most are
served by the mediocre, not to
mention the time-server, the
flunkey, the hypocrite and the
lickspittle.
One great merchant in the
United States lives in history-, not
only because he was a great mer
chant hut because he discovered
to the world fully a half-dozen
other great merchants. That is.
he took young men. gave them an
opportunity, and under his benef
icent guiding influence these
country hoys bloomed and blos
somed.
When > ou expect a messenger
to deliver a message it is well
not to hamper him w ith too many
instructions, nor scare him into
innocuous desuetude by retailing
the dangers that he will encoun
ter. describing for him the pun
ishment he will receive if he fails
to deliver the message.
It is a great man who knows
when to place reliance in an
other. to relegate and delegate
and keep discipline out of sight.
To let one line of figures at the
bottom of the balance sheet teil
the tale This is genius.
Genius in Selection.
of course, if you repose confi
dence in the wrong man you will
rue it. but genius turns on selec
tion Big men. nowadays, are big
because they get others to do
their work.
Nap deon aid “1 win my bat
tles with my marshals!" And
then 'a lien he whs asked where
Wl
throwing responsibility on them.
Note the loyalty and love of
Bertrand, who followed his mas
ter to St. Helena, giving up home,
religion, family and all of his
own private interests that he
might sefvi his master even re
fusing to leave his ill as tv r when
deliver it to the proper person,
and this expeditiously, is a fine art
that employers would do well to
acq uire.
A trusted messenger is fine, but
a trusting employer is finer still,
A breath of suspicion will taint
the whole fabric of trust if Ben
Lindsey doubted that his boys
would go where they were sent,
very few of them would ever
reach the iron gales and hear
their clanging welcome.
A Fine Idea.
The secret of Ben Lindsey's suc
cess is simple: he believes in his
boys. And that is why the boys
believe in him.
Ben Lindsey kissing the cheek
of a bad boy and sending the lad
away to prison alone, unattended,
uncoerced, is a finer- thing to me
than Napoleon's habit of pulling
dow n the head of one of his mar
shals and kissing the bearded
cheek.
"Know thyself!" said Socrates.
"Trust thyself!” said Emerson.
"Trust others!" says Ben Lind
sey.
When President ^cKinlej^gave
that message to Rowan he trusted
Rowan to carry it. There were
no instructions, no threats, no
implied doubts, n<) injunctions,
Rowan asked no questions;
neither did McKinley.
The big man is not the man
who wants to live not only his
own life but the life of others,
but he is great who} reposes faith
in others, and thus brings out the
best that is in them, that which
was often before ubguessed.
The Country as Seen by a City Man
ELBERT HUBBARD.
he was’ dead, hut remaining at St.
Helena in order that his own dust
might mingle in the grave with
this man he loved.
Any om \\Tv> can inspire an
other with such love cannot be
obliterated by the scratch of the
pen or the shrug of a shoulder.
Napoleon certainly had personal-
it> . at the same time he did not
use it to destroy the personality
of others.
Ben Lindsey 's Boys.
(ireat is the man supremely
great who does not bestride the
narrow world like a colossus and
cause other men to run and peep
about under his huge legs to find
themselves dishonorable graves.
The world is big enough for all
of us. and a very good slogan is:
“Make room! Make room!" And
if you are bound to give an or
der, let it be this: "Open up that
gangway' ’’
Ben Lindsey has entrusted a
thousand boys, each with a mes
sage. and the message he gave
them was their commitment pa
pers. *
These boys carried the message;
and out of the thousand a scant
half dozen proved derelict. And
just remember that all of these
boys belonged to the “criminal
class!"
Let us here quote Napoleon
again, who said: “The criminal
classV Ah. yes. I light my bat
tles with the crtniii'< lass!"
T<« entrust a tm.'x ,v,e b* i mes
senger with th” full .'oitfidcnce
that he will do uaurriU else but
By JAMES J.
AR from the glad cries of
the traffic policeman to the
patient truck driver the
pleasant perfume of the gas
mains, and the joyous tumult of
the shoppers’ crush is a strange,
weird region called The Country.
Keep away from it! For miles
and miles you may wander its
monotonous* green wastes and.
never hear the reverberating mu
sic of a trolley car rounding a
curve.
You will miss the kindly
'warning of the chauffeur as you
crawl from beneath the wheels of
his car; your heart will be heavy
with homesickness for the freshly
turned earth on the torn up
streets, and the dainty plank
walks around cxecavfltiona for
new buildings.
No Safes Going Up.
There are no fiats in the coun
try. There are nq. gala block-
long displays of family washing
swung between brick dwellings.
!ik« the fluttering pennants on a
holiday-dressed man-of-war. No
safes destined for the thirty-sec
ond story of a highly thatched
sky scraper part their hawsers and
come hurtling down to the pave
ment, to provide edification to all
nearby populace save that portion
that happens to be directly under
neath. Never does a fire chief
drive unconventionally down the
sidewalk execrating the fleeing
public as he sweeps by. Never
does an ambulance on its splen
did errand of mercy ( rash madly
through a crowd, and make busi
ness for the other ambulances
that follow in its wake.
Evil no! .->vage be'igts confront
you at ever; urn. Horned > . n
MONTAGUE.
fearsome brown eyes; reptiles
that sit on logs chorusing “cheep,,
che&p." until you approach, and’
plunge suspiciously intoj
pools as if distrustful of your
presence; long-eared, white-tailed
creatures that flicker across your
path like flashes of light or peer
at you silent and sinister from
behind stone walls; winged crea
tures with plumage copied from
women’s hats, that chatter in the
boughs of trees at sunset, and are
up at the first blush of dawn to
break vour rest with their shrill
piping.
All Poets Are Mart!
From the earth and from the
dark green woods dome scents
that startle and disquiet you—
not the familiar smells of banana
peels, and coal smoke and cower
manholes, but disturbing unrec
ognized odors that proc<y?d from
tawdry, flimsy' creations called
flowers, that have' their rqots in
the common dingy ground.
A mad poet—all poets are mad,
but this one was madder than
most of his fellows—once Wrote:
“They come, the merry summer
months, with beauty, sopgand
flowers.
They come, the gladsome npfonth*
that bring thick leafiness to
bowers.
Up! Up! M \ soul, and w alk
abroad, fling calk and care
aside:
1 Seek -diem woods, or res; thyself
where peaceful waters glide:
Or underneath tn^ •shadtAv vast
of patriarchal tree
» S' in through its lea\*-s h*
i boundbss cky, in rap? tran
quillity.”
T 1 1
John 1 emple Lj
raves
Writes on j
England’s Insurance
Mm %■ II
Against Attack
A
V. ft
No Nation Would Ever Attack This
mbs .ijgfl
Country, He Says, if Our Navy
Hl\ j h
Were Amjile Lor Self-Defense—
If It were Large Enough to Pro-
ted Both Our Atlantic and Pacific
(’oasts.
By JOHN TEMPLE GRAVES
D R. LYMAN ABBOTT is re
ceiving the merited con
gratulations' of hia coun
trymen for the level-headed com
mon sense of his position as an
advocate of universal peace.
Dr. Abbott is constitutionally
an advocate of peace. He is tem
peramentally a man of common
sense
And the peace societies which
have sought, to discipline him by
dismissing him from their mem
bership have emphasized in a
very great degree the eminenj.
soundness of Dr. Abbott's method
of promoting universal peace.
The best way to promote peace
is to be prepared for war.
There was never a sounder
maxim in history or experience.
England has l**en for four hun
dred years the prophet and ex
ponent of that doctrine among
nations. And England's evangel
has gone far as the curse of war
is found and has presented a
groat example as the vindication
of a wise and far-seeing policy.
Immune From Attacks.
There can be no answer by the
“peaee-at-any-priee” men to the
fact that with the greatest navy
in the world England has been
absolutely immune from attacks
by any foreign nation and abso
lutely exempt from any war
w hich she did not choose to make.
No nation has attacked Eng
land within these four centuries.
No nation would attack any other
country that had as great a navy
as England. No nation would
ever attack this country if our
navy were ample for self-defense
f— if it were large enough to pro
tect both -pur Atlantic and Pa
cific coasts.
This fact is so true and so self-
evident that it is worthy to be an
axiom. It is so true and has been
so conspicuously vindicated as
true that it is simply wonderful
that other nations, and particu
larly our own nation, has not had
the common sense to follow it.
Our Own Navy.
The present size of our navy,
inadequate as it is. will explain
the fact that we have enjoyed a
comparative exemption so long as
we had no navy, and England one
hundred years ago took advan
tage of our poverty in warships,
sailed up our majestic Potomac
and laid the capital of this Re
public in ashes.
Germany, the most martial of
European nations, realizes the
common sense which Dr. Abbott
has so placidly expressed, and is
constantly building its navy to
the standard of preserving peace.
Japan has expressed every
progressive step in its modern
development by the yearly rein
forcement of its navy. The teach
able genius of Ja^tan is vigorously
illustrated in 'the fact that its an
swer to the suggestions of the
present controversy with the
United States is to give an order
for three great battleships at
once.
For Universal Peace,
There are no sincerer advo
cates of universal peace than the
Hearst newspapers. The editorial
page tf The New,York American
contained the article written three
years ago on Christmas Day
which revived the sentiment for
universal peace throughout the
world. Copies of that editorial
were sent by distinguished hands
to the rulers and chief authorities
of every great kingdom in the
world. It represented, I think,
the spirit of the Hearst newspa
pers. And it was regarded and
reproduced as one of the sound
est and most effective arguments
ever written for universal peace.
. But the spirit of that utter
ance, like the spirit of Lyman Ab
bott. was the spirit of prudence
and of common sense. It realized
the fact that no nation can fold
its hands end throw away its
fighting power while other na
tions increase their fighting pow
er. Dr. Abbott expressed it in an
effective epigram:
An Alternative.
“There are two ways in which
a nation can maintain peace.
Either by being so weak that it
can not fight, or by being so strong
that nobody wants to fight it.
Our nation should be so strong
it will never have to fight.”
By and by. when the great na
tions fully realize that each one
is in the race of great navies to
stay as long as the others stay,
the universal' common sense will
bring about the universal agree
ment of nations to cease the
building of navies and to submit
all quarrels to just tribunals for
decision.
But until that day there is no
wise or patriotic thing to do but
to keep the pace and keep up
with the procession, and, as far
as national resources will allow,
to lead the procession as the
United States can do.
/ The United States Congress
will demonstrate the narrowness
of its judgment, the weakness of
its comprehension and the lack of
patriotism in its ranks, if it fails
to keep this country side by side
with every other, great country so
long as groat navies are the only
peace-makers and the only insur
ance policies against the destruc
tion of war.
We are able to pay SL’O.'>00.000
a year as an insurance against
war. Let this Congress take out
the policy.
The Story of the Loyalists
By REV. THOMAS B. GREGORY.
r.a no attention u> tlii
r''.*p^nd\-. Keep away o
Country—tc. eeic.iL in si
O NE hundred and thirty-five
years ago a little company
of men. women and chil
dren. numbering altogether some
hundred and ninety-six souls,
turned and struck out for the
wilds of Canada.
It was the beginning 6f the
exodus of the * Tories." or. as they
called themselves, the “Loyalists.”
Starting sooh after the American
Declaration of Independence, the
movement broadened and deep
ened until it took in tens of thou
sands. It has been estimated that
more than one hundred thousand
American colonists took refuge in
Canada between 1778 and 1784.
These Tories, or Loyalists, were
to be found in all the colonies,
and in large numbers. Some au
thorities of acknowledged respec
tability declare that they were as
numerous as the Patriots and in
many localities outnumbered
them. % They were strong in New
York State, in North Carolina,
Pennsylvania and Virginia.
In wealth, education and social *
standing they were far superior
to the WhigS. or Patriots. To
them belonged nearly all of the
"leading families" and "distin
guished individuals" of the time.
The ancestors of many of the
prominent New Yorkers and oth-
I er influential Americans of to-day
were among those who emigrated
t«. Canada rather than live under
tbo banner of the reboldom.
one of the go*wl tilings about
Time is that it heals wounds.
cools passion and opens the eyes
of the understanding, so that we
can see with unclouded vision the
things to which we were once
blinded.
Th* Tories believed that it was
their duty to be loyal to the Brit
ish King and nation, and in
obedience to that conviction they
stood ready to sacrifice the most
precious things that “mortal time
affords”—home, wealth, comfort,'
the good will of their neighbors—
yes, and life itself.
From a sense of duty the Loy
alists forsook all these things and
cast themselves into the bleak,
wild, inhospitable wilderness of
the North, to suffer unspeakable
privations and perils; and small
is the mind that is not able to see
in all this the highest and grand
est of manhood—the Manhood of
Principle, the manhood which
cheerfully accepts the work in
order that it may be faithful to
that which it believes to be right.
Absolute truth and right is a
mere chimera. The only truth
and right that mortals can know'
anything about, or should be at
all concerned about, is that which
really and truly commends itself
to them as such. The Eternal
alone knows what is actually
right, and the only thing for us to
do is to stand true to that which
we honestly feel to be fight.
That’s what the Tories did.
That’s what the Patriots did. And
they were both righL